Alberto Ángel Fernández is an Argentine politician. He was the Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers during the entirety of Néstor Kirchner's presidency, the early months of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner's, his tenure as Cabinet Chief from 2003 to 2008 remains the longest since the post was created in 1994. Fernández was born in Buenos Aires, where he would attend Law School at the University of Buenos Aires, he graduated at the age of 24, became a professor of criminal law there. He entered public service as an adviser to Deliberative Council of Buenos Aires and the Argentine Chamber of Deputies, he as Deputy Director of Legal Affairs of the Economy Ministry, in this capacity served as chief Argentine negotiator at the GATT Uruguay Round. Nominated by newly elected President Carlos Menem to serve as National Superintendent for Insurance, served as President of the Latin American Insurance Managers' Association from 1989 to 1992, co-founded the Insurance Managers International Association, he served as adviser to Mercosur and ALADI on insurance law, was involved in insurance and health services companies in the private sector.
Fernández was named one of the Ten Outstanding Young People of Argentina in 1992, was awarded the Millennium Award as one of the nation's Businessmen of the Century, among other recognitions. During this time he became politically close to former Buenos Aires Province Governor Eduardo Duhalde, he was elected on June 7, 2000, to the Buenos Aires City Legislature on the conservative Acción por la República ticket led by former Economy Minister Domingo Cavallo. He gave up his seat when he was appointed Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers by President Néstor Kirchner upon taking office on May 25, 2003, retained the same post under Kirchner's wife and successor, President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, upon her election in 2007. A new system of variable taxes on agricultural exports led to the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the agricultural sector, during which Fernández acted as the government's chief negotiator; the negotiations failed and following Vice President Julio Cobos' surprise, tie-breaking vote against the bill in the Senate, Fernández resigned on July 23, 2008.
He was named head of the City of Buenos Aires chapter of the Justicialist Party, but minimized his involvement in Front for Victory campaigns for Congress in 2009. Fernández considered seeking the Justicialist Party presidential nomination ahead of the 2011 general elections, he endorsed President Cristina Kirchner for re-election, however
Felipe Solá is an Argentine politician of the Justicialist Party and was governor of Buenos Aires Province from 2002 until 2007. Born in Buenos Aires and raised in the upscale Recoleta section, Solá graduated from the University of Buenos Aires as an agricultural engineer in 1981. Upon graduation Solá was a university professor, a journalist, a counselor and researcher in economics, he married María Teresa González in 1982, they had two children. He met María Elena Cháves in La Plata in 2004, the two have lived in his home in Pilar since 2007, he was appointed Minister of Agricultural Affairs by Buenos Aires Province Governor Antonio Cafiero in 1987. Newly-elected President Carlos Menem named him Secretary of Agriculture and Fishing in 1989, in 1991 he was elected to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies for Buenos Aires Province on the Justicialist Party ticket. Solá returned to the post of Secretary of Agriculture under Menem in 1993, remaining in the post until 1998, his tenure is best known for his controversial 1996 decision to allow the cultivation of GMO soy in Argentina, authorized a mere 81 days after Monsanto applied for a permit.
On 10 December 1999, he became Vice Governor of Buenos Aires under Carlos Ruckauf, took up the governorship on 3 January 2002, when Ruckauf resigned to become Foreign Affairs Minister for interim President Eduardo Duhalde after the socioeconomic collapse of 2001. Solá abandoned his political allegiance to Duhalde after President Néstor Kirchner did aligning with Kirchner's expansionist policies; as governor and amid 9% economic growth, his support for Kirchnerist candidates in his province during the campaign for the 2005 legislative elections helped result for a landslide win over Duhalde's faction and other parties. He headed Kirchner's Front for Victory party list for his province's congressional candidates in 2007, stepped down as governor and returned to Congress. Having been rejected as running mate for 2007 Front for Victory presidential nominee Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Solá became estranged from Kirchnerism during the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the agricultural sector and left their caucus to become a dissident Peronist.
