Asado are the techniques and the social event of having or attending a barbecue in various South American countries, where it is a traditional event. An asado consists of beef, chicken and morcilla which are cooked on a grill, called a parrilla, or an open fire; the meats are accompanied by red wine and salads. This meat is prepared by a person, the assigned asador or parrillero. Huge herds of wild cattle roamed much of the pampa region of Argentina until the mid-nineteenth century. Inhabitants of the Río de la Plata the equestrian gaucho, developed a fondness for beef asado, roasted beef; the meat a side of ribs, is skewered on a metal frame called an asador and is roasted by placing it next to a slow-burning fire. Gauchos favored cooking asado with the wood of the quebracho tree because it smokes little. Asado, accompanied by maté tea, formed the basis of the gaucho diet; the asador begins by igniting the charcoal, made of native trees, avoiding pines and eucalyptus as they have strong-smelling resins.
In more sophisticated asados the charcoal is of a specific tree or made on the coal of burned wood, commonplace when having an asado in a campfire. In Uruguay, charcoal is not instead direct embers or hot coals. Cooking can be done al asador or a la parrilla. In the first case a fire is made on the ground or in a fire pit and surrounded by metal crosses that hold the entire carcass of an animal splayed open to receive the heat from the fire. In the second case a fire is made and after the charcoal has formed, a grill with the meat is placed over it. In many asados, morcillas, chinchulines and other organs accompanied by provoleta, would be served first while the cuts that require longer preparations are still on the grill. Sometimes these are served on a charcoal brasero. Chorizos may be served with pan felipe or baguette bread called choripán. After appetizers, costillas or asado de tira can be served. Next comes vacío, matambre and chicken and chivito. Dishes such as pamplona and Patagonian lamb are becoming more frequent in restaurants.
An asado includes bread, a simple mixed salad of, for instance, lettuce and onions, or it could be accompanied with verdurajo, a mixture made of potatoes, corn and eggplant cooked on the grill and seasoned with olive oil and salt. Beer, soft drink, other beverages are common. Dessert is fresh fruit. Another traditional form to roast the meat, used in Patagonia, is with the whole animal in a wood stick nailed in the ground and exposed to the heat of live coals, called asado al palo; the meat for an asado is not marinated, the only preparation being the application of salt before or during the cooking period. The heat and distance from the coals are controlled to provide a slow cooking. Further, grease from the meat is not encouraged to fall on the coals and create smoke which would adversely flavour the meat. In some asados the area directly under the meat is kept clear of coals; the asado is placed in a tray to be served, but it can be placed on a brasero right on the table to keep the meat warm.
Chimichurri, a sauce of chopped parsley, dried oregano, salt, black pepper and paprika with olive oil, or salsa criolla, a sauce of tomato and onion in vinegar, are common accompaniments to an asado, where they are traditionally used on the offal, but not the steaks. Food is accompanied by salads, which in asado gatherings are traditionally made by women on site or brought to the asado from their homes while the men focus on the meats. Salad Olivier is one of the most common salads served at asados. In Paraguay Chipa Guasu, sopa paraguaya and boiled manioc as a side dish is served. In Chile, the normal version cordero al palo is accompanied with pebre, a local condiment made from pureed herbs and hot peppers; the dish is served hot accompanied by salads. A whole lamb is tied to a spit and is roasted perpendicular on a wood fire; the preparation lasts. In Brazil, asado is called churrasco, although the cooking is faster. Grilled and salted meat in Brazil is called "carne assada" and is cut into small strips and served on a plate or cutting board in the middle of the table for all to partake.
