Communist terrorism describes terrorism carried out in the advancement of, or by groups who adhere to, communism or related ideologies, such as Leninism, Maoism, or Marxism–Leninism. In history communist terrorism has sometimes taken the form of state-sponsored terrorism, supported by communist nations such as the Soviet Union, North Korea and Cambodia. In addition, non-state actors such as the Red Brigades, the Front Line and the Red Army Faction have engaged in communist terrorism; these groups hope to inspire the masses to rise up and begin a revolution to overthrow existing political and economic systems. This form of terrorism can sometimes be called left terrorism; the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Soviet Union have been credited with leading to a marked decrease in this form of terrorism. Brian Crozier and director of the Institute for the Study of Conflict, has said that communism was the primary source of both state-sponsored and non-state terrorism. In the 1930s, the term "communist terrorism" was used by the Nazi Party in Germany as part of a propaganda campaign to spread fear of communism.
The Nazis blamed communist terrorism for the Reichstag fire, which they used as an excuse to push through legislation removing personal freedom from German citizens. In the 1940s and 1950s, various Southeast Asian countries, such as the Philippines and Vietnam, witnessed the rise of communist groups engaging in terrorism. John Slocum has written that communists in present-day Malaysia used terrorism to draw attention to their ideological beliefs, but Phillip Deery has written that the Malaysian insurgents were called communist terrorists only as part of a propaganda campaign. In the 1960s, the Sino–Soviet split led to a marked increase in terrorist activity in the region; that decade saw various terrorist groups commencing operations in Europe and the Americas. Yonah Alexander deemed these groups Fighting Communist Organizations, says they rose out of the student union movement protesting against the Vietnam War. In Western Europe, these groups' actions were known as Euroterrorism; the founders of FCOs argued that violence was necessary to achieve their goals, that peaceful protest was both ineffective and insufficient to attain them.
In the 1970s, there were an estimated 50 Marxist or Leninist groups operating in Turkey, an estimated 225 groups operating in Italy. Groups began operations in Ireland and the United Kingdom; these groups were deemed a major threat by NATO and the Italian and British governments. Communist terrorism did not enjoy full support from all ideologically sympathetic groups; the Italian Communist Party, for example, condemned such activity. While Vladimir Lenin systematically denounced the terrorism practiced by the Socialist Revolutionaries and opposed regicide, he supported terror as a tool, considered mass terror to be a strategic and efficient method for advancing revolutionary goals. According to Leon Trotsky, Lenin emphasized the absolute necessity of terror and as early as 1904, Lenin said, "The dictatorship of the proletariat is an meaningless expression without Jacobin coercion." In 1905, Lenin directed members of the St. Petersburg "Combat Committee" to commit acts of robbery and other terrorist acts.
Not all scholars agree on Lenin's position towards terrorism. Joan Witte contends that he opposed the practice except when it was wielded by the party and the Red Army after 1917, she suggests that he opposed the use of terrorism as a mindless act but endorsed its use in order to advance the communist revolution. Chaliand and Blin contend that Lenin advocated mass terror but objected to disorderly, unorganized, or petty acts of terrorism. According to Richard Drake, Lenin had abandoned any reluctance to use terrorist tactics by 1917, believing that all resistance to communist revolution should be met with maximum force. Drake contends that the terrorist intent in Lenin's program was unmistakable, as acknowledged by Trotsky in his book Terrorism and Communism: a Reply, published in 1918. In the book, Trotsky provided an elaborate justification for the use of terror, stating "The man who repudiates terrorism in principle, i.e. repudiates measures of suppression and intimidation towards determined and armed counterrevolution, must reject all ideas of the political supremacy of the working class and its revolutionary dictatorship."
