The Komo is a river of Equatorial Guinea and Gabon. It flows for 230 kilometres, it rises in Equatorial Guinea in the southwestern part of the Woleu-Ntem plateau. However much of its watershed is in the territory of Gabon; the largest tributary of the River Komo is the Mbeya River. Its course is disturbed by geological barriers that produce waterfalls as those at Tchimbélé and Kinguélé, they are potential hydroelectric power sources for Libreville
The French Congo or Middle Congo was a French colony which at one time comprised the present-day area of the Republic of the Congo and the Central African Republic. The French Congo began at Brazzaville on 10 September 1880 as a protectorate over the Bateke people along the north bank of the Congo River, was formally established as the French Congo on 30 November 1882, was confirmed at the Berlin Conference of 1884–85, its borders with Cabinda and the Congo Free State were established by treaties over the next decade. The plan to develop the colony was to grant massive concessions to some thirty French companies; these were granted huge swaths of land on the promise. This development was limited and amounted to the extraction of ivory and timber; these operations involved great brutality and the near enslavement of the locals. With these measures most of the companies lost money. Only about ten earned profits. Many of the companies' vast holdings existed only on paper with no presence on the ground in Africa.
The French Congo was sometimes known as Gabon-Congo. It formally added Gabon on in 1891, was renamed Middle Congo in 1903, was temporarily divorced from Gabon in 1906, was reunited as French Equatorial Africa in 1910 in an attempt to emulate the relative success of French West Africa. A 1906 study, L'Expansion coloniale au Congo français was published in conjunction with the French Colonial Exposition in Marseille; the colony was administered under four commissioners-general prior to its reorganization into Middle Congo. Pierre Savorgnan de Brazza Louis Albert Grodet Henri Félix de Lamothe Emile Gentil French Equatorial Africa List of French possessions and colonies French colonial empire Belgian Congo Petringa, Maria. Brazza, A Life for Africa. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2006. ISBN 978-1-4259-1198-0. Describes Pierre Savorgnan de Brazza's extensive explorations of what became French Congo, French Equatorial Africa. Media related to French Congo at Wikimedia Commons
Sunshine duration or sunshine hours is a climatological indicator, measuring duration of sunshine in given period for a given location on Earth expressed as an averaged value over several years. It is a general indicator of cloudiness of a location, thus differs from insolation, which measures the total energy delivered by sunlight over a given period. Sunshine duration is expressed in hours per year, or in hours per day; the first measure indicates the general sunniness of a location compared with other places, while the latter allows for comparison of sunshine in various seasons in the same location. Another often-used measure is percentage ratio of recorded bright sunshine duration and daylight duration in the observed period. An important use of sunshine duration data is to characterize the climate of sites of health resorts; this takes into account the psychological effect of strong solar light on human well-being. It is used to promote tourist destinations. If the Sun were to be above the horizon 50% of the time for a standard year consisting of 8,760 hours, apparent maximal daytime duration would be 4,380 hours for any point on Earth.
However, there are physical and astronomical effects. Namely, atmospheric refraction allows the Sun to be still visible when it physically sets below the horizon. For that reason, average daytime is longest in polar areas, where the apparent Sun spends the most time around the horizon. Places on the Arctic Circle have the longest total annual daytime, 4,647 hours, while the North Pole receives 4,575; because of elliptic nature of the Earth's orbit, the Southern Hemisphere is not symmetrical: the Antarctic Circle, with 4,530 hours of daylight, receives five days less of sunshine than its antipodes. The Equator has a total daytime of 4,422 hours per year. Given the theoretical maximum of daytime duration for a given location, there is a practical consideration at which point the amount of daylight is sufficient to be treated as a "sunshine hour". "Bright" sunshine hours represent the total hours when the sunlight is stronger than a specified threshold, as opposed to just "visible" hours. "Visible" sunshine, for example, occurs around sunrise and sunset, but is not strong enough to excite the sensor.
Measurement is performed by instruments called sunshine recorders. For the specific purpose of sunshine duration recording, Campbell–Stokes recorders are used, which use a spherical glass lens to focus the sun rays on a specially designed tape; when the intensity exceeds a pre-determined threshold, the tape burns. The total length of the burn trace is proportional to the number of bright hours. Another type of recorder is the Jordan sunshine recorder. Newer, electronic recorders have more stable sensitivity than that of the paper tape. In order to harmonize the data measured worldwide, in 1962 the World Meteorological Organization defined a standardized design of the Campbell–Stokes recorder, called an Interim Reference Sunshine Recorder. In 2003, the sunshine duration was defined as the period during which direct solar irradiance exceeds a threshold value of 120 W/m². Sunshine duration follows a general geographic pattern: subtropical latitudes have the highest sunshine values, because these are the locations of the eastern sides of the subtropical high pressure systems, associated with the large-scale descent of air from the upper-level tropopause.