Various grilled meats, pork and chicken are passed around from table to table on a spit and a slice is offered to each person. This is called "rodizio" because each person partakes in turn. Charcoal is predominantly used instead of embers of wood, Brazilians tend to cook the meat on skewers or grills. In some places, the meat is seasoned with a little sugar. In Mexico, there is similar tradition of as parrilladas or carne asadas, which incorporates various marinated cuts of meat, including steaks and sausages; these are all grilled over wood charcoal. Vegetables are placed over the grill green onions and corn. Again, in Argentina and Paraguay, some alternatives are the asado al disco and asado al horno de barro in the countryside; the recipe doesn't change, only the way of cooking. In the asado al disco the worn-out disc of a plough is used. Being meta
Buenos Aires Province
Buenos Aires is the largest and most populous Argentinian province. It takes the name from the city of Buenos Aires, which used to be part of the province and the provincial capital until it was federalized in 1880. Since in spite of bearing the same name, the province does not include the national capital city proper, though it does include all other localities of the Greater Buenos Aires metropolitan area surrounding it; the current capital of the province is the city of La Plata, founded in 1882. The province is the only within the whole Argentina to be divided into partidos and furtherly into localidades, borders the provinces of Entre Ríos to the northeast. Uruguay is just near the Atlantic Ocean to the east; the entire province is part of the Pampas geographical region. The province has a population of 39 % of Argentina's total population. Nearly 10 million people live in Greater Buenos Aires; the area of the province, 307,571 km2, makes it the largest in Argentina with around 11% of the country's total area.
The inhabitants of the province before the 16th century advent of Spanish colonisation were aboriginal peoples such as the Charrúas and the Querandíes. Their culture was lost over the next 350 years, they were subjected to Eurasian plagues from. The survivors joined other tribes or have been absorbed by Argentina's European ethnic majority. Pedro de Mendoza founded Santa María del Buen Ayre in 1536. Though the first contact with the aboriginals was peaceful, it soon became hostile; the city was evacuated in 1541. Juan de Garay re-founded the settlement in 1580 as Santísima Trinidad y Puerto Santa María de los Buenos Aires. Amidst ongoing conflict with the aboriginals, the cattle farms extended from Buenos Aires, whose port was always the centre of the economy of the territory. Following the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata at the end of the 18th century, the export of meat and their derivatives through the port of Buenos Aires was the basis of the economic development of the region.
Jesuits unsuccessfully tried to peacefully assimilate the aboriginals into the European culture brought by the Spanish conquistadores. A certain balance was found at the end of the 18th century, when the Salado River became the limit between both civilizations, despite frequent malones; the end to this situation came in 1879 with the Conquest of the Desert in which the aboriginals were completely exterminated. After the independence from Spain in 1816, the city and province of Buenos Aires became the focus of an intermittent Argentine Civil War with other provinces. A Federal Pact secured by Governor Juan Manuel de Rosas in 1831 led to the establishment of the Argentine Confederation and to his gaining the sum of public power, which provided a tenuous unity. Ongoing disputes regarding the influence of Buenos Aires, between Federalists and Unitarians, over the Port of Buenos Aires fueled periodic hostilities; the province was declared independent on September 1852, as the State of Buenos Aires.
Concessions gained in the 1859 Pact of San José de Flores and a victory at the Battle of Pavón led to its reincorporation into the Argentine Republic on December 17, 1861. Intermittent conflicts with the nation did not cease until 1880, when the city of Buenos Aires was formally federalized and, administratively separated from the province. La Plata was founded in 1882 by Governor Dardo Rocha for the purpose of becoming the provincial capital; the equivalent of a billion dollars of British investment and pro-development and immigration policies pursued at the national level subsequently spurred dramatic economic growth. Driven by European immigration and improved health, the province's population, like Argentina's, nearly doubled to one million by 1895 and doubled again by 1914. Rail lines connected nearly every town and hamlet in the province by 1914; this era of accelerated development was cut short by the Wall Street Crash of 1929, which caused a sharp drop in commodity prices and led to a halt in the flow of investment funds between nations.
