William Lane was an Australian journalist, advocate of Australian labour politics and a utopian socialist ideologue. Lane was born in England into an impoverished family. After showing great skill in his education, he worked his way into Canada as first a linotype operator as a reporter for the Detroit Free Press where he would meet his future wife Ann Lane, née Macquire. After settling in Australia with his wife and child, as well as his brother John, he became active in the Australian labour movement, founding the Australian Labour Federation and becoming a prolific journalist for the movement, he authored works covering topics such as white nationalism. After becoming disillusioned with the state of Australian politics following an ideological split in the labour movement, he and a group of utopian acolytes moved to Paraguay in 1892 to found New Australia, with the intention of building a new society on the foundations of his utopian ideals. Following disagreement with the colony regarding the legality of miscegenation and alcohol consumption, he left to found the nearby colony Cosme in May 1894, abandoned the project altogether in 1899.
Upon resetting in New Zealand he continued his journalistic endeavours until his death in August 1917. After his death he was both celebrated as a champion of utopian socialism, condemned as the arrogant leader of a failed new society. Due to his radical politics and his extensive journalistic career, he remains a controversial figure in Australian history. Lane was born in Bristol, England on 6 September 1861, as the eldest son of James Lane, an Irish Protestant landscape gardener, his English wife Caroline, née Hall. Lane was born with a debilitating clubfoot, a condition that would be corrected in Montreal in life, leaving him with a limp. Lane's father James was a drunkard who when Lane was born was earning a miserable wage, but he improved his circumstances and became an employer; the young Lane was educated at Bristol Grammar School and demonstrated himself as a gifted student, but he was sent early to work as an office boy. Lane's mother died when he was 14 years of age, at age 16 he migrated to Canada where he worked odd jobs such as a linotype operator.
During this time he began engrossed in the writings of economist Henry George and socialist Edward Bellamy. In 1881 by the age of 24 he became a reporter for the Detroit Free Press, where he would meet his future wife Ann Macquire whom he would marry on 22 July 1883. In 1885 William and Ann Lane, along with brother John, as well as their first child migrated to Brisbane, where Lane got work as a feature writer for the weekly newspaper Queensland Figaro as a columnist for the newspapers Brisbane Courier and the Evening Telegraph, using a number of pseudonyms. Lane's childhood experiences as the son of a drunkard fashioned him into a lifelong abstainer from alcohol. In 1886 he created an Australia-wide sensation by spending a night in the Brisbane lock-up disguised as a drunk, subsequently reporting the conditions of the cells as "Henry Harris". Lane's father was a drunk. With the growth of the Australian labour movement, Lane's columns under the Sketcher pseudonym his "Labour Notes" in the Evening Telegraph, began to promote labourist philosophy.
Lane himself began to attend meetings supporting all manner of popular causes, speaking against repressive laws and practices and Chinese immigrants, all while utilising a charismatic American intonation he had attained during his time in the States. After becoming the de facto editor of the Sydney Morning Herald, Lane left the newspaper during November 1887 to found the weekly The Boomerang, a newspaper described as "a live newspaper, racy, of the soil", in which pro-worker themes and lurid racism were brought to a fever-pitch by both Sketcher and Lucinda Sharpe, he became a powerful supporter of women's suffrage. A strong proponent of Henry George's Single Tax Movement, Lane became committed to a radically alternative society, ended his relationship with the Boomerang due to its private ownership. In May 1890 he began the trade union funded Brisbane weekly The Worker, the rhetoric of which became threatening towards the employers, the government, the British Empire itself; the defeat of the 1891 Australian shearers' strike convinced Lane that there would be no real social change without a new society, The Worker became devoted to his New Australia utopian idea which would be made a reality.