Many of the world's driest climates are found adjacent to the eastern sides of the subtropical highs, which create stable atmospheric conditions, little convective overturning, little moisture and cloud cover. Desert regions, with nearly constant high pressure aloft and rare condensation—like North Africa, the Southwestern United States, Western Australia, the Middle East—are examples of hot, dry climates where sunshine duration values are high; the two major areas with the highest sunshine duration, measured as annual average, are the central and the eastern Sahara Desert—covering vast desert countries such as Egypt, Libya and Niger—and the Southwestern United States. The city claiming the official title of the sunniest in the world is Yuma, with over 4,000 hours of bright sunshine annually, but many climatological books suggest there may be sunnier areas in North Africa. In the belt encompassing northern Chad and the Tibesti Mountains, northern Sudan, southern Libya, Upper Egypt, annual sunshine duration is estimated at over 4,000 hours.
There is a smaller, isolated area of sunshine maximum in the heart of the western section of the Sahara Desert around the Eglab Massif and the Erg Chech, along the borders of Algeria and Mali where the 4,000-hour mark is exceeded, too. Some places in the interior of the Arabian Peninsula receive 3,600–3,800 hours of bright sunshine annually; the largest sun-baked region in the world is North Africa. The sunniest month in the world is December in Eastern Antarctica, with 23 hours of bright sun daily. Conversely, higher latitudes lying in stormy westerlies have much cloudier and more unstable and rainy weather, have the lowest values of sunshine duration annually. Temperate oceanic climates like those in northwestern Europe, the western coast of Canada, areas of New Zealand's South Island are examples of cool, wet, humid climates where cloudless sunshine duration values are low; the areas with the lowest sunshine duration annually lie over the polar oceans, as well as parts of northern Europe, southern Alaska, northern Russia, areas near the Sea of
The Benguela Current is the broad, northward flowing ocean current that forms the eastern portion of the South Atlantic Ocean gyre. The current extends from Cape Point in the south, to the position of the Angola-Benguela front in the north, at around 16°S; the current is driven by the prevailing south easterly trade winds. Inshore of the Benguela Current proper, the south easterly winds drive coastal upwelling, forming the Benguela Upwelling System; the cold, nutrient rich waters that upwell from around 200–300 m depth in turn fuel high rates of phytoplankton growth, sustain the productive Benguela ecosystem. Source waters for the Benguela include cold upwelled waters from the depths of the Atlantic Ocean close inshore, joined further off-shore by nutrient poor water that has crossed the Southern Atlantic from South America as part of South Atlantic Gyre. Eddies from the warm South Indian Ocean Agulhas current along South Africa's east coast do round the Cape of Good Hope from time to time to join the Bengulela current.
The Benguela current widens further as it flows north and northwest. Its western, seaward edge meanders. There is however a well-defined thermal front between the waters associated with the Benguela Upwelling System and those of the eastward flowing Atlantic currents which are not deflected northward by the African continent; the icy Benguela and the warm, south-flowing Agulhas current do not meet off the Cape of Good Hope, but there is a body of water off the South African south coast and west of Cape Agulhas that consists of eddies from both currents, so that off-shore water temperatures along the south coast of Africa vary chaotically. Northward winds along the coast result in Ekman transport offshore and upwelling of nutrient rich deep water to the euphotic zone; the intensity of the upwelling event is determined by wind strength. Variations in wind strength cause pulses of upwelling, which propagate to the south along the coast with speeds of 5 to 8 m/s; the pulses are similar to a Kelvin wave, except on a scale of 30 to 60 km instead of 1000 km, can propagate around the cape depending on wind systems.
Pulses of upwelling induce biological production. In the Benguela system, phytoplankton growth requires a period of upwelling followed by a period of stratification and calm waters; the phytoplankton bloom lags the upwelling event by 1 to 4 days and blooms for 4 to 10 days. In order for zooplankton to have a continuous food supply, the phytoplankton blooms must not occur too far apart. Pulses of upwelling in the Benguela system have a duration of 10 days, an optimal period for biological production, it is estimated that the annual new production in the Benguela system is 4.7 × 10^13 gC/y, making the Benguela system 30 to 65 times more productive per unit area than the global ocean average. While upwelling promotes abundant primary and secondary production in the upper parts of the water column and near the coast, deeper waters with limited oxygen exchange create hypoxic areas called oxygen minimum zones at the coastal shelf and upper coastal slope; the Benguela oxygen minimum zone is a few hundred meters thick.