The new Concordance and Perón governments funded ambitious lending and public works programs, visible in Buenos Aires Province through the panoply of levees, power plants, water works, paved roads, municipal buildings, schools and massive regional hospitals. The province's population, after 1930, began to grow disproportionately in the suburban areas of Buenos Aires; these suburbs had grown to include 4 million out of the province's total 7 million people in 1960. Much of the area these new suburbs were developed on consisted of wetlands and were prone to flooding. To address this, Governor Oscar Alende initiated the province's most important flood-control project to date, the Roggero Reservoir. Completed a decade in 1971, the reservoir and associated electric and water-treatment facilities encouraged still more, more orderly, development of the Greater Buenos Aires region, which today includes around 10 million people, it did not address worsening pollution resulting from the area's industrial growth, which had made itself evident since aroun
Héctor José Cámpora
Héctor José Cámpora was a dentist and Peronist politician. A major figure of left-wing Peronism Cámpora served as the 38th President of Argentina from 25 May until 13 July 1973 in order to arrange for Perón to run for president in an election he subsequently won. Cámpora, affectionately known as el Tío, was born as Héctor José Cámpora Demaestre on March 26, 1909, in the city of Mercedes, in the Province of Buenos Aires, he earned a degree in dentistry in Córdoba University and practiced his profession in his hometown before moving to nearby San Andrés de Giles. Cámpora knew General Juan Perón when the latter visited San Andrés de Giles as minister of labour in 1944. After Perón was elected president in 1946, Cámpora led an independent coalition of labourists and radicals and won a seat in the house of representatives, which he presided during the period 1948–1952, he was commissioned for a diplomatic trip through 17 countries as plenipotentiary ambassador in 1953. He was arrested and indicted for corruption and embezzlement by the Revolución Libertadora which overthrew Perón in 1955.
After fleeing the country in 1956, he returned three years when all the charges were dropped. Perón chose him as his "personal delegate" in 1971, he ran for president in 1973 to circumvent the veto on Perón's participation in the election, issued by Argentine dictator General Alejandro Lanusse. His running-mate was Vicente Solano Lima. Despite Cámpora's own left-leaning tendencies, Solano Lima belonged to the Popular Conservative Party. Cámpora won the March 1973 election with 49.6% of the votes. The Radical leader, Ricardo Balbín, had arrived second with 21.3%, but it was enough to include him in the runoff with Cámpora, as absolute majority was necessary to avoid a second ballot. However, he resigned his right in order to avoid a political crisis, recognized his defeat. Cámpora assumed his functions on 25 May 1973, in the presence of Chilean President Salvador Allende and Cuban President Osvaldo Dorticós. A million persons gathered on the Plaza de Mayo to acclaim the new President. One of Cámpora's first presidential actions was a granting of amnesty to members of terrorist organizations who had carried out political assassinations and terror attacks against military and police personnel and, tried and sentenced to prison by judges.
On 28 May Argentina restored diplomatic relations with Cuba, which received Argentine aid – such as food and industrial products – to break the United States embargo against Cuba. During Cámpora's first months of government, approximatively 600 social conflicts and factory occupations had taken place; the revolutionary left had however suspended armed struggle, joining itself to the participatory democracy process, which created alarms in the Peronist right-wing bureaucracy. Cámpora's ideology set him against the right-wing tendencies of Peronism; when Perón returned to Argentina on June 20, 1973, his plane had to be redirected to a military airport because of fighting between armed Peronist factions that had massed to greet his arrival at Buenos Aires's main airport. This event, known as the Ezeiza Massacre, left more than 300 wounded. José Ber Gelbard, president of the CGE, a small and medium-sized enterprise association, was designated as minister of economics. Gelbard tried to establish a "social pact" among the CGT workers and the "National Bourgeoisie", including a price freeze and widespread salary hikes.