Though his efforts were directed towards the non-fictional, Lane was an avid author whose works reflected his political philosophy, as short as his bibliography is. The Workingman's Paradise, an allegorical novel written in sympathy with those involved in the 1891 shearers' strike, was published under his pseudonym John Miller in early 1892. In the novel Lane articulated the belief. Through the novel's philosopher and main protagonist he relates his belief that society may have to experience a period of state socialism to achieve the ideal of Communist anarchism. Mary Gilmore a celebrated Australian writer, said in one of her letters that "the whole book is true and of historical value as Lane transcribed our conversations as well as those of others". Most prominent in his bibliography is his novella White or Yellow?: A Story of the Race War of A. D. 1908. In this work, Lane proposed a horde of Chinese people would arrive to Austra
Progressive Labour Party (Australia)
The Progressive Labour Party is an active political party in Australia. The party is a broad left-wing party started by, among others, ex-CPA members, non-party activists and dissident former members of the ALP in 1996; the party states that the ALP has abandoned its traditional working-class supporters as it has moved towards the political right. The party ran Senate tickets in New South Wales and Western Australia and contested several House of Representatives seats at the 9 October 2004 election; the party makes submissions to Senate and other committees on a broad range of issues. Support an end to privatisation of public assets and neo-liberal approaches to economic policy. Progressive Labour Party website Progressive Labour Policies
Libertarian socialism is a group of anti-authoritarian political philosophies inside the socialist movement that rejects the conception of socialism as centralized state ownership and control of the economy. Libertarian socialism is close to and overlaps with left-libertarianism and criticizes wage labour relationships within the workplace, instead emphasizing workers' self-management of the workplace and decentralized structures of political organization. Libertarian socialism rejects the state itself and asserts that a society based on freedom and justice can be achieved through abolishing authoritarian institutions that control certain means of production and subordinate the majority to an owning class or political and economic elite. Libertarian socialists advocate for decentralized structures based on direct democracy and federal or confederal associations such as libertarian municipalism, citizens' assemblies, trade unions, workers' councils. All of this is done within a general call for libertarian and voluntary human relationships through the identification and practical dismantling of illegitimate authority in all aspects of human life.
As such, libertarian socialism seeks to distinguish itself from both Leninism/Bolshevism and social democracy. Past and present political philosophies and movements described as libertarian socialist include anarchism as well as autonomism, Democratic Confederalism, guild socialism, revolutionary syndicalism and libertarian Marxist philosophies such as council communism as well as some versions of utopian socialism and individualist anarchism. Libertarian socialism is a Western philosophy with diverse interpretations, though some general commonalities can be found in its many incarnations, it advocates a worker-oriented system of production and organization in the workplace that in some aspects radically departs from neoclassical economics in favor of democratic cooperatives or common ownership of the means of production. They propose that this economic system be executed in a manner that attempts to maximize the liberty of individuals and minimize concentration of power or authority. Adherents propose achieving this through decentralization of political and economic power involving the socialization of most large-scale private property and enterprise.
Libertarian socialism tends to deny the legitimacy of most forms of economically significant private property, viewing capitalist property relation as a form of domination, antagonistic to individual freedom. The first anarchist journal to use the term "libertarian" was Le Libertaire, Journal du Mouvement Social and it was published in New York City between 1858 and 1861 by French anarcho-communist Joseph Déjacque; the next recorded use of the term was in Europe, when "libertarian communism" was used at a French regional anarchist Congress at Le Havre. January 1881 saw a French manifesto issued on "Libertarian or Anarchist Communism". 1895 saw leading anarchists Sébastien Faure and Louise Michel publish La Libertaire in France". The word stems from the French word libertaire, used to evade the French ban on anarchist publications. In this tradition, the term "libertarianism" in "libertarian socialism" is used as a synonym for anarchism, which some say is the original meaning of the term. In the context of the European socialist movement, "libertarian" has conventionally been used to describe those who opposed state socialism, such as Mikhail Bakunin.
The association of socialism with libertarianism predates that of capitalism and many anti-authoritarians still decry what they see as a mistaken association of capitalism with libertarianism in the United States. As Noam Chomsky put it, a consistent libertarian "must oppose private ownership of the means of production and wage slavery, a component of this system, as incompatible with the principle that labor must be undertaken and under the control of the producer". In a chapter recounting the history of libertarian socialism, economist Robin Hahnel relates that thus far the period where libertarian socialism has had its greatest impact was at the end of the 19th century through the first four decades of the 20th century: On the other hand, a libertarian trend developed within Marxism which gained visibility around the late 1910s in reaction against Bolshevism and Leninism rising to power and establishing the Soviet Union. John O'Neil argues: Libertarian socialists are anti-capitalist and can thus be distinguished from right-wing libertarians.
