Córdoba Province, Argentina
Córdoba is a province of Argentina, located in the center of the country. Neighboring provinces are: Santiago del Estero, Santa Fe, Buenos Aires, La Pampa, San Luis, La Rioja and Catamarca. Together with Santa Fe and Entre Ríos, the province is part of the economic and political association known as the Center Region. Córdoba is the second most populous Argentine province, with 3,308,876 inhabitants, the fifth by size, at about 165,321 km2. 41% of its inhabitants reside in the capital city, Córdoba, its surroundings, making it the second most populous metro area in Argentina. Before the Spanish conquista the region now called Córdoba Province was inhabited by indigenous groups, most notably the Comechingones and Sanavirones. Once settled in Alto Perú, the Spaniards searched for a route to the Río de la Plata port in the Atlantic Ocean to transport the Peruvian gold and silver to Europe. Córdoba de la Nueva Andalucía was founded as a middle point on that route on July 6, 1573 by Jerónimo Luis de Cabrera.
The Colegio Convictorio de Nuestra Señora de Monserrat was founded by the Jesuits in 1599, followed by the National University of Córdoba, Argentina's first university, in 1613. The city continued to grow as an important cultural center, supported by the trade of precious metals from Peru. In 1761 a printing press was installed in the University. In 1783, seven years after the consolidation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, the Intendency of Córdoba became the capital of what now includes the La Rioja, San Juan and San Luis Province, dividing the former Tucumán Intendency in two. Rafael de Sobremonte was its first governor. After the May Revolution in 1810, Governor Juan Gutiérrez de la Concha joined a meeting that decided to ignore the authority of the Buenos Aires Junta. Francisco Ortiz de Ocampo attacked the city and executed the leaders of the opposition, among whom was Santiago de Liniers, leader of the resistance during the British invasions of the Río de la Plata. Led by Juan Bautista Bustos after 1820, Córdoba struggled for control of the Nation with Buenos Aires.
Córdoba sought a federal organization of the provinces while Rivadavia pushed for a centralised government in Buenos Aires. For 15 years the province was submerged in internal revolts that started to stabilize in 1868 under the provisional government of Félix de la Peña. During the presidency of Sarmiento an astronomic observatory and the Faculty of Physical Sciences and Mathematics were inaugurated; the creation of the railways and the consequent immigration brought a second wave of population growth to Córdoba. From 1887 on, several agricultural colonies emerged, while former rest-point Fraile Muerto and Los Luceros, on the route to Buenos Aires, became agricultural and industrial centers, respectively; the University Reform movement, which originated in Córdoba in 1918, was influential not only in Argentina but throughout South America. Modernization of the curricular contents and the improvement of the students' rights were the main achievements of the movement and in Córdoba, were enacted by Governor Amadeo Sabattini, who became Argentina's most progressive governor at the time and enacted civil and land reforms that would set the national standard.
After World War II, many foreign workers and workers from other provinces in Argentina were seduced by Córdoba's industrial development, led by the expansion of the car industry. It was during Arturo Frondizi's presidency that most new auto industries settled in the city of Córdoba and its surroundings; as in the rest of the country, Peronist groups emerged in 1955 following the coup that removed Juan Perón from office. These Peronist groups, together with other socialist and anarchist groups, began opposing Argentina's third military dictatorship that began in 1966. Worker and student participation in politics grew due to the widespread discontent with the appointed governor's hard-line stance, culminating in the violent May, 1969, popular revolt known as the Cordobazo; this revolt, mirrored by the Rosariazo and others in several parts of the country, undermined the power of dictator Juan Carlos Onganía and led to his ouster by more moderate military factions. Córdoba has continued to prosper, despite left-wing violence in 1973, right-wing political interference in 1974, government atrocities in 1976–77, 1978–81 free trade policies that battered Córdoba's sizable industrial sector, the 1980s debt crisis and, the recent acute financial crisis that ended in 2002.
