Greenpeace is a non-governmental environmental organization with offices in over 39 countries and an international coordinating body in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. Greenpeace was founded in 1971 by Irving Stowe, Dorothy Stowe, Canadian and US ex-pat environmental activists. Greenpeace states its goal is to "ensure the ability of the Earth to nurture life in all its diversity" and focuses its campaigning on worldwide issues such as climate change, overfishing, commercial whaling, genetic engineering, anti-nuclear issues, it uses direct action, lobbying and ecotage to achieve its goals. The global organization does not accept funding from governments, corporations, or political parties, relying on three million individual supporters and foundation grants. Greenpeace has a general consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council and is a founding member of the INGO Accountability Charter, an international non-governmental organization that intends to foster accountability and transparency of non-governmental organizations.
Greenpeace is known for its direct actions and has been described as the most visible environmental organization in the world. Greenpeace has raised environmental issues to public knowledge, influenced both the private and the public sector. Greenpeace has been a source of controversy; the organization's direct actions have sparked legal actions against Greenpeace activists, such as fines and suspended sentences for destroying a test plot of genetically modified wheat and damaging the Nazca Lines, a UN World Heritage site in Peru. In the late 1960s, the U. S. had plans for an underground nuclear weapon test in the tectonically unstable island of Amchitka in Alaska. Because of the 1964 Alaska earthquake, the plans raised some concerns of the test triggering earthquakes and causing a tsunami. A 1969 demonstration of 7,000 people blocked the Peace Arch Border Crossing between British Columbia and Washington, carrying signs reading "Don't Make A Wave. It's Your Fault If Our Fault Goes"; the protests did not stop the U.
S. from detonating the bomb. While no earthquake or tsunami followed the test, the opposition grew when the U. S. announced. Among the opposers were Jim Bohlen, a veteran who had served in the U. S. Navy, Irving Stowe and Dorothy Stowe, who had become Quakers; as members of the Sierra Club Canada, they were frustrated by the lack of action by the organization. From Irving Stowe, Jim Bohlen learned of a form of passive resistance, "bearing witness", where objectionable activity is protested by mere presence. Jim Bohlen's wife Marie came up with the idea to sail to Amchitka, inspired by the anti-nuclear voyages of Albert Bigelow in 1958; the idea was linked to The Sierra Club. The Sierra Club did not like this connection and in 1970 The Don't Make a Wave Committee was established for the protest. Early meetings were held in the Shaughnessy home of his wife Bobbi Hunter. Subsequently, the Stowe home at 2775 Courtenay Street became the headquarters; as Rex Weyler put it in his chronology, Greenpeace, in 1969, Irving and Dorothy Stowe's "quiet home on Courtenay Street would soon become a hub of monumental, global significance".
Some of the first Greenpeace meetings were held there. The first office was opened in a backroom, storefront on Cypress and West Broadway SE corner in Kitsilano, Vancouver. Within half a year Greenpeace would move in to share the upstairs office space with The Society Promoting Environmental Conservation at 4th and Maple in Kitsilano. Irving Stowe arranged a benefit concert that took place on October 16, 1970 at the Pacific Coliseum in Vancouver; the concert created the financial basis for the first Greenpeace campaign. Amchitka, the 1970 concert that launched Greenpeace was published by Greenpeace in November 2009 on CD and is available as an mp3 download via the Amchitka concert website. Using the money raised with the concert, the Don't Make a Wave Committee chartered a ship, the Phyllis Cormack owned and sailed by John Cormack; the ship was renamed Greenpeace for the protest after a term coined by activist Bill Darnell. In the autumn of 1971, the ship sailed towards Amchitka and faced the U.
S. Coast Guard ship Confidence; because of this and the bad weather the crew decided to return to Canada only to find out that the news about their journey and reported support from the crew of the Confidence had generated sympathy for their protest. After this Greenpeace tried to navigate to the test site with other vessels, until the U. S. detonated the bomb. The nuclear test was criticized and the U. S. decided not to continue with their test plans at Amchitka. Environmental historian Frank Zelko dates the formation of the "Don't Make a Wave Committee" to 1969 and according to Jim Bohlen the group adopted the name "Don't Make a Wave Committee" on 28 November 1969. According to the Greenpeace web site, The Don't Make a Wave Committee was established in 1970. Certificate of incorporation of The Don't Make a Wave Committee dates the incorporation to the fifth of October, 1970. Researcher Vanessa Timmer dates the official incorporation to 1971. Greenpeace itself calls the protest voyage of 1971 as "the beginning".