Bacteria that use sulpher rather than oxygen reside in the oxygen minimum zone. The most abundant fishes in the Benguela system are Engraulis. Sardinops ocelata was intensely fished beginning in the 1950s and peaking in 1968 with landings over 1.3 million tons. Since the Sardinops fishery has declined and the Engraulis capensis fishery has taken over. Similar to the Pacific El Niño, a thick slab of warm, nutrient poor water enters the northern part of the Benguela upwelling system off the Namibia coast about once per decade. During the Benguela Niño, salty waters from the Angola Current move southward, from 15°S to as far as 25°S; this slab of warm salty water extends to 50 m depth. Heavy rains, changes in fish abundance, temporal proximity to the Pacific El Niño have been observed. One research team has shown that the Benguela Niño is caused by winds in the west-central equatorial Atlantic Ocean that propagate as subsurface sea temperature anomalies to the African coast. A recent study has demonstrated the importance of local winds in the development of the Benguela Niño off the coast of Namibia and Angola.
This local process together with the remote signal from the equatorial regions form the basis of the formation mechanism in which both processes sometimes reinforce each other. Cape Peninsula Cape Point Humboldt Current, the Benguela's analogue in the South Pacific Ocean Benguela current Hydrogen Sulfide and Dust Plumes along the Coast of Namibia - Earth Observatory August 10, 2010
Assemblies of God
The Assemblies of God the World Assemblies of God Fellowship, is a group of over 140 autonomous but loosely associated national groupings of churches which together form the world's largest Pentecostal denomination. With over 397,000 ministers and outstations in over 256 countries and territories serving 69.1 million adherents worldwide, it is the fourth largest international Christian group of denominations and the largest Pentecostal denomination in the world. As an international fellowship, the member denominations are independent and autonomous; the Assemblies originated from the Azusa Street Revival of the early 20th century. This revival led to the founding of the Assemblies of God in the United States in 1914. Through foreign missionary work and establishing relationships with other Pentecostal churches, the Assemblies of God expanded into a worldwide movement, it was not until 1988, that the world fellowship was formed. As a Pentecostal fellowship, the Assemblies of God believes in the Pentecostal distinctive of baptism with the Holy Spirit with the evidence of speaking in tongues.
The Assemblies of God should not be confused with the Assemblies of God International Fellowship, the International Assemblies of God Fellowship, the Independent Assemblies of God International, all of which are Pentecostal denominations. The World Assemblies of God Fellowship is structured as a loose alliance of independent national and regional Pentecostal denominations. For the particular beliefs and polity of individual national fellowships, refer to the links in the following list: The doctrinal position of the Assemblies of God is framed in a classical Pentecostal and an evangelical context; the AG is Trinitarian and holds the Bible as divinely inspired and the infallible authoritative rule of faith and conduct. Baptism by immersion is practiced as an ordinance instituted by Christ for those who have been saved. Baptism is understood as an outward sign of an inward change, the change from being dead to sin to being alive in Christ; as an ordinance, Communion is practiced. The AG believe that the elements that are partaken are symbols expressing the sharing the divine nature of Jesus of Nazareth.
The Assemblies of God places a strong emphasis on the fulfillment of the Great Commission and believes that this is the calling of the church. As classical Pentecostals, the Assemblies of God believes all Christians are entitled to and should seek the baptism in the Holy Spirit; the AG teaches that this experience is subsequent to the experience of salvation. The baptism in the Holy Spirit empowers the believer for Christian service; the initial evidence of the baptism in the Holy Spirit is speaking in tongues "as the Spirit gives utterance". It believes in the present-day use of other spiritual gifts and in divine healing. While the World AG Fellowship has a statement of faith which outlines the basic beliefs which unify the various branches of the movement, each national AG denomination formulates its own doctrinal statements; the Assemblies of God USA, for example, adheres to the Statement of Fundamental Truths. The Assemblies of God has its roots in the Pentecostal Azusa Street Revival of the early 20th century.