Córdoba, located just north of the geographical center of the nation, is Argentina's fifth largest province. The main feature of the province is the presence of an extensive plain covering the eastern two thirds of the province, the existence of three major mountain ranges which, are known as Sierras de Córdoba: the easternmost range starts just west of the city of Córdoba and reaches altitudes of around 1,000 meters in the southern portion, over 1,500 meters further north, with a maximum altitude of 1,950 meters at Cerro Uritorco. West of this chain, two valleys contain most of the tourist spots in the province: the Calamuchita valley in the south, the Punilla Valley in the north, home of scenic towns such as Villa Carlos Paz, Cosquín, La Cumbre and La Falda. West of these valleys, the Sierras Grandes form the highest chain in the province: their altitude increases to form a plateau of 2,000 to 2,300 meters
Augusto Timoteo Vandor was an Argentine trade unionist leader, naval non-commissioned officer and politician. Vandor was born in Bovril, Entre Ríos Province, to a Dutch father and a French mother, in 1923, he enlisted in the Argentine Navy in 1941, became a non-commissioned officer aboard the minesweeper ARA Comodoro Py. He left the Navy in 1947, joined the new Philips factory in the Saavedra neighborhood of Buenos Aires. There, he met his future wife, gained a reputation for strategic thinking that earned him the nickname of El Lobo, he became the steward of the Phillips factory UOM local and in 1954, led a strike for better pay at the facility. Its success made him prominent in the UOM, but led to his arrest following a 1955 military coup that overthrew the populist administration of Juan Perón. Introduced to the exiled Perón in Santo Domingo in 1958, Vandor cultivated good relations with amenable figures in management and the military, on the lifting of government receivership over the CGT in 1961, Vandor was elected Secretary General of the UOM, the largest of the CGT's 62 unions.
He represented labor as part of the troika of Perón's official delegates in Argentina, as such helped negotiate potential endorsements ahead of the 1963 elections. As the leading CGT political strategist, he was at least as influential in the Peronist movement as CGT Secretary General José Alonso, helped plan "Operation Return", a 1964 mission to slip Perón into Argentina; the mission's failure, Alonso's support for a military coup against President Arturo Illia made opponents of Alonso and Vandor, the two labor leaders backed opposing candidates in a Mendoza Province gubernatorial race in the 1965 elections. Vandor became critical of Perón, in part from a conviction that the aging leader might never return to Argentina, his vocal challenge to Perón's influence reached a high pitch during the Mendoza campaign, with slogans such as "For a Peronism without Perón," and "to save Perón, one has to be against Perón," and led the exiled leader to send his wife, Isabel, to promote Alonso's candidate.
This resulted in the defeat of both Peronist candidates, a conservative candidate was elected. Vandor had the CGT leader ousted in February 1966, after which Alonso formed the "62 Organizations Standing with Perón" faction of the CGT; the military dictatorship installed that June and headed by General Juan Carlos Onganía lost Alonso's support by the end of 1966, the two leaders found common cause in both their support for a "participationist" point of view, in their opposition to the more confrontational Raimundo Ongaro. These developments came to a head in March 1968, when Ongaro, head of the Graphists' Union, Vandor both sought the post of CGT Secretary General. Perón, wary of Vandor, supported the graphist leader, Ongaro was elected to the post; the CGT elections were annulled by Labor Minister Rubens San Sebastián, leading to a temporary schism within the CGT. Vandor thereafter reconciled himself with Perón, who favored a moderately critical stance towards the junta, opting for the participationist stance.
Augusto Vandor was shot five times on 30 June 1969, at his UOM offices, in what was codenamed Operation Judas. The perpetrators left. A far-left Peronist group, the Ejército Nacional Revolucionario claimed responsibility for the attack in February 1971. On the other hand, various authors point to figures and groups such as Dardo Cabo and the CGT de los Argentinos as responsible for the murder. Álvaro Abós. Cinco balas para Augusto Vandor. Editorial Sudamericana, 2005
Saúl Edólver Ubaldini was an Argentine labor leader and parliamentarian for the Peronist Justicialist Party. Ubaldini was born in the Buenos Aires barrio of Mataderos, the son of a meat worker and a seamstress, he became involved in the trade union. In 1969 he started work at a small yeast factory and seven years he was elected the Secretary-General of the small union of beer-industry workers. During the Proceso dictatorship, he was elected general secretary of the CGT, the trade union umbrella body, in 1979. In the years that followed, he led the "Brasil" fraction of the CGT, which showed a harder line against the military than its "CGT Azopardo" counterpart, he led a march of 10,000 protesters against the dictatorship in 1981, the first large protest of that period. When democracy returned, he became leader of the CGT in 1986. From this position he launched 13 general strikes against Radical Raúl Alfonsín's government. However, the CGT's combativeness subsided. In 1989 Ubaldini was displaced as head of the CGT by supporters of President Carlos Menem.
