A mudbrick or mud-brick is an air-dried brick, made of a mixture of loam, mud and water mixed with a binding material such as rice husks or straw. Though mudbricks are known from 7000 to 6000 BCE, since 4000 BC, bricks have been fired, to increase their strength and durability. In warm regions with little timber available to fuel a kiln, bricks were sun-dried. In some cases, brickmakers extended the life of mud bricks by putting fired bricks on top or covering them with stucco; the South Asian inhabitants of Mehrgarh constructed and lived in mud-brick houses between 7000–3300 BC. Mud bricks were used at more than 15 reported sites attributed to the 3rd millennium BC in the ancient Indus Valley Civilization. In the Mature Harappan phase fired bricks were used. Mudbricks were adopted in the Middle East from Indus Valley Cities during the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B period; the Mesopotamians used sun-dried bricks in their city construction. Some were rounded so that the middle was thicker than the ends.

Some walls had a few courses of fired bricks from their bases up to the splash line to extend the life of the building. In Minoan Crete, at the Knossos site, there is archaeological evidence that sun-dried bricks were used in the Neolithic period. In Ancient Egypt, workers poured it into a pit. Workers tramped on the mud while straw was added to solidify the mold; the mudbricks were chemically suitable as fertilizer, leading to the destruction of many ancient Egyptian ruins, such as at Edfu. A well-preserved site is Amarna. Mudbrick use increased at the time of Roman influence. In areas of Spanish influence, mud-brick construction is called adobe, developed over time into a complete system of wall protection, flat roofing and finishes which in modern English usage is referred to as adobe style, regardless of the construction method; the Great Mosque of Djenné, in central Mali, is the world's largest mudbrick structure. It, like much Sahelian architecture, is built with a mudbrick called Banco, a recipe of mud and grain husks and either formed into bricks or applied on surfaces as a plaster like paste in broad strokes.

This plaster must be reapplied annually. Cob – Building material made from subsoil and fibrous organic material Earth structure – A building or other structure made from soil. Loam – Soil composed of similar proportions of sand and silt, somewhat less clay Rammed earth – Technique for constructing foundations and walls by compacting a damp mixture of sub soil Sod house Possehl, Gregory L.. Mehrgarh in Oxford Companion to Archaeology, edited by Brian Fagan. Oxford University Press. Earth Architecture, website whose focus is contemporary issues in earth architecture. EARTHA: Earth Architecture and Conservation in East Anglia, British organisation that focuses on the proper maintenance and conservation of earth buildings in a region of the UK that has a long history of building with mud. Experienced experts are contactable and there are regular demonstrations in the area. Video showing mud brick making, mud brick building and biolytic sewerage in South Africa. CRAterre: Centre de recherche architectural en terre, French university research organisation dedicated to unfired earth construction

Georges-Elia Sarfati

Georges-Elia Sarfati is a philosopher, poet, an existentialist psychoanalyst, author of written works in the domains of ethics, Jewish thought, social criticism, discourse analysis. He has translated Viktor E. Frankl, he is the grand-nephew of the sociologist Gaston Bouthoul. G.-E. Sarfati is a University professor, member of the teaching staff of the Elie Wiesel Center for Jewish Studies, educational director of the University Center Sigmund Freud in Paris. In 1989, he presented a doctorate thesis under the supervision of Oswald Ducrot at the School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences. In 1996, he was appointed as a research supervisor at the University Sorbonne-Paris IV, he is a graduate of the Salomon Schechter Institute, he has a doctorate in Hebrew and Jewish Studies at the University of Strasbourg. Aware of the persistence of the "jewish question" in Europe, following Leon Poliakov, Jean-Pierre Faye, he is – as well as P.-A. Taguieff and S. Trigano – one of the first intellectual to diagnose the emergence of new anti-Semitism through its cultural and political variations.

The contemporary expression of judeophobia doesn't stem from the recycling of the conspiracy theory, it builds upon its establishment in the history of mentalities and speeches. Its platitudes are defining a "negative judeocentrism", related to the spread of the post-modern ideology, characterized by the obviousness of the conformists; the anti-zionist rhetoric, genuinely a part of popular culture in France, is one of the main characteristics of contemporary pseudo-progressivism. The denunciation of that state of affairs doubles up as a critic of post-genocidal ideology, whereby memory of the Shoah serves as an identity to the survivors of the big slaughter, isolating their dignity as victims, under the express condition that they demonstrate no sympathy towards Israel. Ignorance of Jewish culture is based on three parameters: the biased teaching of Jewish history at school and biased information processing, exclusive media focus on the conflict in the Middle East; the history of psychological warfare based upon the examination of rhetorical disinformation, propaganda rests in principle on the inversion of values, the strategic designation of a "scapegoat."