Trotsky's justification rests on a criticism of the usage of the term "terrorism" to describe all political violence on behalf of the Left, but not vicious political violence carried out by Liberal or reactionary factions. Scholars on the Left argue that while it is a matter of historical record that communist movements did at times employ violence, the label of "terrorism" is disproportionately used in Western media sources to refer to all political violence employed by the left, while violent tactics employed by the United States and its allies remain unscrutinized. A similar phenomenon is visible with respect to Islamic terrorism; the St Nedelya Church assault on the 16 of April 1925 was committed by a group from the Bulgarian Communist Party. They blew up the roof of the St Nedelya Church in Bulgaria. 150 people were killed and around 500 were injured. The Cambodian genocide committed by the Khmer Rouge, which led to the death of an estimated 1.7 million to 2.5 million people has been described as an act of terrorism by Joseph S. Tuman.
Benjamin A. Valentino has estimated that the atrocities committed by both the Nationalist government and the Communists during the Chinese Civil War resulted in the death of between 1.8 million and 3.5 million people between 1927 and 1949. In the late 1940s, the United States Department of State report
A resistance movement is an organized effort by some portion of the civil population of a country to withstand the established government or an occupying power and to disrupt civil order and stability. It may seek to achieve its objectives through either the use of nonviolent resistance, or the use of force, whether armed or unarmed. In many cases, as for example in Norway in the Second World War, a resistance movement may employ both violent and non-violent methods operating under different organizations and acting in different phases or geographical areas within a country. On the lawfulness of armed resistance movements in international law, there has been a dispute between states since at least 1899, when the first major codification of the laws of war in the form of a series of international treaties took place. In the Preamble to the 1899 Hague Convention II on Land War, the Martens Clause was introduced as a compromise wording for the dispute between the Great Powers who considered francs-tireurs to be unlawful combatants subject to execution on capture and smaller states who maintained that they should be considered lawful combatants.
More the 1977 Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts, referred in Article 1. Paragraph 4 to armed conflicts "... in which peoples are fighting against colonial domination and alien occupation and against racist regimes..." This phraseology contains many ambiguities that cloud the issue of, or is not a legitimate combatant. Hence depending on the perspective of a state's government, a resistance movement may or may not be labelled a terrorist group based on whether the members of a resistance movement are considered lawful or unlawful combatants and whether they are recognized as having a right to resist occupation; the distinction is a political judgment. The modern usage of the term "Resistance" originates from the self-designation of many movements during World War II the French Resistance; the term is still linked to the context of the events of 1939–45, to opposition movements in Axis-occupied countries.
Using the term "resistance" to designate a movement meeting the definition prior to World War II might be considered by some to be an anachronism. However, such movements existed prior to World War II, there have been many after it – for example in struggles against colonialism and foreign military occupations. "Resistance" has become a generic term, used to designate underground resistance movements in any country. Resistance movements can include any irregular armed force that rises up against an enforced or established authority, government, or administration; this includes groups that consider themselves to be resisting tyranny. Some resistance movements are underground organizations engaged in a struggle for national liberation in a country under military occupation or totalitarian domination. Tactics of resistance movements against a constituted authority range from nonviolent resistance and civil disobedience, to guerrilla warfare and terrorism, or conventional warfare if the resistance movement is strong enough.
Any government facing violent acts from a resistance movement condemns such acts as terrorism when such attacks target only the military or security forces. Resistance during World War II was dedicated to fighting the Axis occupiers. Germany itself had an anti-Nazi German resistance movement in this period. Although the United Kingdom did not suffer invasion in World War II, preparations were made for a British resistance movement in the event of a German invasion When we talk about geographies of resistance, we take for granted that resistance takes place in the spaces where domination, power, or oppression is present. So, resistance is understood as something that always opposes to power or domination. However, some scholars believe and argue that looking at resistance in relation to only power and domination will not provide us a full understanding of the actual nature of resistance. Not all power, domination or oppression leads to resistance, not all cases of resistance are against or to oppose what we categorize as "power."