Although he had backed Menem's election campaign publicly, Ubaldini opposed Menem's free market reforms and refused to vacate the CGT building. In 1993, Ubaldini stood to be Governor of Buenos Aires Province defeated by the Menemist Eduardo Duhalde, he was elected again in 2001 as a national deputy for Buenos Aires Province. In his last role he assisted the Planning Minister Julio de Vido, he had been vice president of the international trade union movement CIOSL. He died of lung cancer, aged 69, in Buenos Aires. Interview with Ubaldini's son on YouTube
Amateur boxing is a variant of boxing practised at the collegiate level, at the Olympic Games, Pan American Games and Commonwealth Games, as well as many associations. Amateur boxing bouts are short in duration, comprising three rounds of three minutes in men, four rounds of two minutes in women, each with a one-minute interval between rounds. Men's senior bouts changed in format from four two-minute rounds to three three-minute rounds on January 1, 2009; this type of competition prizes point-scoring blows, based on number of clean punches landed, rather than physical power. This short format allows tournaments to feature several bouts over several days, unlike professional boxing, where fighters rest several months between bouts. A referee monitors the fight to ensure. Referees ensure that the boxers do not use holding tactics to prevent the opponent from punching. Referees will stop the bout if a boxer is injured, or if one boxer is dominating the other. Bouts which end this way may be noted as "RSC", RSCI, RSCH, or KO.
Amateur boxing emerged as a sport during the mid-to-late 19th century as a result of the moral controversies surrounding professional prize-fighting. Lampooned as an effort by upper and middle-class gentlemen to co-opt a traditionally working class sport, the safer, "scientific" style of boxing found favor in schools, universities and in the armed forces, although the champions still came from among the urban poor; the Queensberry Amateur Championships continued from 1867 to 1885, so, unlike their professional counterparts, amateur boxers did not deviate from using gloves once the Queensberry Rules had been published. In England, the Amateur Boxing Association was formed in 1880, it held its first championships the following year. Four weight classes were contested: Featherweight, Lightweight and Heavyweight. By 1902, American boxers were contesting the titles in the A. B. A. Championships, therefore, took on an international complexion. By 1924, the A. B. A. had 105 clubs in affiliation. Boxing first appeared at the Olympic Games in 1904 and, apart from the Games of 1912, has always been part of them.
From 1904 to 2016, the United States and Cuba won the most gold medals. S. and 21 for Cuba. Internationally, amateur boxing spread throughout the first half of the 20th century, but when the first international body, the Fédération Internationale de Boxe Olympique was formed in Paris in 1920, there were only five member nations. In 1946, when the International Amateur Boxing Association was formed in London, twenty-four nations from five continents were represented, the A. I. B. A. has continued to be the official world federation of amateur boxing since. The first World Amateur Boxing Championships were staged in 1974. Computer scoring was introduced to the Olympics in 1992; each of the five judges had a keypad with a blue button. The judges pressed a button for which corner they felt landed a scoring blow. Three out of the five judges had to press the button for the same boxer within a one-second window in order for the point to score. A legal scoring blow was that, landed cleanly with the knuckle surface of the glove, within the scoring area from the middle of the head, down the sides and between the hips through the belly button.
The AIBA introduced a new scoring system in January 2011. Each judge gives an individual score for each boxer; the score given to each boxer would be taken from 3 out of 5 judges either by similar score or trimmed mean. Scores are instead given at the end of each round. In March 13, 2013, the computer scoring system was abandoned, with amateur boxing instead using the ten point must system, similar to professional boxing. In March 2016, protective headgear, in use since 1982 was removed from men's competition due to higher concussion rates occurring in fights using headgear than in fights without the headgear. Women's competition was unaffected, as the AIBA announced that there wasn't enough data on its effects on women; this ruling was in place at the 2016 Summer Olympics. In June 2016, professional boxers were admitted in the Olympic Games and other tournaments sanctioned by the AIBA; this was done in part to level the playing field and give all of the athletes the same opportunities government-sponsored boxers from socialist countries and post-Soviet republics have.
However, professional organizations opposed that decision. There are several different amateur sanctioning bodies in the United States, including the Golden Gloves Association of America and USA Boxing; the Golden Gloves is an amateur boxing tournament, fought at both the national level and the regional level. Although the Golden Gloves refers to the National Golden Gloves, it can refer to the Intercity Golden Gloves, the Chicago Golden Gloves, the New York Golden Gloves, other regional Golden Gloves tournaments; the winners of the regional tournaments fight in a national competition annually. USA Boxing sanctions a national tournament to determine who will compete o
Carlos Saúl Menem Akil is an Argentine politician, President of Argentina from July 8, 1989 to December 10, 1999. He has been a Senator for La Rioja Province since December 10, 2005. Born in Anillaco, Menem became a Peronist during a visit to Buenos Aires, he led the party in his home province of La Rioja, was elected governor in 1973. He was deposed and detained during the 1976 Argentine coup d'état, was elected governor again in 1983, he defeated the Buenos Aires governor Antonio Cafiero in the primary elections for the 1989 presidential elections, which he won. Hyperinflation forced outgoing president Raúl Alfonsín to resign early, shortening the presidential transition. Menem supported the Washington Consensus, tackled inflation with the Convertibility plan in 1991; the plan was complemented by a series of privatizations, was a success. Argentina re-established diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom, suspended since the 1982 Falklands War, developed special relations with the United States.