Ahead of the 2009 mid-term elections, he joined Francisco de Narváez and Mauricio Macri in Unión PRO, a center-right coalition of fellow dissident Peronists and the Republican Proposal party. Solá became a primary candidate in August 2009 for president ahead of the 2011 elections, he joined the Renewal Front, a centrist Peronist faction created by Sergio Massa ahead of the 2013 mid-term elections. Like Solá, Massa had broken with President Cristina Kirchner after the 2008 agro-export tax hike dispute, the Renewal Front bested Kirchner's Front for Victory in Buenos Aires Province in 2013. Solá ran for Governor of Buenos Aires Province in 2015 on the Renewal Front-led United for a New Alternative ticket, he headed Massa's'1País' Buenos Aires Province party list for the 2017 Argentine legislative election but again placed third. He broke with the Renewal Front and on 22 October 2018, joined four fellow Renewal Front congressmen and four allies to create the'Network for Argentina'. Amid a worsening economic crisis Solá stated that his goal was to promote unity against the Mauricio Macri administration for the 2019 elections
A licentiate is a degree below that of a PhD given by universities in some countries. The term is used for a person who holds this degree; the term derives from Latin licentia, "freedom", applied in the phrases licentia docendi meaning permission to teach and licentia ad practicandum signifying someone who holds a certificate of competence to practise a profession. Many countries have degrees with this title. For the student in the medieval university the "licentia docendi" was of a somewhat different nature than the academic degrees of bachelor, master or doctor; the latter indicated the rank of seniority in the various faculties, whereas the licentia was the licence to teach. It was awarded not by the university but by the church, embodied in the chancellor of the diocese in which the university was located; the licentia would only be awarded however upon recommendation by the university shortly before the candidate would be awarded the final degree of master or doctor, the requirements for which beyond having been awarded the licentia were only of a ceremonial nature.
Over time however, this distinction in nature between the licentia on the one hand and the bachelor and doctor degrees on the other began to fade. In the continental European universities the licentia became an academic degree between the bachelor's degree on the one hand and the master or doctor degree on other, in particular in the higher faculties. Moreover, the costs for obtaining the doctorate could be significant; as a result, most students not intending on an academic career would forgo the doctorate, as a result the licentiate became the common final degree. A notable exception to this development were the universities of Oxford and Cambridge, the universities modelled after them; as their locations were not the seats of bishops, the granting of the licentia docendi happened by proxy, its significance faded away. In Argentina, the Licentiate degree, by which one becomes a licenciada or a licenciado, is a four- to six-year degree. It's equivalent to an M. Sc. or M. A. in North American universities, or Master in any country of Europe given by the Bologna Process and World Universities affiliates.
The achievement of the "Licentiate" degree does not require the formal writing of a thesis, although always, some amount of research is required. The successful defense of the "Tesis de Licenciatura" automatically habilitates the candidate to apply to a Master's or Doctorate degree in a related field of science. D. degree. The only institutions in Australia to grant licentiates, apart from theological colleges, are the Australian Music Examinations Board and the Australian College of Music, which confer licentiate diplomas, including the Licentiate in Music, Australia; the status of this award is similar to that of an Australian diploma—currently one year of post-secondary education—and so it is a lesser award than a degree, although this award can take two or more years to complete due to its high standard. For theological colleges in former times, the licentiate was a specific post graduate award, analogous to a current graduate diploma, it was used because some theological colleges did not enjoy university status, could not award degrees such as baccalaureates and doctorates.
Though this was never the case in Catholic Colleges where the Licentiate cannot be earned until one has completed 7 years of study. In such an instance, it sits well above the level of graduate diploma between that of master's and doctorate; the Catholic Institute of Sydney is a Pontifical Faculty and as such offers the Licentiate of Sacred Theology which ranks above a master's degree and can only be earned after seven years of study. The licentiate is part of the three cycles of theological education in the Roman Catholic Church, instituted in 1931: baccalaureate, it is the licentiate. See John Paul II's apostolic constitution, Sapientia Christiana. At Belgian universities, a person titled Licentiate holds the equivalent education of a Master's degree. A female Licentiate was called Licentiate in Licenciée in French; the years spent to obtain the degree of Licentiate were called Licentiaat or Licentie in Dutch and Licence in French. It was the second level of university study, after that of Candidate.