On July 13, 1973, Cámpora resigned to allow Juan Perón to return to power. New elections were held on September twelve days after the Chilean coup. Cámpora was designated as Argentine ambassador to México. After the March 1976 coup d'état that displaced Perón's successor, wife Isabel Martínez, Cámpora sought refuge at the Mexican embassy in Buenos Aires. Three years after being diagnosed with cancer, he was allowed to fly to México. Cámpora died in Cuernavaca a few months after his arrival, in December 1980. Peronism Montoneros Movimiento Nacionalista Tacuara Ezeiza massacre Enciclopedia Libre Universal en Español - Héctor José Cámpora. Original version in Spanish, released under GNU FDL
Peronism or Justicialism is an Argentine political movement based on the political ideology and legacy of former President Juan Domingo Perón and his second wife Eva Perón. The Peronist Justicialist Party derives its name from the concept of social justice. Since its inception in 1946, Peronist candidates have won nine of the 12 presidential elections from which they have not been banned; as of 2018, Juan Domingo Perón was the only Argentine to have been elected president three times. The pillars of the Peronist ideal, known as the "three flags", are social justice, economic independence and political sovereignty. Peronism can be described as a third position ideology as it rejects both communism. Peronism espouses corporatism and thus aims to mediate tensions between the classes of society, with the state responsible for negotiating compromise in conflicts between managers and workers. However, it is a ill-defined ideology as different and sometimes contradictory sentiments are expressed in the name of Peronism.
Today, the legacy and thought of Perón have transcended the confines of any single political party and bled into the broader political landscape of Argentina. Traditionally, the Peronist movement has drawn its strongest support from the working class and sympathetic unions and has been characterized as proletarian in nature. From the perspective of opponents, Peronism is an authoritarian ideology. Perón was compared to fascist dictators, accused of demagoguery and his policies derided as populist. Proclaiming himself the embodiment of nationality, Perón's government silenced dissent by accusing opponents of being unpatriotic; the corporatist character of Peronism drew attacks from socialists who accused his administration of preserving capitalist exploitation and class division. Conservatives rejected its modernist ideology and felt their status threatened by the ascent of the Peronist apparat. Liberals condemned dictatorial tendencies. Defenders of Peronism describe the doctrine as populist, albeit in the sense that they believe it embodies the interests of the masses and in particular the most vulnerable social strata.
Admirers hold Perón in esteem for his administration's anti-imperialism and non-alignment as well as its progressive initiatives. Amongst other measures introduced by Perón's governments, social security was made universal while education was made free to all who qualified and working students were given one paid week before every major examination. Vast low-income housing projects were created and paid vacations became standard. All workers were guaranteed free medical care and half of their vacation-trip expenses and mothers-to-be received three paid months off prior to and after giving birth. Workers' recreation centers were constructed throughout the country. Perón's ideas were embraced by a variety of different groups in Argentina across the political spectrum. Perón's personal views became a burden on the ideology, see for example his anti-clericalism, which did not strike a sympathetic chord with upper-class Argentinians. Peronism is regarded as a form of corporate socialism, or "right-wing socialism".
Perón's public speeches were nationalist and populist. It would be difficult to separate Peronism from corporate nationalism, for Perón nationalized Argentina's large corporations, blurring distinctions between corporations and government. At the same time, the labor unions became corporate, ceding the right to strike in agreements with Perón as Secretary of Welfare in the military government from 1943–1945. In exchange, the state was to assume the role of negotiator between conflicting interests. Peronism lacked a strong interest in matters of foreign policy other than the belief that the political and economic influences of other nations should be kept out of Argentina—he was somewhat isolationist. Early in his presidency, Perón envisioned Argentina's role as a model for other countries in Latin America and beyond, but such ideas were abandoned. Despite his oppositional rhetoric, Perón sought cooperation with the United States government on various issues. Political opponents sustain that Perón and his administration resorted to organized violence and dictatorial rule.