According to Patrick Moore, an early member and has since distanced himself from Greenpeace, Rex Weyler, the name of "The Don't Make a Wave Committee" was changed to Greenpeace Foundation in 1972. Vanessa Timmer has
Bartolomé Mitre Martínez was an Argentine statesman, military figure, author. He was the President of Argentina from 1862 to 1868. Mitre was born in Buenos Aires to a Greek family named Mitropoulos; as a liberal, he was an opponent of Juan Manuel de Rosas, he was forced into exile. He worked as a soldier and journalist in Uruguay as a supporter of General Fructuoso Rivera, who named Mitre Lieutenant Colonel of the Uruguayan Army in 1846. Mitre lived in Bolivia and Chile, in the latter country, he collaborated with legal scholar and fellow Argentine exile Juan Bautista Alberdi in the latter's periodical, El Comercio of Valparaíso. Mitre returned to Argentina after the defeat of Rosas at the 1852 Battle of Caseros, he was a leader of the revolt of Buenos Aires Province against Justo José de Urquiza's federal system in the Revolution of 11 September 1852, was appointed to important posts in the provincial government after the Province seceded from the Confederation. The civil war of 1859, after the revolt of Buenos Aires against Justo José de Urquiza's federal system, resulted in Mitre's defeat by Urquiza at the Battle of Cepeda, in 1860.
Issues of customs revenue sharing were settled, Buenos Aires reentered the Argentine Confederation. Victorious at the 1861 Battle of Pavón, Mitre obtained important concessions from the national army, notably the amendment of the Constitution to provide for indirect elections through an electoral college. In October 1862, Mitre was elected president of the republic, national political unity was achieved. During the Paraguayan War, Mitre was named the head of the allied forces. Mitre was the founder of La Nación, one of South America's leading newspapers, in 1870, his opposition to Autonomist Party nominee Adolfo Alsina, whom he viewed as a veiled Buenos Aires separatist, led Mitre to run for the presidency again, though the seasoned Alsina outmaneuvered him by fielding Nicolás Avellaneda, a moderate lawyer from remote Tucuman Province where the independence of Argentina had been declared in 1816. The electoral college met on 12 April 1874, awarded Mitre only three provinces, including Buenos Aires.
Mitre took up arms again. Hoping to prevent Avellaneda's 12 October inaugural, he mutineered a gunboat. Following the 1890 Revolution of the Park, he broke with the conservative National Autonomist Party and co-founded the Civic Union with reformist Leandro Alem. Mitre's desire to maintain an understanding with the ruling PAN led to the Civic Union's schism in 1891, upon which Mitre founded the National Civic Union, Alem, the Radical Civic Union, he dedicated much of his time in years to writing. According to some of his critics, as a historian Mitre took several questionable actions ignoring key documents and events on purpose in his writings; this caused his student Adolfo Saldías to distance himself from him, for future revisionist historians such as José María Rosa to question the validity of his work altogether. He wrote poetry and fiction, translated Dante's La divina commedia into Spanish, he was an active freemason, the grandfather of poet, Margarita Abella Caprile. On his death in 1906, he was interred in La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires.