A female Candidate was called Kandidate in Candidate in French. The years spent to obtain the degree of Candidate were called Kandidaats or Kandidatuur in Dutch and Candidature in French; each of those two levels required at least two years of successful study. Licentiates were required to write a thesis; this candidate-licentiate system is now being replaced by an American-style bachelor-master system. Civil engineer, Doctor of medicine, Doctor of law (o
Latin honors are Latin phrases used to indicate the level of distinction with which an academic degree has been earned. This system is used in the United States, many countries of continental Europe, some Southeastern Asian countries with European colonial history, such as Indonesia and the Philippines, although some institutions use translations of these phrases rather than the Latin originals; the honors distinction should not be confused with the honors degrees offered in some countries. A college's or university's regulations set out definite criteria to be met in order for a student to obtain a given honors distinction. For example, the student might be required to achieve a specific grade point average, to submit an honors thesis for evaluation, to be part of an honors program, or to graduate early; each university sets its own standards. Since these standards may vary it is possible for the same level of Latin honors conferred by different institutions to represent contrasting levels of academic achievement.
Some institutions may grant equivalent non-Latin honors to undergraduates. The University of Wisconsin–Madison, for example, has a series of plain English grading honors based on class standing; these honors, when they are used, are always awarded to undergraduates earning their bachelor's, with the exception of law school graduates, much more to graduate students receiving their master's or doctorate degree. The honor is indicated on the diploma. Latin honors are conferred upon law school students graduating as a Juris Doctor or J. D. in which case they are based upon class rank or grade point average. In North America, Latin honors are awarded by colleges and universities for undergraduates degrees, such as the Bachelor of Arts or Bachelor of Science, by law schools for the Juris Doctor degree. Latin honors are not used with other graduate degrees, such as M. D. or Ph. D. degrees. Most institutions use two or three levels of Latin honors, listed below in ascending order: cum laude, meaning "with praise".
This honor is awarded to graduates in the top 20%, top 25%, or top 30% of their class, depending on the institution. Magna cum laude, meaning "with great praise"; this honor is awarded to graduates in the top 10% or top 15% of their class, depending on the institution. Summa cum laude, meaning "with greatest praise"; this honor is awarded to graduates in the top 1%, top 2%, or top 5% of their class, depending on the institution. Not all institutions award the summa cum laude distinction; some institutions have additional distinctions. For example, at a few universities maxima cum laude, meaning "with great praise", is an intermediary honor between the magna and the summa honors, it is sometimes used when the summa honor is reserved only for students with perfect academic records. A further used distinction is that of egregia cum laude which means "with outstanding praise," and if used may be for either students achieving summa cum laude honors in a difficult subject area or recipients of a non-standard Bachelor's degree.
For undergraduate degrees, Latin honors are used in only a few countries such as the United States, Indonesia, the Dominican Republic, the Philippines and Canada. Most countries use a different scheme, such as the British undergraduate degree classification, more used with varying criteria and nomenclature depending on country, including Australia, Barbados, Colombia, Hong Kong, Ireland, Kenya, New Zealand, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, South Africa and Tobago, the United Kingdom and many other countries. Malta shows the Latin honors on the degree certificates, but the UK model is shown on the transcript. In Austria, the only Latin honor in use is sub auspiciis Praesidentis rei publicae for doctoral degrees. Candidates must have excellent grades throughout high school and university, making it difficult to attain: only about 20 out of a total of 2,500 doctoral graduates per year achieve a sub auspiciis degree. In Belgium, the university degree awarded is limited to: Satisfaction cum laude magna cum laude summa cum laude In Brazil, the Instituto Tecnológico de Aeronáutica awards the cum laude honor for graduates with every individual grade above 8.5, the magna cum laude honor for graduates with average grade above 8.5 and more than 50% of individual grades above 9.5, the summa cum laude honor for graduates with average grade above 9.5.