In fact, they believe that resistance has its own spatialities. In Steve Pile's "Opposition, political identities and spaces of resistance," geographies of resistance show: That people are positioned differently in unequal and multiple power relationships, that more or less powerful people are active in the constitution of unfolding relationships of authority and identity, that these activities are contingent and awkwardly situated, but that resistance seeks to occupy and create alternative spatialities from those defined through oppression and exploitation. From this perspective, assumptions about the domination/resistance couplet become questionable. We can better understand resistance by accounting different perspectives and by breaking the presumptions that resistance is always against power. In fact, resistance should be understood not only in relations to domination and authority, but through other experiences, such as "desire and anger and ability, happiness and fear and forgetting," meaning that resistance is not always about the dominated versus the dominator, the exploited versus the exploiter, or the oppressed versus the oppressor.
There are various forms of resistance for various reasons, which can be, classified as violent and nonviolent resistance. Different geographical spaces can make different forms of resistance p
Piracy is an act of robbery or criminal violence by ship or boat-borne attackers upon another ship or a coastal area with the goal of stealing cargo and other valuable items or properties. Those who engage in acts of piracy are called pirates; the earliest documented instances of piracy were in the 14th century BC, when the Sea Peoples, a group of ocean raiders, attacked the ships of the Aegean and Mediterranean civilizations. Narrow channels which funnel shipping into predictable routes have long created opportunities for piracy, as well as for privateering and commerce raiding. Historic examples include the waters of Gibraltar, the Strait of Malacca, the Gulf of Aden, the English Channel, whose geographic structures facilitated pirate attacks. A land-based parallel is the ambushing of travelers by bandits and brigands in highways and mountain passes. Privateering uses similar methods to piracy, but the captain acts under orders of the state authorizing the capture of merchant ships belonging to an enemy nation, making it a legitimate form of war-like activity by non-state actors.
While the term can include acts committed in the air, on land, or in other major bodies of water or on a shore, in cyberspace, as well as the fictional possibility of space piracy, this article focuses on maritime piracy. It does not include crimes committed against people traveling on the same vessel as the perpetrator. Piracy or pirating is the name of a specific crime under customary international law and the name of a number of crimes under the municipal law of a number of states. In the early 21st century, seaborne piracy against transport vessels remains a significant issue in the waters between the Red Sea and Indian Ocean, off the Somali coast, in the Strait of Malacca and Singapore. Today, pirates armed with automatic weapons, such as assault rifles, machine guns and rocket propelled grenades use small motorboats to attack and board ships, a tactic that takes advantage of the small number of crew members on modern cargo vessels and transport ships, they use larger vessels, known as "mother ships", to supply the smaller motorboats.
The international community is facing many challenges in bringing modern pirates to justice, as these attacks occur in international waters. Some nations have used their naval forces to protect private ships from pirate attacks and to pursue pirates, some private vessels use armed security guards, high-pressure water cannons, or sound cannons to repel boarders, use radar to avoid potential threats; the English word "pirate" comes from the Latin term purateivitia and that from Greek πειρατής, "brigand", in turn from πειράομαι, "I attempt", from πεῖρα, "attempt, experience". The meaning of the Greek word peiratēs is "one who attacks"; the word is cognate to peril. The term first appeared in English c. 1300. Spelling did not become standardised until the eighteenth century, spellings such as "pirrot", "pyrate" and "pyrat" occurred until this period, it may be reasonable to assume that piracy has existed for as long as the oceans were plied for commerce. As early as 258 AD, the Gothic-Herulic fleet ravaged towns on the coasts of the Black Sea and Sea of Marmara.