19 January 2006 marked the centenary of Mitre's death. Mitre ranks as an important South-American historiographer, he wrote the best accounts of South America's wars of independence and published many works, amongst which are: Historia de Belgrano y de la independencia argentina Historia de San Martín y de la emancipación sudamericana Rimas Ulrich Schmidl, primer historiador del Rio de la Plata There is an abridged translation of the Historia de San Martín, entitled The Emancipation of South America by W. Pilling. Mitre's speeches were collected as Arengas. J. J. Biedma, El Teniente General Bartolomé Mitre, in Bartolomé Mitre, volume iii. William H. Katra, The Argentine Generation of 1837: Echeverría, Sarmiento, Mitre. Works by Bartolomé Mitre at Project Gutenberg Works by or about Bartolomé Mitre at Internet Archive Works by Bartolomé Mitre at LibriVox
Dock Sud is a town of Avellaneda County in Buenos Aires Province, Argentina. It forms part of the urban agglomeration of Greater Buenos Aires; the area is home to Club Sportivo Dock Sud a football team playing in the lower leagues of Argentine football. Former Argentina national football team captain Javier Zanetti was born here; the oldest and most important neighborhood in Dock Sud is Isla Maciel, home to Club Atlético San Telmo. The Nicolás Avellaneda housing complex, started in 1973 by President Héctor Cámpora, is the second most important, is located on the eastern side of the Buenos Aires-La Plata Freeway. Dock Sud, a predominantly working-class district, has in recent decades been afflicted with some of the nation's highest crime rates. Welcome to Dock Sud Municipal information: Municipal Affairs Federal Institute, Municipal Affairs Secretariat, Ministry of Interior, Argentina
Néstor Carlos Kirchner Jr. was an Argentine politician who served as President of Argentina from 2003 to 2007 and as Governor of Santa Cruz from 1991 to 2003. Ideologically a Peronist and social democrat, he served as President of the Justicialist Party from 2008 to 2010, with his political approach being characterised as Kirchnerism. Born in Río Gallegos, Santa Cruz, Kirchner studied law at the National University of La Plata, he met and married Cristina Fernández at this time, returned with her to Río Gallegos at graduation, opened a law firm. Commentators have criticized him for a lack of legal activism during the Dirty War, an issue he would involve himself in as president. Kirchner ran for mayor of Río Gallegos in 1987 and for governor of Santa Cruz in 1991, he was reelected governor in 1999 due to an amendment of the provincial constitution. Kirchner sided with Buenos Aires provincial governor Eduardo Duhalde against President Carlos Menem. Although Duhalde lost the 1999 presidential election, he was appointed president by the Congress when previous presidents Fernando de la Rúa and Adolfo Rodríguez Saá resigned during the December 2001 riots.
Duhalde suggested that Kirchner run for president in 2003 in a bid to prevent Menem's return to the presidency. Menem won a plurality in the first round of the presidential election but, fearing that he would lose in the required runoff election, he resigned. Kirchner took office on 25 May 2003. Roberto Lavagna, credited with the economic recovery during Duhalde's presidency, was retained as minister of economy and continued his economic policies. Argentina repaid the International Monetary Fund; the National Institute of Statistics and Census intervened to underestimate growing inflation. Several Supreme Court judges resigned while fearing impeachment, new justices were appointed; the amnesty for crimes committed during the Dirty War in enforcing the full-stop and due-obedience laws and the presidential pardons were repealed and declared unconstitutional. This led to new trials for the military. Argentina increased its integration with other Latin American countries, discontinuing its automatic alignment with the United States dating to the 1990s.
The 2005 midterm elections were a victory for Kirchner, signaled the end of Duhalde's supremacy in Buenos Aires Province. Instead of seeking reelection, Kirchner stepped aside in 2007 in support of his wife, Cristina Fernández, elected president, he participated in the unsuccessful Operation Emmanuel to release FARC hostages, was narrowly defeated in the 2009 midterm election for deputy of Buenos Aires Province. Kirchner was appointed Secretary General of UNASUR in 2010, he and his wife were involved in the 2013 political scandal known as the Route of the K-Money. Kirchner died of cardiac arrest on 27 October 2010, received a state funeral. Kirchner was born Néstor Carlos Kirchner Jr. on 25 February 1950, in Río Gallegos, Santa Cruz, a federal territory at the time. His father, Néstor Carlos Kirchner Sr. met the Chilean María Juana Ostoić by telegraphy. They had three children: Néstor and María Cristina. Néstor was part of the third generation of Kirchners living in the city; as a result of pertussis, he developed strabismus at an early age.