As of 2009, only 22 graduates have received the summa cum laude honor at ITA. The Federal University of Rio de Janeiro awards the cum laude honor for graduates with average grade from 8.0 to 8.9, the magna cum laude honor for graduates with average grade from 9.0 to 9.4, the summa cum laude honor for graduates with average grade from 9.5 to 10.0. The Federal University of Ceará awards the magna cum laude honor for undergraduates who have never failed a course, achieved an average grade from 8.5 and have received a fellowship of both Academic Extension and Teaching Initiation. In Estonia, up until 2010 both summa cum laude and cum laude were used. Summa cum laude was awarded only for exceptional work. Since 1 September 2010, only cum laude is used. It
Jorge Enrique Taiana is an Argentine Justicialist Party politician Foreign Minister in the administrations of President Néstor Kirchner and his successor, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. His father was Jorge Alberto Taiana and physician of former President Juan Perón. Jorge Taiana was born in Buenos Aires as the fourth and second youngest child of Matilde Puebla and Jorge Alberto Taiana, his father was a prominent Argentine surgeon who served in a number of social policy posts for President Juan Perón, as well as one of his personal physicians. He attended the Colegio Nacional de Buenos Aires, studied sociology, was awarded a Master's Degree in Social Sciences at the Latin American Social Science Institute, he was a researcher at the National University of Quilmes and worked in the field of human rights. Taiana is married to Telefe producer Bernarda Llorente. Taiana was a militant Peronist in the early 1970s and in 1973 re-launched Descamisado, a populist news weekly thereafter associated with the Montoneros guerilla movement.
He worked alongside his father in the Ministry of Education as Head of Cabinet following the return of Peronism to power in 1973, despite being threatened by the Triple A, he decided to remain in the country. He was imprisoned in 1975 and spent seven years in jail without trial in a military prison in Rawson. Following his release, Taiana held several academic positions until he was appointed Advisor to the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Argentine Chamber of Deputies, he was appointed Undersecretary for Organizations and Special Matters after the election of fellow Peronist Carlos Menem in 1989, in 1990 was appointed Undersecretary for Foreign Policy and Director of International Organizations. Between 1992 and 1995, he was the Argentine Ambassador to Guatemala and concurrently to Belize. After wide regional support to his candidature, he served as Executive Secretary of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the OAS between 1996 and 2001, became Secretary for Human Rights of the Government of the Province of Buenos Aires.
President Kirchner appointed Taiana as Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Worship in December 2005, replacing Rafael Bielsa. As Foreign Minister, Taiana has presided over the United Nations Security Council and to dealt with issues such as the Falkland Islands sovereignty dispute, the paper mill dispute with Uruguay and the accession of Venezuela to Mercosur, among many other matters of Argentine foreign policy, he was confirmed as Foreign Minister by Cristina Fernández de Kirchner on her inaugural on December 10, 2007. He resigned his post on June 2010, citing "lack of support and differences" with the President, he remained supportive of her administration, in September was nominated to head the Front for Victory party list for the Buenos Aires City Legislature. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Worship List of Foreign Ministers of Argentina Government of Argentina
Javier González Fraga
Javier González Fraga is an Argentine economist and businessman. He served as President of the Central Bank of Argentina from 1989 to 1991, was nominated as running-mate by Ricardo Alfonsín for his 2011 campaign for the Presidency. González Fraga was born in Buenos Aires as the youngest of four children to Elvira Fraga and N. González Casartelli, he earned a degree in Economics with honors at the Pontifical Catholic University of Argentina, in 1974, was brought on by La Nación, one of the nation's leading news dailies, as a financial columnist. He earned a fellowship at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University, at the London School of Economics, he married Bárbara Morea Giménez, had two children. He established a dairy farm, La Salamandra, near Luján, Buenos Aires, in 1979, continued to write on finance and economics, authoring El Mercado de Capitales and El Sistema Financiero, he served as adviser to the State enterprise bureau during the Raúl Alfonsín Administration, was hired by BCCI principal Ghaith Pharaon to manage debt-equity swaps for the bank, as well as portfolio investments that included the Park Hyatt Buenos Aires.