The country suffered two terrorist attacks. The Peronist victory in the 1993 midterm elections allowed him to force Alfonsín to sign the Pact of Olivos for the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution; this amendment allowed Menem to run for re-election in 1995. A new economic crisis began, the opposing parties formed a political coalition that won the 1997 midterm elections and the 1999 presidential election. Menem ran for the presidency again in 2003, but faced with a defeat in a ballotage against Néstor Kirchner, he chose to pull out of the ballotage handing the presidency to Kirchner, he was elected senator for La Rioja in 2005. At 88, he is the oldest living former Argentine president. Carlos Saúl Menem was born in 1930 in Anillaco, a small town in the mountainous north of La Rioja Province, Argentina, his parents, Saúl Menem and Mohibe Akil, were Syrian nationals from Yabroud who had emigrated to Argentina. He attended elementary and high school in La Rioja, joined a basketball team during his university studies.
He visited Buenos Aires in 1951 with the team, met the president Juan Perón and his wife Eva Perón. This influenced Menem to become a Peronist, he studied law at the National University of Córdoba, graduating in 1955. After President Juan Peron's overthrow in 1955, Menem was incarcerated, he joined the successor to the Peronist Party, the Justicialist Party. He was elected president of its La Rioja Province chapter in 1973. In that capacity, he was included in the flight to Spain that brought Perón back to Argentina after his long exile. According to the Peronist politician Juan Manuel Abal Medina, Menem played no special part in the event. Menem was elected governor in 1973, he was deposed during the 1976 Argentine coup d'état that deposed the president Isabel Martínez de Perón. He was accused of corruption, having links with the guerrillas of the Dirty War, he was detained on March 25, kept for a week at a local regiment, moved to a temporary prison at the ship "33 Orientales" in Buenos Aires. He was detained alongside former ministers Antonio Cafiero, Jorge Taiana, Miguel Unamuno, José Deheza, Pedro Arrighi, the unionists Jorge Triaca, Diego Ibáñez, Lorenzo Miguel, the diplomat Jorge Vázquez, the journalist Osvaldo Papaleo, the former president Raúl Lastiri.
He shared a cell with Juan Perón's personal physician. During this time he helped the chaplain Lorenzo Lavalle, despite being a Muslim. In July he was sent to a permanent prison, his wife Zulema rejected his conversion to Christianity. His mother died during the time he was a prisoner, dictator Jorge Rafael Videla denied his request to attend her funeral, he was released on July 29, 1978, on the condition that he live in a city outside his home province without leaving it. He settled in Mar del Plata. Menem met Admiral Eduardo Massera, who intended to run for president, had public meetings with personalities such as Carlos Monzón, Susana Giménez, Alberto Olmedo; as a result, he was forced to reside in Tandil. He had to report daily to Chief of Police Hugo Zamora; this forced residence was lifted in February 1980. He returned to Buenos Aires, to La Rioja, he resumed his political activities, despite the prohibition, was detained again. His new forced residence was in Formosa Province, he was one of the last politicians to be released from prison by the National Reorganization Process.
Military rule ended in 1983, the radical Raúl Alfonsín was elected president. Menem ran for governor again, was elected by a clear margin; the province benefited from tax regulations established by the military, which allowed increased industrial growth. His party got control of the provincial legislature, he was re-elected in 1987 with 63% of the vote; the PJ was divided in two factions, the conservatives that still supported the political doctrines of Juan and Isabel Perón, those who proposed a renovation of the party. The internal disputes ceased in 1987. Menem, with his prominent victory in his district, was one of the leading figures of the party, disputed its leadership. Antonio Cafiero, elected governor of Buenos Aires Province, led the renewal of the PJ, was considered their most candidate for the presidency. Menem, on the other hand, was seen as a populist leader. Using a big tent approach, he got support from several unrelated political figures; as a result, he defeated Cafiero in the primary elections.