Perón maintained the institutions of democratic rule, but subverted freedoms through such actions as nationalizing the broadcasting system, centralizing the unions under his control and monopolizing the supply of newspaper print. At times, Perón resorted to tactics such as illegally imprisoning opposition politicians and journalists, including Radical Civic Union leader Ricardo Balbin. Perón's admiration for Benito Mussolini is well documented. Many scholars categorize Peronism as a fascist ideology. Carlos Fayt believes that Peronism was just "an Argentine implementation of Italian fascism". Hayes reaches the conclusion that "the Peronist movement produced a form of fascism, distinctively Latin American". One of the most vocal critics of Peronism was the Argentine writer Jorge Luis Borges. After Perón ascended to the presidency in 1946, Borges spoke before the Argentine Society of Writers by saying: Dictatorships breed oppression, dictatorships breed servility, dictatorships breed cruelty. Bellboys babbling orders, portraits of caudillos, prearranged cheers or insults, walls covered with names, unanimous ce
September 1973 Argentine general election
The second Argentine general election of 1973 was held on 23 September. Turnout was 85.5%, it produced the following results: The jubilation that followed the May 25, 1973, return to democracy was soon clouded by political friction and unforeseen events. President Héctor Cámpora, who took his Oath of Office in the presence of Cuban leader Osvaldo Dorticós and Chilean leader Salvador Allende—both consular figures in Latin American Marxism—promptly declared a near-blanket amnesty for the several hundred political prisoners held by Alejandro Lanusse's regime. Cámpora made controversial appointments, such as Rodolfo Puiggrós as President of the University of Buenos Aires, Esteban Righi as Minister of the Interior and Julio Troxler as Assistant Police Chief of Buenos Aires - all former defense attorneys linked to the violently left-wing Montoneros. A number of left-wing lawyers were elected to prominent elected posts across the nation, notably Oscar Bidegain, Ricardo Obregon Cano and Alberto Martínez Baca, among others.
This new-found prominence among the Argentine left encouraged an violent reaction among the far right. Among Cámpora's appointees was one insisted on by his patron, Juan Perón: José López Rega, a former policeman with an interest in the occult close to the Perón household since 1965. López Rega, formally Minister of Social Policy parlayed his portfolio control over nearly 30 percent of the national budget into a well-funded paramilitary force, the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance. Threatened by the Montoneros' inroads into student and neighborhood organizations, local governments and the Peronist Youth, they began targeting many of Cámpora's policy makers, some of which began resigning under pressure from Perón, himself. President Cámpora agreed to have Peronist militants in charge of most security arrangements for Perón's much-anticipated June 20, 1973, return from exile; the calculating López Rega seized on this to prevail on Vice President Vicente Solano Lima and Senate President Alejandro Díaz Bialet to resign, as well, leaving a constitutional vacuum referred to as an "acephaly" — the absence of a head of state.
This move created both the need for new elections and the chance to remove a number of Cámpora's leftist advisers. The cautious Lastiri continued Cámpora's populist socio-economic policies; the runners-up in the March elections — Ricardo Balbín and Francisco Manrique — again accepted their respective party's nomination, with Manrique obtaining the endorsement of the PDP and naming its leader as his running mate. Increasing violence led many in Argentina, including much of the armed forces to conclude that only Perón commanded enough respect to persuade extremists away from hostilities. Gathering in Buenos Aires' renowned Teatro Colón, the Justicialist Party struggled to nominate Perón's running mate; the choice of the leader's own wife, intrigued the convention — she was, after all, the only prominent Peronist not publicly associated with any one faction within the fractious movement. Opposed to López Rega's suggestion at first, the aging Perón set aside strong personal doubts as to his wife's readiness for office and agreed.
The two sailed into office in a record landslide on the same FREJULI umbrella ticket on which Cámpora was elected only six months earlier. Justicialist Liberation Front: Former President Juan Perón of Buenos Aires Province Radical Civic Union: Former Deputy Ricardo Balbín of Buenos Aires Province Popular Federalist Alliance: Former Minister of Social Policy Francisco Manrique of Mendoza Province Socialist Workers' Party: Juan Carlos Coral
Américo Ghioldi was an Argentine educator and prominent Socialist politician. Ghioldi was raised in Buenos Aires, he went to become a Professor of Exact Sciences at the National Teachers' School in Buenos Aires and around 1930, founded La Vanguardia, soon among the leading Socialist dailies in Argentina. Encouraged by his brother, local Communist Party head Rodolfo Ghioldi, he ran as a Socialist for a seat in the Buenos Aires City Council, was elected in 1948. Becoming one of the few prominent left-wing lawmakers during the era of populist leader Juan Perón, Ghioldi was harassed by the Peronist regime and La Vanguardia was shuttered. Following Perón's violent 1955 overthrow, Gholdi was invited to take part in the influential Civilian Advisory Board called by junta leader General Eduardo Lonardi, he was elected to the Constituent Assembly of August 1957, entrusted to determine which among Perón's many constitutional changes should stand. The Socialist Party's 1958 convention, could arrive on no agreement as to their degree of opposition to Peronism.