The Aegean coast suffered similar attacks a few years later. In 264, the Goths reached Galatia and Cappadocia, Gothic pirates landed on Cyprus and Crete. In the process, the Goths took thousands into captivity. In 286 AD, Carausius, a Roman military commander of Gaulish origins, was appointed to command the Classis Britannica, given the responsibility of eliminating Frankish and Saxon pirates, raiding the coasts of Armorica and Belgic Gaul. In the Roman province of Britannia, Saint Patrick was enslaved by Irish pirates; the most known and far-reaching pirates in medieval Europe were the Vikings, seaborne warriors from Scandinavia who raided and looted between the 8th and 12th centuries, during the Viking Age in the Early Middle Ages. They raided the coasts and inland cities of all Western Europe as far as Seville, attacked by the Norse in 844. Vikings attacked the coasts of North Africa and Italy and plundered all the coasts of the Baltic Sea; some Vikings ascending the rivers of Eastern Europe as far as the Black Sea and Persia.
The lack of centralized powers all over Europe during the Middle Ages enabled pirates to attack ships and coastal areas all over the continent. In the Late Middle Ages, the Frisian pirates known as Arumer Zwarte Hoop led by Pier Gerlofs Donia and Wijerd Jelckama, fought against the troops of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V with some success. Toward the end of the 9th century, Moorish pirate havens were established along the coast of southern France and northern Italy. In 846 Moor raiders sacked the extra muros Basilicas of Saint Paul in Rome. In 911, the bishop of Narbonne was unable to return to France from Rome because the Moors from Fraxinet controlled all the passes in the Alps. Moor pirates operated out of the Balearic Islands in the 10th century. From 824 to 961 Arab pirates in the Emirate of Crete raided the entire Mediterranean. In the 14th century, raids by Moor pirates forced the Venetian Duke of Crete to ask Venice to keep its fleet on constant guard. After the Slavic invasions of the former Roman province of Dalmatia in the 5th and 6th centuries, a tribe called the Narentines revived the old Illyrian piratical habits and raided the Adriatic Sea starting in the 7th
American Idiot is the seventh studio album by American rock band Green Day, released on September 20, 2004 by Reprise Records. Following disappointing sales of their previous album Warning, the band took a break before recording their next album, titled Cigarettes and Valentines; the recording process was cut short when the album's master tapes were stolen, rather than re-recording that material, the band decided to start over. A concept album dubbed a "punk rock opera" by the band members, American Idiot follows the story of Jesus of Suburbia, a lower-middle-class American adolescent anti-hero. Through its plot, the album expresses the disillusionment and dissent of a generation that came of age in a period shaped by tumultuous events such as the Iraq War. Recording sessions were split between two California studios between 2003 and 2004. American Idiot marked a career comeback for Green Day following a period of decreased success, it charted in 27 countries, peaking at number one in 19, sold 16 million copies worldwide.
The album spawned five successful singles: "American Idiot", "Boulevard of Broken Dreams", "Holiday", "Wake Me Up When September Ends" and "Jesus of Suburbia". American Idiot was well received critically and won the Grammy Award for Best Rock Album in 2005, its success inspired a planned feature film adaptation. It has been praised in the years following its release, appearing on several year-end and decade-end lists. Green Day, which formed in 1986 and spent early years touring punk rock clubs, emerged in the early 1990s as one of the most popular rock acts, their third album and major-label debut Dookie sold upwards of 20 million copies. Subsequent releases were hits, including the multi-platinum successes Insomniac and Nimrod, their subsequent album Warning, released in 2000, was considered a significant commercial disappointment, despite positive reviews. In early 2002, the band embarked on the Pop Disaster Tour, co-headlining with Blink-182; the tour created momentum for the trio, who began to be viewed as "elder statesmen" of the pop punk scene at the time, which consisted of bands like Good Charlotte, Sum 41, New Found Glory.
By this time, things had come to a point regarding unresolved personal issues between the three band members. The band was argumentative and miserable, according to band member Mike Dirnt, needed to "shift directions". In addition, the band released a greatest hits album, International Superhits!, which they felt was "an invitation to midlife crisis". Frontman Billie Joe Armstrong called Dirnt and asked him, "Do you wanna do anymore?" He felt insecure, having become "fascinated and horrified" by his reckless lifestyle, his marriage was in jeopardy. Dirnt and Tré Cool viewed the frontman as controlling, while Armstrong feared to show his bandmates new songs. Beginning in January 2003, the group had weekly personal discussions, which resulted in a revitalized feeling among the musicians, they settled on more musical input from Cool and Dirnt, with "more respect and less criticism". The band had spent much of 2002 recording new material at Studio 880 in Oakland, California for an album titled Cigarettes and Valentines, creating "polka songs, filthy versions of Christmas tunes, salsa numbers" for the project, hoping to establish something new within their music.
