The Narodniks were a politically conscious movement of the Russian middle class in the 1860s and 1870s, some of whom became involved in revolutionary agitation against tsarism. Their ideology was known as Narodnichestvo, from the Russian народ, narod, "people, folk", so it is sometimes translated as "peopleism" or, more "populism". A common slogan among the Narodniks was "хождение в народ", meaning "going to the people". Though their movement achieved little in its own time, the Narodniks were in many ways the intellectual and political forebears of the socialists-revolutionaries who went on to influence Russian history in the 20th century; the Narodnik position was held by intellectuals who read the works of Alexander Herzen and of Nikolay Gavrilovich Chernyshevsky, whose convictions were refined by Pyotr Lavrov and Nikolay Mikhaylovsky. In the late 19th century and capitalism were becoming the primary theories of Russian political thought, Mikhaylovsky, realizing this shift in thought, began to tweak his original ideas of Narodnism, such that two groups of Narodniks emerged: the so-called "Critical Narodniks" and "Doctrinaire Narodniks".
Critical Narodniks followed Mikhaylovsky, assumed a flexible stance on capitalism, whilst adhering to their basic orientation. The more well-known Doctrinaire Narodniks had a firm belief that capitalism had no future in Russia or in any agrarian country. Narodnism arose after the emancipation of the serfs in 1861 under Tsar Alexander II, which signalled the end of feudalism in Russia. Arguing that freed serfs were being sold into wage slavery, in which the bourgeoisie had replaced landowners, Narodnism aimed to become a political force opposed to the phenomenon. Narodniks viewed aspects of the past with nostalgia: although they resented the former land ownership system, they opposed the uprooting of peasants from the traditional obshchina system of communes. Narodniks focused upon the growing conflict between the so-called kulaks; the groups which formed shared the common general aims of destroying the Russian monarchy and the kulaks, of distributing land among the peasantry. The Narodniks believed that it was possible to forgo the capitalist phase of Russia's development and proceed directly to socialism.
The Narodniks saw the peasantry as the revolutionary class that would overthrow the monarchy, perceived the village commune as the embryo of socialism. However, they believed that the peasantry would not achieve revolution on their own, insisting instead that history could only be made by outstanding personalities, who would lead an otherwise passive peasantry to revolution. Vasily Vorontsov called for the Russian intelligentsia to "bestir itself from the mental lethargy into which, in contrast to the sensitive and lively years of the seventies, it had fallen and formulate a scientific theory of Russian economic development". However, some Narodnik intellectuals called for an immediate revolution that went beyond philosophical and political discussion. In the spring of 1874, the Narodnik intelligentsia left the cities for the villages, Going to the People in an attempt to teach the peasantry their moral imperative to revolt, they found no support. Given the Narodniks' middle- and upper-middle-class social background, they found difficulty relating to the impoverished peasants and their culture.
They spent much such as clothing and dancing. Narodniks were viewed with suspicion by many Russian peasants, who were removed from the more modernized culture of the urban sphere; the authorities responded to the Narodniks' attempt with repression: revolutionaries and their peasant sympathizers were imprisoned and exiled. One response to this repression was the formation of Russia's first organized revolutionary party, Narodnaya Volya, in June 1879, it favoured secret society-led terrorism, justified “as a means of exerting pressure on the government for reform, as the spark that would ignite a vast peasant uprising, as the inevitable response to the regime's use of violence against the revolutionaries”. The attempt to get the peasantry to overthrow the Tsar proved unsuccessful, due to the peasantry's idolisation of the latter as someone "on their side". Narodism therefore developed the practice of terrorism: the peasantry, they believed, had to be shown that the Tsar was not supernatural, could be killed.
This theory, called "direct struggle", intended "uninterrupted demonstration of the possibility of struggling against the government, in this manner lifting the revolutionary spirit of the people and its faith in the success of the cause, organising those capable of fighting". On March 1, 1881, they succeeded in assassinating Alexander II; this act backfired on a political level, because the peasantry were horrified by the murder, the government had many Narodnaya Volya leaders hanged, leaving the group unorganized and ineffective. However, these events did not mark the end of the movement, the Socialist-Revolutionaries, Popular Socialists, Trudoviks all pursued similar ideas and tactics to the Narodniks; the philosophy and actions of the Narodniks therefore helped prepare the way for the Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917. The Narodnik movement was a populist initiative to engage the rural classes of Russia in a political debate that would overthrow the Tsar’s government in the nineteenth century.
The Jerusalem Arena, renamed for the National Lottery Mifal HaPais grant as Pais Arena Jerusalem, is a multi-purpose sports arena, built in Jerusalem by the city council and National Lottery grant of Mifal HaPais. Opened in September 2014, the arena is located in the Jerusalem Sports Quarter, in the southwestern Malha neighborhood, adjacent to Teddy Stadium; the arena seats 11,000 for basketball games. The arena interior itself covers 40,000 square metres and, according to Jerusalem Mayor Nir Barkat, the arena is the largest indoor space in Jerusalem; the arena is able to host professional sports, world-class concerts, international conferences, cultural events. The arena contains a medical sports center, club rooms and two additional halls; the entire complex includes 47,370 square metres. The arena is part of a number of sports facilities in the Jerusalem Sport Quarter, which include an indoor Olympic-size swimming pool, tennis courts, an ice rink, it is a multi-purpose site, with hotels and residences for athletes with accommodations of 240 rooms, able to provide facilities for exhibitions and business events.
There is an underground parking space for 1,700 cars, a retail power center. In 2004, Jerusalem mayor, Ehud Olmert, declared. In December 2005, the cornerstone was laid. In July 2009, the city hall publicized tenders for building the arena's infrastructure; the building project was scheduled to be finished in late 2014, estimated at a cost 240 million NIS. Of which, 187 million NIS was to be covered by Mifal HaPais, 20 million NIS from a grant from the Israeli National Sports Betting Council, 33 million NIS from the Jerusalem municipality. However, the final eventual cost of the project ended being over 400 million NIS. Upon completion, the arena became the new home arena of the Israeli Basketball Premiere League club Hapoel Jerusalem B. C. as they moved into it from the smaller Malha Arena, their previous home arena. The arena was opened on 11 September 2014. Media related to Jerusalem Arena at Wikimedia Commons Jerusalem Pais Arena Info At Hapoel Jerusalem's Website
Oxford City Council in Oxford, England is elected every two years, with half of the 48 seats in the City Council up for election on each occasion. Elections are held in even-numbered years; until 2002 the council was elected by thirds. As vacancies arise between elections, by-elections are held to elect a replacement councillor. 1973 Oxford City Council election 1976 Oxford City Council election 1979 Oxford City Council election 1980 Oxford City Council election 1982 Oxford City Council election 1983 Oxford City Council election 1984 Oxford City Council election 1986 Oxford City Council election 1987 Oxford City Council election 1988 Oxford City Council election 1990 Oxford City Council election 1991 Oxford City Council election 1992 Oxford City Council election 1994 Oxford City Council election 1995 Oxford City Council election 1996 Oxford City Council election 1998 Oxford City Council election 1999 Oxford City Council election 2000 Oxford City Council election 2002 Oxford City Council election 2004 Oxford City Council election 2006 Oxford City Council election 2008 Oxford City Council election 2010 Oxford City Council election 2012 Oxford City Council election 2014 Oxford City Council election 2016 Oxford City Council election 2018 Oxford City Council election Since the foundation of the council, political control of the council has been held by the following parties: Elections in the United Kingdom Oxford City Council