Ghioldi broke from the party leadership, establishing a Democratic Socialist Party more opposed to Peronists than the Socialist Party would be. Faring modestly in 1963 elections, in which they split the socialist vote of 6% about evenly with the Socialist Party, Ghioldi devoted more time to academia, teaching at the University of Buenos Aires and University of La Plata and honored with a numerary membership in the prestigious Argentine Educational Academy. Ghioldi was again nominated on the Democratic Socialist ticket for elections held on March 11, 1973, his party fared poorly, garnering about 1% of the vote and badly outdistanced by the Socialists. Following President Juan Perón's July 1974 passing, Ghioldi advised his widow and successor, Isabel Martínez de Perón on the imminent wave of violence between Trotskyite and fascist extremists, warnings Mrs. Perón ignored. Ghioldi was respected by Argentine conservatives, in his years. A lifelong Socialist, he contributed to La Nación, Argentina's most prominent conservative daily.
The regime that deposed Isabel Perón, despite their violently right-wing ideology, named Ghioldi Ambassador to Portugal in 1976. He died in Buenos Aires in 1985 at age 85, his body lay in state at the Buenos Aires City Council's grand hall. Tribute
Vicente Solano Lima
Vicente Solano Lima was a moderately conservative newspaper publisher and politician who served as Vice President of Argentina from May 25, 1973 to July 13, 1973. Born in Ramallo, Buenos Aires, Solano Lima joined the Popular Conservative Party while enrolled in the University of La Plata, he earned a law degree in 1921 and became a provincial legislator in 1925, serving in the Lower House of the Argentine Congress on two occasions as a center-right National Democratic Party member. Solano Lima purchased an ailing San Nicolás de los Arroyos newspaper, El Norte, in 1928. Becoming a market leader in northeastern Buenos Aires Province, El Norte became a forum for the National Democrats, who enjoyed majorities in Congress during most of the 1930s; the election of laborioust leader Juan Perón to the Presidency in 1946 resulted in the daily's closure in 1948. Following Perón's 1955 overthrow, the National Democrats' staunchly anti-Peronist stance led Solano Lima to join Senator Alberto Fonrouge in his break from the party, co-founding the Popular Conservative Party in 1958.
Supporting a policy of rapproachment with the exiled Perón, the Popular Conservatives joined the banned Peronists in a joint Popular Front for the 1963 elections, for which he accepted the nomination for the Presidency. The ban on Peronism was rescinded ahead by President Alejandro Lanusse ahead of his call for new elections in 1973, the Popular Conservatives endorsed Perón's stand-in, Héctor Cámpora. Despite his conservative affiliation, Solano Lima was nominated as the leftist Cámpora's running-mate, the ticket sailed to victory on March 11. Taking office on May 25, Solano Lima focused his attention on helping increase university enrollment among the working and lower classes in Argentina, he joined President Cámpora in Juan Perón's retinue on the leader's June 20 return from exile in Madrid. The confrontation and differences between Cámpora and Perón's leading right-wing advisor, José López Rega, caused Solano Lima to resign as Vice-President on July 13, leading Cámpora to do likewise. Suffering from worsening asthma, Solano Lima considered retirement in Spain, but was persuaded by Perón to stay on as Chief of Staff when the latter was elected President on snap elections in September.
Perón appointed him Rector of the University of Buenos Aires in March 1974, though the president's death that July led to Solano Lima's retirement from public life, days later. Returning to San Nicolás, he joined a number of friends in a law practice, granted numerous interviews in subsequent years. Solano Lima: el ilustre olvidado