After completing twenty songs, the rough demo master tapes were stolen that November. The musicians insisted they had no leads on its whereabouts until 2016, when during an interview with NME Armstrong and Dirnt stated that they recovered the material, that the band is now using the tapes for ideas; the band consulted longtime producer Rob Cavallo about. Cavallo told the members to ask themselves. Armstrong said that the band members "couldn't look at ourselves and say,'That was the best thing we've done.' So we decided to move on and do something new." The band members agreed to spend the next three months writing new material. American Idiot was born out of two incidents: the loss of the aforementioned recordings and an occasion when the trio each individually crafted their own ambitious thirty-second songs. Armstrong recalled, "It started getting more serious. We kept connecting these little half-minute bits until we had something." This musical suite became "Homecoming", the group subsequently wrote another suite, "Jesus of Suburbia".
It changed the development of the album, the trio began viewing songs as more than their format—as chapters, movements, or a feature film or novel. Soon afterward, Armstrong penned the record's title track, which explicitly addresses sociopolitical issues; the group decided that they would steer the development of the album toward what they dubbed a "punk rock opera."Prior to recording, Green Day rented rehearsal space in Oakland. Armstrong invited Cavallo to help guide their writing processes. Cavallo encouraged the idea of a concept album, recalling a conversation the two had a decade prior, in which Armstrong expressed his desire for their career to have a "Beatles-like arc to their creativity." During the group's sessions at Studio 880, the members of Green Day spent their days writing material and would stay up late and discussing music. The band set up a pirate radio station from which it would broadcast jam sessions, along with occasional prank calls; the band demoed the album sufficiently so that it would be written and sequenced before they went to record.
Hoping to clear his head and develop new ideas for songs, Arms
Propaganda of the deed
Propaganda of the deed is specific political action meant to be exemplary to others and serve as a catalyst for revolution. It is associated with acts of violence perpetrated by proponents of insurrectionary anarchism in the late 19th and early 20th century, including bombings and assassinations aimed at the ruling class, but had non-violent applications; these "deeds" were to ignite the "spirit of revolt" in the people by demonstrating the state was not omnipotent and by offering hope to the downtrodden, to expand support for anarchist movements as the state grew more repressive in its response. In 1881, the International Anarchist Congress of London gave the tactic its approval. One of the first individuals to conceptualise propaganda by the deed was the Italian revolutionary Carlo Pisacane, who wrote in his "Political Testament" that "ideas spring from deeds and not the other way around." Mikhail Bakunin, in his "Letters to a Frenchman on the Present Crisis" stated that "we must spread our principles, not with words but with deeds, for this is the most popular, the most potent, the most irresistible form of propaganda."
The concept, in a broader setting, has a rich heritage, as the words of Francis of Assisi reveal: "Let them show their love by the works they do for each other, according as the Apostle says:'let us not love in word or in tongue, but in deed and in truth.'" Some anarchists, such as Johann Most, advocated publicizing violent acts of retaliation against counter-revolutionaries because "we preach not only action in and for itself, but action as propaganda." It was not advocacy for mass murder, but a call for targeted killings of the representatives of capitalism and government at a time when such action might garner sympathy from the population, such as during periods of government repression or labor conflicts, although Most himself once boasted that "the existing system will be quickest and most radically overthrown by the annihilation of its exponents. Therefore, massacres of the enemies of the people must be set in motion." In 1885, he published The Science of Revolutionary Warfare, a technical manual for acquiring and detonating explosives based on the knowledge he acquired by working at an explosives factory in New Jersey.