The Pentecostal aspects of the revival were not welcomed by established churches, participants in the movement soon found themselves forced outside existing religious bodies. These people sought out their own places of worship and founded hundreds of distinctly Pentecostal congregations. By 1914, many ministers and laymen alike began to realize just how far-reaching the spread of the revival and of Pentecostalism had become. Concerned leaders felt the desire to protect and preserve the results of the revival by uniting through cooperative fellowship. In April 1914, after splitting from the Church of God in Christ, about 300 preachers and laymen were invited from 20 states and several foreign countries for a general council in Hot Springs, United States. A remaining fellowship emerged from the meeting and was incorporated under the name General Council of the Assemblies of God in the United States of America. In time, self-governing and self-supporting general councils broke off from the original fellowship or were formed independently in several nations throughout the world, originating either from indigenous Pentecostal movements or as a direct result of the indigenous missions strategy of the General Council.
In 1919, Pentecostals in Canada united to form the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada which formally affiliated with the Assemblies of God USA the next year. The Assemblies of God in Great Britain was formed in 1924 and would have an early influence on the Assemblies of God in Australia, now known as Australian Christian Churches; the Australian Assemblies of God was formed in 1937 by a merger of the Pentecostal Church of Australia and the Assemblies of God Queensland. The Queensland AG had formed in 1929; the Assemblies of God of South Africa was founded in 1925 and like the AG Queensland, was not aligned with the US fellowship. Prior to 1967, the Assemblies of God, along with the majority of other Pentecostal denominations opposed Christian participation in war and considered itself a peace church; the US Assemblies of God continues to give full doctrinal support to members who are led by religious conscience to pacifism. In 1988, the various Assemblies of God national fellowships united to form the World Pentecostal Assemblies of God Fellowship at the initiative of Dr. J. Philip Hogan executive director of the Division of Foreign Missio
Bank of West Africa (BAO)
Banque d'Afrique Occidentale: was a bank French colonial authorities established in 1901 in Dakar, Sénégal, as the central bank of the colonies of French West Africa. BAO was created by the expansion of the Banque du Sénégal. BAO expanded to include French Equatorial Africa to administer the common currency of French West Africa. Although it was a private investment bank, the French government authorized it to print currency, its board always included colonial officials, it received special concessions and financial stabilisation from the government, in essence became an arm of the French colonial administration. Between 1941 and 1958, the Institut d'Emission de l'Afrique Occidentale Francaise et du Togo was spun off from BAO to administer the Franc des colonies françaises d'Afrique. Historians like Henri Brunschwig have pointed to the importance of the BOA in the assimilation of French West Africa into the French economic system, its founding in 1901 came after the extension of limited taxation of subjects, forced labor laws, voting in the colonial possessions.
The creation of and government support for the BOA was part of an attempt to inject investment into the French colonies. In 1880 all French economic interests in the area were in the form of family-run trading houses based in French port cities like Bordeaux and Marseilles; the creation of the BOA coincided with the consolidation of these trading houses into joint stock companies, the ending of formal government concessions to these houses, the rise of a de facto monopoly of their successors. Émile Maurel and Henri Nouvion were the first president and managing director of the newly created BOA. By the 1920s, business in the AOF was dominated by just three private joint stock companies: the Compagnie Française de l'Afrique Occidentale, the Nouvelle Société Commerciale africaine, the Société Commerciale de l'Ouest Africain; the BAO's board overlapped with the boards of these trading companies. When the initial privileges granted to the BOA expired in 1929, the French government granted it a further forty-year concession, with the only stipulation being that the government reserved the right to nominate the BOA's chair, four members of its board.
While the Banque de France in Paris remained a bank for banks, the BAO was a bank of issue and a commercial and broking bank. In 1904 it was given the right to acquire shares in commercial companies, as long as investment did not exceed a quarter of its reserves. In consolidating banking institutions in semi-public hands, France hoped to foster greater inward capital investment into the AOF and created an opening for private banking interests to operate on the ground in the colonies. Most notably, the interwar years saw the founding of the Banque Nationale pour le Commerce et l'Industrie, which would merge in 1966 with the Comptoir National d'Escompte de Paris to form Banque Nationale de Paris, in 1924, the Banque Comerciale de 1'Afrique. In 1924, BAO expended to French Equatorial Africa buy opening branch in Brazzaville, it followed this by opening branches in Port Gentil, Pointe Noire and Fort Lamy. The strategy of using BAO to foster inward investment was something of a failure though. Capital extraction, not capital investment was the source of French wealth in West Africa.
Taxes and import/export duties coming from the African colonies to the Metropole accounted for most of the capital movement in the AOF. Tremendous legal concessions were made to the BOA, while it dominated the banking sector, its capital remained minuscule in comparison to companies engaged in capital extraction from the AOF; the BOA held capital of 6 million francs before 1914, that rose to 50 million in 1931, but declined thereafter. In 1940 all banks in the AOF had a total investment of just over 1.5 million francs. But forestry alone had an inward investment of 3.4 million francs that year. The economic crisis of the early 1930s saw the collapse of the major private banks in the AOF, the French authorised the BAO to save the BNCI by becoming its largest shareholder. At this point, the BOA regained its status as the sole investment bank in French West Africa. Banking institutions and private, enabled colonial businesses to pull more of the West African economy into a moneyed economy and expand the replacement of traditional agriculture with large scale cash crops for export.