After two millennia of cultural development, it is not surprising that Jewish symbolism has been subject to all types of distortions. The first lessons of the Jewish Bible have been subverted into their opposite, through ideological discourse; this can be seen from the infamous stereotypes that prevailed in the Middle Ages to modern accusations of "communitarianism", "racism", "cruelty". It follows. In this hazardous context, it is imperative to revive a tradition of scholarship and intellectual clarity, one which rehabilitates textual sources and values of Jewish humanism, restoring a historical heritage broken by a culture of slogan; this perspective includes the exhumation and comments of the scholarly tradition that preceded and accompanied the development of Western civilization the teachings of the Musar, relayed through the rabbinical chain of transmission, the ancient discipline of spiritual exercises. The analysis of this social pathology brings up questions regarding language mechanisms in the production of opinion, the way in which it dominates public space.

This critical point of view contributes to the renewal of social philosophy, showing that in a world saturated by media communication, discourse experiences organize the social representations and determine new forms of alienation and reification. G.-E. Sarfati coined the neologism doxopathia that, in a context of cultural destruction, the enslavement and dependency phenomenon of the masses is a direct result of the automation of the dominant opinion. Extending Antonio Gramsci's thinking about the dissemination of standards, knowledge through society, he developed a general theory of the common understanding, by creating the methodological tools of a counter-discourse, but the semantics and anthropological questions surrounding the establishment of a meaning find their other honored expression in the context ofexistential analysis, logotherapy, where one must give meaning to one's own life, confronted with the requisites of its own existence, by splitting up all determinations that affect the project, with one's current degree of autonomy.

From this point of view, the subjective search for meaning remains inseparable from the ethical and political struggle for freedom, from the snares of conformity and totalitarianism. In light of foregoing aspects of research, the work of poetic language is understood as shimmering memories of a subject through the evocation of the crux of the matter at hand; the exploration of the signs of presence to the world, according to the metamorphoses of history, is a defense of the singularity that confronts the new "idols of the tribe", the impersonal rule of "hearsay" and production of an objectified language. Virtual International Authority File International Name Standard Identifier Bibliothèque nationale de France Système universitaire de documentation Library of Congress GemeinsameNordatei World Cat La tradition éthique du judaïsme. Introduction au Moussar, Berg International, 2014. L’histoire à l’œuvre. Trois études sur Emmanuel Lévinas, Paris, L’Harmattan, Col. « Judaïsme », 2010. L’antisionisme.

Israël/Palestine aux miroirs d’Occi

Mesa A mine

The Mesa A mine, sometimes referred to as Waramboo mine, is an iron ore mine located in the Pilbara region of Western Australia, 50 kilometres west of Pannawonica. The mine is owned by Robe River Iron Associates and operated by Rio Tinto Iron Ore and is one of twelve iron ore mines the company operates in the Pilbara. In the calendar year 2009, the combined Pilbara operations produced 202,000,000 tonnes of iron ore, a 15 percent increase from 2008; the Pilbara operations accounted for 13 percent of the world's 2009 iron ore production of 1,590,000,000 tonnes. The Hamersley Range, where the mine is located, contains 80 percent of all identified iron ore reserves in Australia and is one of the world's major iron ore provinces. Rio Tinto iron ore operations in the Pilbara began in 1966; the mine itself began operations in 2010. The mine has an annual production capacity of 25,000,000 tonnes of iron ore, sourced from open-pit operations; the ore is processed on site before being loaded onto rail. Ore from the mine is transported to the coast through the Hamersley & Robe River railway, where it is loaded onto ships.

The mine's workforce is on a fly-in fly-out roster. The mine is located near the Mesa J mine; the new Mesa A mine is scheduled to replace the Mesa J mine, nearing the end of its life span. After a two-year construction period and expenses of A$1 billion, the mine began operation in February 2010; the mine is scheduled for a mine life of eleven years. Robe River Iron, owner of the mine, is jointly owned by the following companies: Rio Tinto Group - 53% - operator Mitsui and Co. Ltd - 33% Nippon Steel Australia Pty Ltd - 10.5% Sumitomo Metal Australia Pty Ltd - 3.5%Robe River Iron operates the West Angelas, Mesa A and Mesa J mines. Rio Tinto acquired its share of 53 % in late 2000. Rio Tinto Iron Ore website MINEDEX website Database of the Department of Mines and Petroleum