The election of Justicialist Party candidate Carlos Menem in 1989, his reliance on the agribusiness conglomerate Bunge & Born for economic policy during the presidential transition, gave the company's Chief Operating Officer, Orlando Ferreres, the power to choose most of the new administration's economic team. He recommended the young González Fraga, well-known to the local banking sector as a policy consultant, to be the new President of the Central Bank; the nominee informed the President-elect. González Fraga leveraged business confidence in the new economic team to stabilize the undervalued austral, despite favoring greater exchange rate flexibility in light of the critical need for foreign exchange reserves, González Fraga eliminated trade finance lines of credit and increased U. S. dollar purchases from exporters. These measures created friction with both the agricultural sector and Bunge & Born itself, though he continued to enjoy Menem's support; the austral, which had fallen in the days prior to Menem's July 8 inaugural in anticipation of a devaluation, stabilized.
The financial crisis continued to exert pressure on prices and monthly inflation reached 197% in July. The National Mint could not meet demand for banknotes, in response, the new Central Bank President ordered the mint to triple production by printing higher denominations on old Peso ley templates, issuing bills printed on only one side; the crisis subsided in August, by September, monthly inflation was in single digits. González Fraga, remained in strained terms with the Bunge & Born-dominated Economy Ministry, sought as much independence for the Central Bank as possible. However, Economy Minister Néstor Rapanelli's opposition to González Fraga's call for a floating exchange rate led the central banker to resign on November 24; these news added to concerns that the us$2 billion in new portfolio investment envisaged in July failed to materialize, amid a new currency crisis, Rapanelli himself resigned three weeks later. Menem loyalist Antonio Erman González was named President of the Central Bank in March 1990, González Fraga returned to the institution as its Vice President.
A reversal of the roles each had in 1989, this partnership continued when in June, he succeeded Erman González, while the latter retained the Economy Ministry. As the nation's finances stabilized, his agenda in the ensuing months was topped by difficult repayment negotiations over mounting foreign debt arrears, as well as by ongoing investigations into securities fraud committed against the Central Bank by numerous institutions during the crisis. Revelations in January 1991 that Menem Administration officials had solicited bribes from beef processor Swift & Company, as well as a renewed currency crisis, led to the resignation of the entire economic team. González Fraga returned to the private sector, he was named Director of the Argentine Institute of Capital Markets, a think tank associated with the Buenos Aires Stock Exchange, was named Vice President of the Stock Exchange. He remained active as a dairy farmer, he established a manufacturing plant at La Salamandra in 1991, introduced buffalo mozzarella to Argentina.
He returned to academia, was given tenure as Professor of Economics at his alma mater in 1994. He earned a Konex Award for his role as an entrepreneur in 1998, in 2004, was offered the post of Director of the National Arts Fund by President Néstor Kirchner. González Fraga became known as one of the nation's foremost experts and proponents of Keynesian economics, he would influence a number of future policy makers in Argentina, including Martín Lousteau, with whom he wrote Sin Atajos in 2005, Débora Giorgi, who worked with González Fraga during his tenure at the Central Bank. He himself, never garnered an appointment to the powerful Economy Ministry, despite having been considered for the post. Close to important figures in both the cente
Argentina–United States relations
The Argentine Republic and the United States of America have maintained bilateral relations since the United States formally recognized the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata, the predecessor to Argentina, on January 27, 1823. Since 1998, Argentina has been the only designated major non-NATO ally in Latin America owing to Argentina's assistance to the United States in the Gulf War. Relations have been strained at times over the past few years during the Cristina Fernández de Kirchner administration, but they have improved since President Mauricio Macri came to power in late 2015. After Argentina became independent from Spanish rule, the United States formally recognized the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata, the legal predecessor to Argentina, on January 27, 1823; the bilateral relations have seesawed over the last century and a half between periods of greater cooperation and periods of tension over ideology and finance. There has never been a threat of war. Argentina was integrated into the British international economy in the late 19th century.