He sought alliances with Bunge and Born, union leaders, former members of Montoneros, the AAA, people from the church, "Carapintadas", etc. He promise
José Ignacio Rucci
José Ignacio Rucci was an Argentine politician and union leader, appointed general secretary of the CGT in 1970. Close to the Argentine president Juan Perón, a chief representative of the "syndical bureaucracy"; the son of modest Italian immigrants, he was born in Alcorta, Santa Fe Province, emigrated to Buenos Aires as a young man to find work. He became a steelworker in the La Ballester-Molina weapons' factory. There, he met Hilario Salvo, leader of the founded Unión Obrera Metalúrgica steelworkers' union. Rucci was present on Plaza de Mayo, as well as thousands of workers, on 17 October 1945, a historical date in Peronism. Elected trade union delegate for the first time in 1947, he retained this function until 1953. Following the self-styled Revolución Libertadora, a military coup which ousted Perón in 1955, Rucci progressively acquired fame by participating in the Peronist Resistance movement, was jailed several times for breaching decree 4,161, which proscribed the mention of Perón's name.
Following the creation of the 62 Organizations, the political branch of the CGT, to which he ascribed, Rucci progressed inside the unions' hierarchy, alongside fellow UOM leader Augusto Vandor. At first a unionist leader in the SOMISA steelworking factory in San Nicolás de los Arroyos, he assumed the post of press secretary of the UOM in 1960, sat on its board of directors alongside Vandor, Paulino Niembro, Avelino Fernández and Lorenzo Miguel, he was named inspector in 1964 for the San Nicolás de los Arroyos union local, where he became the general secretary. Rucci opposed the unionist Agustín Tosco, the leader of the Córdoba trade union Luz y Fuerza, who held a more leftist position than Rucci, opposed the syndical bureaucracy's "participationist" stance towards the military government of General Juan Carlos Onganía, installed in 1966; the CGT split into the conservative Azopardo branch, the CGT de los Argentinos following the annulment of left-wing graphist workers' leader Raimundo Ongaro as secretary general.
The eventual Cordobazo of May 1969 led to the CGT-Azopardo's placement in receivership, though in December, the order was lifted. Displacing José Alonso in July 1970, Rucci was elected general secretary of the CGT, by 544 delegates on 618 present, during the Normalization Congress, which led to deepened differences between the CGT-Azopardo and the CGTA, which claimed a more radical leftist stance opposed to the military junta. Among those 618 delegates present at the Congress, 544 voted for him; this helped unite Peronist forces towards the goal of Perón's return from exile. However, Rucci maintained contacts in the Lanusse regime, lobbied against repeated wage freeze proposals. Hosting Lanusse in an April 1971 summit with the CGT, Rucci persuaded the president to begin negotiations with Perón and other political leaders, to return the late Eva Perón's remains to Argentina. At least as powerful a symbol among Peronists as the leader himself, Evita had been ordered hidden in Milan by the regime that overthrew Perón in 1955, their repatriation would buy all concerned in the negotiations time.
Ongoing delays and the failure of the National Accords led Rucci to public threats of a general strike, while maintaining his contacts with Lanusse, giving Perón the opportunity appear magnanimous by urging against them. However, he came to doubt that the aging Perón would return in time to run again for office, began exploring a "syndicalist-military option," by which Lanusse would call elections, the CGT would back an amenable candidate from within the armed forces – most Lanusse's labor liaison, General Tomás Sánchez de Bustamante. Lanusse agreed to elections, allow Perón to visit Argentina in preparations, he arrived on November 17, 1972, secured a number of alliances for the upcoming March 1973 elections. Rucci provided a lasting anecdote on the occasion when, during a strong rain, he greeted Perón as the latter deplaned, spontaneously opened his umbrella to shield the aging leader. Elected by a landslide, Perón's stand-in, Dr. Héctor Cámpora's, took office with a left-wing agenda opposed by Rucci, much of the syndical apparatus, Perón's influential chief of staff, José López Rega.
Cámpora allowed Peronism's "Revolutionary Tendency" faction the pick of several cabinet positions and other significant government posts. Perón, in tuth, insisted on the right-wing López Rega's appointment as the Minister of Social Welfare. Making inflation reduction a top policy priority, Economy Minister José Ber Gelbard implemented the Social Pact, which Rucci signed with the Confederación General Económica representing management; the agreement, which proposed a price freeze and an increase of wages, was opposed both by the Peronist Left and by the employers' organizations, who claimed it went against free market precep