Most was an early influence on American anarchists Emma Alexander Berkman. Berkman attempted propaganda by the deed when he tried in 1892 to kill industrialist Henry Clay Frick following the deaths by shooting of several striking workers. Beverly Gage, professor of U. S. history at Yale University, elaborates on what the concept meant to outsiders and those within the anarchist movement: To outsiders, the talk of bombing and assassination that pulsed through revolutionary circles in the late 1870s sounded like little more than an indiscriminate call to violence. To Most and others within the anarchist movement, by contrast, the idea of propaganda by deed, or the attentat, had a specific logic. Among anarchism's founding premises was the idea that capitalist society was a place of constant violence: every law, every church, every paycheck was based on force. In such a world, to do nothing, to stand idly by while millions suffered, was itself to commit an act of violence; the question was not whether violence per se might be justified, but how violence might be maximally effective for, in Most's words, annihilating the "beast of property" that "makes mankind miserable, gains in cruelty and voracity with the progress of our so called civilization."
By the 1880s, the slogan "propaganda of the deed" had begun to be used both within and outside of the anarchist movement to refer to individual bombings and tyrannicides. In 1881, "propaganda by the deed" was formally adopted as a strategy by the anarchist London Congress. In 1886, French anarchist Clément Duval achieved a form of propaganda of the deed, stealing 15,000 francs from the mansion of a Parisian socialite, before accidentally setting the house on fire. Caught two weeks he was dragged from the court crying "Long live anarchy!", condemned to death. Duval's sentence was commuted to hard labor on Devil's Island, French Guiana. In the anarchist paper Révolte, Duval famously declared that, "Theft exists only through the exploitation of man by man... when Society refuses you the right to exist, you must take it... the policeman arrested me in the name of the Law, I struck him in the name of Liberty". As early as 1887, a few important figures in the anarchist movement had begun to distance themselves from individual acts of violence.
Peter Kropotkin thus wrote that year in Le Révolté that "a structure based on centuries of history cannot be destroyed with a few kilos of dynamite". A variety of anarchists advocated the abandonment of these sorts of tactics in favor of collective revolutionary action, for example through the trade union movement; the anarcho-syndicalist, Fernand Pelloutier, argued in 1895 for renewed anarchist involvement in the labor movement on the basis that anarchism could do well without "the individual dynamiter."State repression of the anarchist and labor movements following the few successful bombings and assassinations may have contributed to the abandonment of these kinds of tactics, although reciprocally state repression, in the first place, may have played a role in these isolated acts. The dismemberment of the French socialist movement, into many groups and, following the suppression of the 1871 Paris Commune, the execution and exile of many communards to penal colonies, favored individualist political expression and acts.
Anarchist historian Max Nettlau provided a more complex concept of propaganda when he sa
Mormonism and violence
Mormons have both used and been subjected to significant violence throughout much of the religion's history. In the early history of the United States, violence was used as a form of control. Many people of different faiths used violence in order to harass and persecute people who adhered to different religious beliefs. Mormons were violently persecuted and pushed from Ohio to Missouri, from Missouri to Illinois and from Illinois, they were pushed west to the Utah Territory. There were incidents of massacre, home burning and pillaging, followed by the death of their prophet, Joseph Smith. Smith died from multiple gunshot wounds in a gun battle. There were notable incidents in which Mormons perpetrated violence. Under the direction of Mormon prophets and apostles, Mormons burned and looted Daviess County and killed members of the Missouri state militia, carried out an extermination order on the Timpanogos. Other Mormon leaders led the Mountain Meadows Massacre, Battle Creek massacre, Circleville Massacre.