When the United States began promoting the Pan American Union, some Argentines were suspicious that it was indeed a device to lure the country into the US economic orbit, but most businessmen responded favorably and bilateral trade grew briskly. Relations soured. Argentina had large British and German populations and both countries had made large-scale investments in Argentina. However, as a prosperous neutral it expanded trade with the United States during the war and exported meat and wool to the Allies to Britain, providing generous loans and becoming a net creditor to the Allied side, a policy known as "benevolent neutrality". Argentina's policy during WW2 was marked by two distinct phases. During the early years of the war, Argentine President Roberto M. Ortiz sought to provide economic support to the Allies as during WWI proposing to US President Roosevelt that both countries join the Allies together as non-belligerents in 1940; however his proposal was snubbed at the time. Following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour, US foreign-policy worked to unite all of Latin America in a coalition against Germany.
Argentina's neutralist stance, had hardened following the resignation of President Ortiz due to diabetes, the United States worked to pressure the Argentine government, against the wishes of Britain which supported Argentine neutrality in an effort to maintain vital provisions of beef and wheat to the Allies safe from German U-boat attacks. Most of the beef and wheat consumed in the British Isles came from Argentina. Washington policy backfired when the military seized power in a coup in 1943. Relations grew worse, prompting the powerful farm lobby in Washington to promote economic and diplomatic isolation of Argentina and to try unsuccessfully to keep it out of the United Nations, a policy reversed when Argentina, along other Latin American countries that still remained neutral, declared war on Germany in 1945. While Argentina hosted a organized pro-Nazi element before the Second World War, controlled by German ambassadors; the Argentine government remained neutral until the closing weeks of the war, albeit tolerated entry of Nazi scientists and some notable war criminals fleeing Europe as the conflict ended.
Historians have shown there was little gold and not many Nazis, but the myths lived on and helped sour relations with the United States. By 1976, human rights groups in USA were denouncing the "Dirty War" waged against leftist dissidents by the repressive military regime in Argentina, they demanded congressional control over foreign aid funding to regimes violating human rights. The US State Department saw Argentina as a bulwark of anti-Communism in South America and in early April 1976, the US Congress approved a request by the Ford Administration and supported by Henry Kissinger, to grant $50,000,000 in security assistance to the junta. In 1977 and 1978 the United States sold more than $120,000,000 in military spare parts to Argentina, in 1977 the US Department of Defense granted $700,000 to train 217 Argentine military officers. By the mid-1970s, at a time when détente with the USSR softened the anti-Communism issue and President Jimmy Carter highlighted issues of human rights, United States activists escalated their attacks and in 1978 secured a congressional cutoff of all US arms transfers to Argentina.
Argentina turned to Israel for weapons sales. U. S.-Argentine relations improved under the Reagan Administration, which asserted that the previous Carter Administration had weakened US diplomatic relationships with Cold War allies in Argentina, reversed the previous administration's official condemnation of the junta's human rights practices. The re-establishment of diplomatic ties allowed for CIA collaboration with the Argentine intelligence service in arming and training the Nicaraguan Contras against the Sandinista government; the 601 Intelligence Battalion, for example, trained Contras at Lepaterique base, in Honduras. Argentina provided security advisors, intelligence training and some material support to forces in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras to suppress local rebel groups as part of a U. S.-sponsored program called Operation Charly. Argentine military and intelligence cooperation with the Reagan Administration ended in 1982, when Argentina seized the British territory of the Falkland Islands in an attempt to quell domestic and economic unrest.