Whereas capitalist principles concentrate economic power in the hands of those who own the most capital, libertarian socialism aims to distribute power more amongst members of society. A key difference between libertarian socialism and capitalist libertarianism is that advocates of the former believe that one's degree of freedom is affected by one's economic and social status whereas advocates of the latter focus on freedom of choice within a capitalist framework under capitalist private property; this is sometimes characterized as a desire to maximize "free creativity" in a society in preference to "free enterprise". Within anarchism, there emerged a critique of wage slavery which refers to a situation perceived as quasi-voluntary slavery, where a person's livelihood depends on wages when the dependence is total and immediate, it is a negatively connoted term used to draw an analogy between slavery and wage labor by focusing on similarities between owning and renting a person. The term "wa
Politics of Australia
The politics of Australia take place within the framework of a federal parliamentary constitutional monarchy. Australians elect parliamentarians to the federal Parliament of Australia, a bicameral body which incorporates elements of the fused executive inherited from the Westminster system, a strong federalist senate, adopted from the United States Congress. Australia operates as a two-party system in which voting is compulsory; the Economist Intelligence Unit has rated Australia as a "full democracy" in 2018. The Parliament of Australia known as the Commonwealth Parliament or Federal Parliament, is the legislative branch of the government of Australia, it is bicameral, has been influenced both by the Westminster system and United States federalism. Under Section 1 of the Constitution of Australia, Parliament consists of three components: the Monarch, the Senate, the House of Representatives; the Australian Parliament is the world's sixth oldest continuous democracy. The Australian House of Representatives has 150 members, each elected for a flexible term of office not exceeding 3 years, to represent a single electoral division referred to as an electorate or seat.
Voting within each electorate utilizes the instant-runoff system of preferential voting, which has its origins in Australia. The party or coalition of parties which commands the confidence of a majority of members of the House of Representatives forms government; the Australian Senate has 76 members. The six states return twelve senators each, the two mainland territories return two senators each, elected through the single transferable voting system. Senators are elected for flexible terms not exceeding six years, with half of the senators contesting at each federal election; the Senate is afforded substantial powers by the Australian Constitution greater than those of Westminster upper houses such as those of the United Kingdom and Canada, has the power to block legislation originating in the House as well as supply or monetary bills. As such, the Senate has the power to bring down the government, as occurred during the 1975 Australian constitutional crisis; because legislation must pass through both houses to become law, it is possible for agreements between the House of Representatives and the Senate to hold up the progress of government bills indefinitely.
Such deadlocks are resolved under section 57 of the Constitution, under a procedure called a double dissolution election. Such elections are rare, not because the conditions for holding them are met, but because they can pose a significant political risk to any government that chooses to call one. Of the six double dissolution elections that have been held since federation, half have resulted in the fall of a government. Only once, in 1974, has the full procedure for resolving a deadlock been followed, with a joint sitting of the two houses being held to deliberate upon the bills that had led to the deadlock; the most recent double dissolution election was on 2 July 2016, which resulted in the government of the day retaining a one-seat majority in the House of Representatives. The two pieces of legislation that triggered the election did not figure prominently in the eight-week election campaign; the role of head of state in Australia is divided between two people: the Monarch of Australia and the Governor-General of Australia.
The functions and roles of the Governor-General include appointing ambassadors and judges, giving Royal Assent to legislation, issuing writs for elections and bestowing honours. The Governor-General is the President of the Federal Executive Council and Commander-in-Chief of the Australian Defence Force; these posts are held under the authority of the Australian Constitution. In practice, barring exceptional circumstances, the Governor-General exercises these powers only on the advice of the Prime Minister; as such, the role of Governor-General is described as a ceremonial position. The Prime Minister of Australia is Scott Morrison, leader of the Cabinet and head of government, holding office on commission from the Governor-General of Australia; the office of Prime Minister is, in practice, the most powerful political office in Australia. Despite being at the apex of executive government in the country, the office is not mentioned in the Constitution of Australia and exists through an unwritten political convention.