Mormons have been a major part in several wars, including the 1838 Mormon War, Walker War and Black Hawk War. The memory of this violence has affected both the history and the doctrines of the Latter Day Saint movement. Early Mormon history is marked by many instances of violence, which have helped to shape the church's views on violence; the first significant instance occurred in Missouri. Mormons who lived there tended to vote as a bloc, which lead to the unseating of the local political leadership. Differences culminated in hostilities and the eventual issuing of an executive order by Missouri governor Lilburn Boggs declaring "the Mormons must be treated as enemies, must be exterminated or driven from the State." Three days a militia unit attacked a Mormon settlement at Haun's Mill, resulting in the death of 18 Mormons and no militiamen. The Extermination Order was not formally rescinded until 1976. In Nauvoo, conflict was based on the tendency of Mormons to "dominate community and political life wherever they landed."
The city of Nauvoo had become the largest in Illinois, the city council was predominantly Mormon, the Nauvoo Legion continued to grow. Other issues of contention included polygamy, freedom of speech, anti-slavery views during Smith's presidential campaign, the deification of man. After the destruction of the press of the Nauvoo Expositor, Joseph Smith was arrested and incarcerated in Carthage Jail where he was killed by a mob on June 27, 1844; the conflict in Illinois became so severe that most of the residents of Nauvoo fled across the Mississippi River in February 1846. After Mormons established a community hundreds of miles away in the Salt Lake Valley in 1847, anti-Mormon activists in the Utah Territory convinced President Buchanan that the Mormons in the territory were rebelling against the United States under the direction of Brigham Young. In response in 1857 Buchanan sent one-third of United States's standing army to Utah in what is known as the Utah War. During the Utah War, the Mountain Meadows Massacre occurred.
Religious justification for capital punishment is not unique to Mormonism. Joseph Smith, the founder of the Latter Day Saint movement, was a strong proponent of capital punishment, he favored execution methods that involved the shedding of blood as retribution for crimes of bloodshed. In 1843, he or his scribe commented that the common execution method in Christian nations was hanging, "instead of blood for blood according to the law of heaven." In a March 4, 1843, debate with church leader George A. Smith, who argued against capital punishment, Smith said that if he had the opportunity to enact a death penalty law, he "was opposed to hanging" the convict. In the church's April 6, 1843, general conference, Smith said he would "wring a thief's neck off if I can find him. If I cannot bring him to justice any other way." Sidney Rigdon, Smith's counselor in the First Presidency supported capital punishment involving the spilling of blood, stating, "There are men standing in your midst that you cant do anything with them but cut their throat & bury them."
On the other hand, Smith was willing to tolerate the presence of men "as corrupt as the devil himself" in Nauvoo, who "had been guilty of murder and robbery," in the chance that they might "come to the waters of baptism through repentance, redeem a part of their allotted time". Brigham Young, Smith's successor in the LDS Church held views on capital punishment that were similar to those of Smith. On January 27, 1845, he spoke approvingly of Smith's toleration of "corrupt men" in Nauvoo who were guilty of murder and robbery on the chance that they might repent and be baptized. On the other hand, on February 25, 1846, after the Saints had left Nauvoo, Young threatened adherents who had stolen wagon cover strings and rail timber with having their throats cut "when they get out of the settlements where his orders could be executed"; that year, Young gave orders that "when a man is found to be a thief... cut his throat & thro' him in the River." Young stated that the decapitation of repeated sinners "is the law of God & it shall be executed."
There are no documented instances of such a sentence being carried out on the Mormon Trail. In the Salt Lake Valley, Young acted as the executive authority while the Council of Fifty acted as a legislatur
A death squad is an armed group that conducts extrajudicial killings or forced disappearances of persons for the purposes such as political repression, torture, ethnic cleansing, or revolutionary terror. These killings are conducted in ways meant to ensure the secrecy of the killers' identities. Death squads may have the support of foreign governments, they may comprise a secret police force, paramilitary militia groups, government soldiers, policemen, or combinations thereof. They may be organized as vigilantes; when death squads are not controlled by the state, they may consist of insurgent forces or organized crime, such as the ones used by cartels. Although the term "death squad" did not rise to notoriety until the activities of such groups became known in Central and South America during the 1970s and 80s, death squads have been employed under different guises throughout history; the term was first used by the fascist Iron Guard in Romania. It installed Iron guard death squads in 1936 in order to kill political enemies.