This was most evident in the tremendous growth of groundnut plantations. Offices of the BAO were built in major towns throughout French West Africa, their imposing edifices became symbols of French colonial power. Following independence, the BAO was rechartered as the central bank for the francophone countries of West Africa. On 22 November 1962, the bank was renamed the Banque des Etats de l'Afrique Centrale and the CFA Franc was renamed the Franc de la Coopération Financière en Afrique Centrale, its last French President and Director General, Georges Gautier and Claude Panouillot, stepped down in 1962. Centrale des États de l'Afrique de l'Ouest History on the BEAC Werbsite French Central Bank: Qu'est ce que la Zone franc? Modalités financières de la colonisation from fr.wikipedia.org Gary Wilder: The French Imperial Nation-state: Negritude and Colonial Humanism Between the Two World Wars. University of Chicago Pr
A residential area is a land used in which housing predominates, as opposed to industrial and commercial areas. Housing may vary between, through, residential areas; these include multi-family residential, or mobile homes. Zoning for residential use may permit some services or work opportunities or may exclude business and industry, it may only permit low density uses. Residential zoning includes a smaller FAR than business, commercial or industrial/manufacturing zoning; the area may be small. In certain residential areas rural, large tracts of land may have no services whatever, thus residents seeking services must use a motor vehicle or other transport, so the need for transport has resulted in land development following existing or planned transport infrastructure such as rail and road. Development patterns may be regulated by restrictive covenants contained in the deeds to the properties in the development, may result from or be reinforced by zoning. Restrictive covenants are not changed when the agreement of all property owners is required.
The area so restricted may be small. Residential areas may be subcategorized in the concentric zone model and other schemes of urban geography. Residential development is real estate development for residential purposes; some such developments are called a subdivision, when the land is divided into lots with houses constructed on each lot. Such developments became common during the late nineteenth century in the form of streetcar suburbs. In previous centuries, residential development was of two kinds. Rich people bought a townlot, hired an architect and/or contractor, built a bespoke / customized house or mansion for their family. Poor urban people lived in tenements built for rental. Single-family houses were built on speculation, for future sale to residents not yet identified; when cities and the middle class expanded and mortgage loans became commonplace, a method, rare became commonplace to serve the expanding demand for home ownership. Post–World War II economic expansion in major cities of the United States New York City and Los Angeles produced a demand for thousands of new homes, met by speculative building.
Its large-scale practitioners disliked the term "property speculator" and coined the new name "residential development" for their activity. Entire farms and ranches were subdivided and developed with one individual or company controlling all aspects of entitlement, land development and housing. Communities like Levittown, Long Island or Lakewood south of Los Angeles saw new homes sold at unprecedented rates—more than one a day. Many techniques which had made the automobile affordable made housing affordable: standardization of design and small, repetitive assembly tasks, a smooth flow of capital. Mass production resulted in a similar uniformity of product, a more comfortable lifestyle than cramped apartments in the cities. With the advent of government-backed mortgages, it could be cheaper to own a house in a new residential development than to rent; as with other products, continual refinements appeared. Curving streets, greenbelt parks, neighborhood pools, community entry monumentation appeared.
Diverse floor plans with differing room counts, multiple elevations appeared. Developers remained competitive with each other on everything, including location, community amenities, kitchen appliance packages, price. Today, a typical residential development in the United States might include traffic calming features, such as a winding street, dead-end road, or looped road lined with homes. Suburban developments help form the stereotypical image of a "suburban America," and are associated with the American middle-class. Most offer homes in a narrow range of age, price and features, thus potential residents having different needs, wishes or resources must look elsewhere; some residential developments are gated communities. Criticisms of residential developments may include: They do not mesh well with the greater community; some are isolated, with only one entrance, or otherwise connected with the rest of the community in few ways. Being commuter towns, they serve no more purpose for the greater community than other specialized settlements do, thus require residents to go to the greater community for commercial or other purposes.
Whereas mixed-use developments provide for commerce and other activities, thus residents need not go as to the greater community. The dictionary definition of residential at Wiktionary Meadowbrook symbol of postwar housing boom - Pantagraph Residential Property Valuations