When Kirchner was in high school he considered becoming a teacher, but poor diction hampered him. Kirchner moved to La Plata in 1969 to study law at the National University. During this period, the decline of the Argentine Revolution, the return of former president Juan Perón from exile, the election of Héctor Cámpora as president, his resignation and the election of Perón, the beginning of the Dirty War had led to severe political turmoil. Kirchner joined the University Federation for the National Revolution, a political student group whose relationship with the Montoneros guerrillas is a matter of debate. Kirchner was not a leader of the group, he was present at the Ezeiza massacre, in which right-wing Peronist snipers opened fire on a celebration of Juan Perón's return at the Ezeiza International Airport. He was present at the expulsion of Montoneros from Plaza de Mayo. Although Kirchner met many members of the Montoneros, he was not a member of the group. By the time the Montoneros were outlawed by Perón, he had left FURN.
In 1974 Kirchner met Cristina Fernández, three years his junior, they fell in love. They were married after a courtship limited to six months by the political turmoil in the country. At the civil ceremony, Kirchner's friends sang the Peronist song "Los Muchachos Peronistas", he graduated a year returned to Patagonia with Cristina, established a law firm with fellow attorney Domingo Ortiz de Zarate. Cristina joined the firm in 1979. By the time of Kirchner's graduation and move to the Patagonia, Juan Perón had died, his vice president and wife Isabel Martínez de Perón had become president. Isabel Perón had been unseated by a coup d'état; the Kirchners worked for banks and financial groups which filed foreclosures, since the Central Bank's 1050 ruling had raised mortgage loan interest rates. And acquired 21 real-estate lots for a low price when they were about to be auctioned, their law firm defended. Forced disappearances were common during the Dirty War, but unlike other lawyers of the time the Kirchners never signed a habeas corpus.
Julio César Strassera, prosecutor in the
La Boca is a neighborhood, or barrio of the Argentine capital, Buenos Aires. It retains a strong Italian flavour, with many of its early settlers being from the city of Genoa; as one of Buenos Aires's 48 barrios, La Boca is located in the city's south-east near its old port. The barrio of Barracas is to the west; the neighborhood may derive its name from its location at'La Boca' of the Riachuelo, as the Mantanza River is called. In 1882, after a lengthy general strike, La Boca seceded from Argentina, the rebels raised the Genoese flag, torn down by President Julio Argentino Roca. Among sports fans, Boca is best known for being the home of world-renowned football club Boca Juniors; the club plays their home matches in the Estadio Alberto J. Armando, popularly known as La Bombonera. La Boca is a popular destination for tourists visiting Argentina, with its colourful houses and pedestrian street, the Caminito, where tango artists perform and tango-related memorabilia is sold. Other attractions include many tango clubs and Italian taverns.
The actual area visited by tourists is only a few blocks long and has been built up for tourism actively over the last few years. Outside this tourist area, it is a poor neighborhood that has had many regular occurrences of petty crimes reported, it has been a centre for radical politics, having elected the first socialist member of the Argentine Congress and was home to many demonstrations during the crisis of 2001. As of 2016, the health of over 1,000 La Boca citizens is threatened by the pollution of the Matanza-Riachuelo River. A Flags of the World article about flags used in La Boca Caminito Street at La Boca neighbourhood A Brief Look into the History of La Boca
Carlos Saúl Menem Akil is an Argentine politician, President of Argentina from July 8, 1989 to December 10, 1999. He has been a Senator for La Rioja Province since December 10, 2005. Born in Anillaco, Menem became a Peronist during a visit to Buenos Aires, he led the party in his home province of La Rioja, was elected governor in 1973. He was deposed and detained during the 1976 Argentine coup d'état, was elected governor again in 1983, he defeated the Buenos Aires governor Antonio Cafiero in the primary elections for the 1989 presidential elections, which he won. Hyperinflation forced outgoing president Raúl Alfonsín to resign early, shortening the presidential transition. Menem supported the Washington Consensus, tackled inflation with the Convertibility plan in 1991; the plan was complemented by a series of privatizations, was a success. Argentina re-established diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom, suspended since the 1982 Falklands War, developed special relations with the United States.