It was used during the Battle of Algiers by Paul Aussaresses. In Latin America, death squads first appeared in Brazil where a group called Esquadrão da Morte emerged in the 1960s. Argentina used extrajudicial killings as a way of crushing the liberal and communist opposition to the military junta during the'Dirty War' of the 1970s. For example, Alianza Anticomunista Argentina was a far-right death squad active during the "Dirty War"; the Chilean military regime of 1973–1990 committed such killings. See Operation Condor for examples. During the Salvadoran civil war, death squads achieved notoriety on March 24, 1980, when a sniper assassinated Archbishop Óscar Romero as he said Mass inside a convent chapel. In December 1980, three American nuns, Ita Ford, Dorothy Kazel, Maura Clarke, a lay worker, Jean Donovan, were gang raped and murdered by a military unit found to have been acting on specific orders. Death squads were instrumental in killing hundreds of suspected Communists. Priests who were spreading liberation theology, such as Father Rutilio Grande, were targeted as well.
The murderers were found to have been soldiers of the Salvadoran military, receiving U. S. funding and military advisors during the Carter administration. These events prompted outrage in the U. S. and led to a temporary cutoff in military aid at the end of his presidency. Death Squad activity stretched well into the Reagan years as well. Honduras had death squads active through the 1980s, the most notorious of, the army unit Battalion 316. Hundreds of people, teachers and union leaders were assassinated by government-backed forces. Battalion 316 received substantial training from the United States Central Intelligence Agency. In Southeast Asia, extrajudicial killings were conducted by both sides during the Vietnam War. For example, Viet Cong member Nguyễn Văn Lém, famous for being extrajudicially executed on camera by General Nguyễn Ngọc Loan on 1 February 1968 in Saigon, was himself claimed to have commanded a death squad targeting South Vietnamese policemen and their families during the Tet Offensive in Saigon.
As of 2010, death squads have continued to be active in several locations, including Chechnya, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic, Colombia, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, South Sudan, Somalia, Tanzania, Pakistan, Myanmar, Philippines among others. Death squads are active in this country; this appears to be difficult to stop. Moreover, there is no proof as to whom is behind the killingsIn an interview with the panafrican magazine "Jeune Afrique", Laurent Gbagbo accused one of the opposition leaders, Alassane Ouattara, to be the main organizer of the media frenzy around his wife's involvement in the killing squads, he successfully sued and won, in French courts, in cases against the French newspapers that made the accusations. In December 2014, Kenyan Anti-Terrorism Police Unit officers confessed to Al-Jazeera that they were responsible for 500 of the extrajudicial killings; the murders totaled several hundred homicides every year. They included the assassination of Abubaker Shariff Ahmed "Makaburi", an Al-Shabaab associate from Kenya, among 21 Muslim radicals murdered by the Kenyan police since 2012.
According to the agents, they resorted to killing after the Kenyan police could not prosecute terror suspects. In doing so, the officers indicated that they were acting on the direct orders of Kenya's National Security Council, which consisted of the Kenyan President, Deputy President, Chief of the Defence Forces, Inspector General of Police, National Security Intelligence Service Director, Cabinet Secretary of Interior, Principal Secretary of Interior. Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta and the National Security Council of Kenya members denied operating an extrajudicial assassination program. Additionally, the officers suggested that Western security agencies provided intelligence for the program, including the whereabouts and activities of government targets, they asserted that Britain supplied further logistics in the form of training. One Kenyan officer within the Council's General Service Unit indicated that Israeli instructors taught them how to kill; the head of the International Bar Association, Mark Ellis, cautioned that any such involvement by foreign nations would constitute a breach of international law.
The United Kingdom and Israel denie