The country suffered two terrorist attacks. The Peronist victory in the 1993 midterm elections allowed him to force Alfonsín to sign the Pact of Olivos for the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution; this amendment allowed Menem to run for re-election in 1995. A new economic crisis began, the opposing parties formed a political coalition that won the 1997 midterm elections and the 1999 presidential election. Menem ran for the presidency again in 2003, but faced with a defeat in a ballotage against Néstor Kirchner, he chose to pull out of the ballotage handing the presidency to Kirchner, he was elected senator for La Rioja in 2005. At 88, he is the oldest living former Argentine president. Carlos Saúl Menem was born in 1930 in Anillaco, a small town in the mountainous north of La Rioja Province, Argentina, his parents, Saúl Menem and Mohibe Akil, were Syrian nationals from Yabroud who had emigrated to Argentina. He attended elementary and high school in La Rioja, joined a basketball team during his university studies.
He visited Buenos Aires in 1951 with the team, met the president Juan Perón and his wife Eva Perón. This influenced Menem to become a Peronist, he studied law at the National University of Córdoba, graduating in 1955. After President Juan Peron's overthrow in 1955, Menem was incarcerated, he joined the successor to the Peronist Party, the Justicialist Party. He was elected president of its La Rioja Province chapter in 1973. In that capacity, he was included in the flight to Spain that brought Perón back to Argentina after his long exile. According to the Peronist politician Juan Manuel Abal Medina, Menem played no special part in the event. Menem was elected governor in 1973, he was deposed during the 1976 Argentine coup d'état that deposed the president Isabel Martínez de Perón. He was accused of corruption, having links with the guerrillas of the Dirty War, he was detained on March 25, kept for a week at a local regiment, moved to a temporary prison at the ship "33 Orientales" in Buenos Aires. He was detained alongside former ministers Antonio Cafiero, Jorge Taiana, Miguel Unamuno, José Deheza, Pedro Arrighi, the unionists Jorge Triaca, Diego Ibáñez, Lorenzo Miguel, the diplomat Jorge Vázquez, the journalist Osvaldo Papaleo, the former president Raúl Lastiri.
He shared a cell with Juan Perón's personal physician. During this time he helped the chaplain Lorenzo Lavalle, despite being a Muslim. In July he was sent to a permanent prison, his wife Zulema rejected his conversion to Christianity. His mother died during the time he was a prisoner, dictator Jorge Rafael Videla denied his request to attend her funeral, he was released on July 29, 1978, on the condition that he live in a city outside his home province without leaving it. He settled in Mar del Plata. Menem met Admiral Eduardo Massera, who intended to run for president, had public meetings with personalities such as Carlos Monzón, Susana Giménez, Alberto Olmedo; as a result, he was forced to reside in Tandil. He had to report daily to Chief of Police Hugo Zamora; this forced residence was lifted in February 1980. He returned to Buenos Aires, to La Rioja, he resumed his political activities, despite the prohibition, was detained again. His new forced residence was in Formosa Province, he was one of the last politicians to be released from prison by the National Reorganization Process.
Military rule ended in 1983, the radical Raúl Alfonsín was elected president. Menem ran for governor again, was elected by a clear margin; the province benefited from tax regulations established by the military, which allowed increased industrial growth. His party got control of the provincial legislature, he was re-elected in 1987 with 63% of the vote; the PJ was divided in two factions, the conservatives that still supported the political doctrines of Juan and Isabel Perón, those who proposed a renovation of the party. The internal disputes ceased in 1987. Menem, with his prominent victory in his district, was one of the leading figures of the party, disputed its leadership. Antonio Cafiero, elected governor of Buenos Aires Province, led the renewal of the PJ, was considered their most candidate for the presidency. Menem, on the other hand, was seen as a populist leader. Using a big tent approach, he got support from several unrelated political figures; as a result, he defeated Cafiero in the primary elections.
He sought alliances with Bunge and Born, union leaders, former members of Montoneros, the AAA, people from the church, "Carapintadas", etc. He promise
Tandanor is an Argentine shipyard located south of Buenos Aires port which together with Almirante Storni yard constitutes CINAR dedicated to shipbuilding and ship repair. It harbors ships from around the globe due to its international renown. It's competitive advantage springs from its Syncrolift: a shiplifting platform that allows vessels to be dry docked and perform simultaneous repairs on its six slipways. Argentine defense industry Tandanor website Tandanor website