Barring exceptional circumstances, the prime minister is always the leader of the political party or coalition with majority support in the House of Representatives. The only case where a senator was appointed prime minister was that of John Gorton, who subsequently resigned his Senate position and was elected as a member of the House of Representatives; the Cabinet of Australia is the council of senior ministers responsible to Parliament. The Cabinet is appointed by the Governor-General, on the advice of the Prime Minister and serves at the former's pleasure; the private Cabinet meetings occur once a week to discuss vital issues and formulate policy. Outside of the cabinet there are a number of junior ministers, responsible for a specific policy area and reporting directly to any senior Cabinet minister; the Constitution of Australia does not recognise the Cabinet as a legal entity, its decisions have no legal force. All members of the ministry are members of the Executive Council, a body, – in theory, though in practice – chaired by the Governor-General, which meets to endorse and give legal force to decisions made by the Cabinet.
For this reason, there is always a member of the ministry holding the title Vice-President of the Executive C
Utopian socialism is a label used to define the first currents of modern socialist thought as exemplified by the work of Henri de Saint-Simon, Charles Fourier, Étienne Cabet and Robert Owen. Utopian socialism is described as the presentation of visions and outlines for imaginary or futuristic ideal societies, with positive ideals being the main reason for moving society in such a direction. Socialists and critics of utopian socialism viewed "utopian socialism" as not being grounded in actual material conditions of existing society and in some cases as reactionary; these visions of ideal societies competed with Marxist-inspired revolutionary social democratic movements. The term is most applied to those socialists who lived in the first quarter of the 19th century who were ascribed the label "utopian" by socialists as a pejorative in order to imply naiveté and to dismiss their ideas as fanciful and unrealistic. A similar school of thought that emerged in the early 20th century is ethical socialism, which makes the case for socialism on moral grounds.
However, one key difference between utopian socialists and other socialists is that utopian socialists do not believe any form of class struggle or political revolution is necessary for socialism to emerge. Utopians believe that people of all classes can voluntarily adopt their plan for society if it is presented convincingly, they feel their form of cooperative socialism can be established among like-minded people within the existing society and that their small communities can demonstrate the feasibility of their plan for society. The thinkers identified. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels were the first thinkers to refer to them as "utopian", referring to all socialist ideas that presented a vision and distant goal of an ethically just society as utopian; this utopian mindset which held an integrated conception of the goal, the means to produce said goal and an understanding of the way that those means would be produced through examining social and economic phenomena can be contrasted with scientific socialism, likened to Taylorism.
This distinction was made clear in Engels' work Socialism: Scientific. Utopian socialists were seen as wanting to expand the principles of the French revolution in order to create a more "rational" society. Despite being labeled as utopian by socialists, their aims were not always utopian and their values included rigid support for the scientific method and the creation of a society based upon scientific understanding; the term "utopian socialism" was introduced by Karl Marx in "For a Ruthless Criticism of Everything" in 1843, although shortly before its publication Marx had attacked the ideas of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in Das Elend der Philosophie. The term was used by socialist thinkers to describe early socialist or quasi-socialist intellectuals who created hypothetical visions of egalitarian, meritocratic, or other notions of "perfect" societies without considering how these societies could be created or sustained. In Das Elend der Philosophie, English title The Poverty of Philosophy, Marx criticized the economic and philosophical arguments of Proudhon set forth in The System of Economic Contradictions, or The Philosophy of Poverty.
Marx accused Proudhon of wanting to rise above the bourgeoisie. In the history of Marx's thought and Marxism, this work is pivotal in the distinction between the concepts of utopian socialism and what Marx and the Marxists claimed as scientific socialism. Although utopian socialists shared few political, social, or economic perspectives and Engels argued that they shared certain intellectual characteristics. In The Communist Manifesto and Engels wrote: "The undeveloped state of the class struggle, as well as their own surroundings, causes Socialists of this kind to consider themselves far superior to all class antagonisms, they want to improve the condition of every member of society that of the most favored. Hence, they habitually appeal to society without distinction of class. For how can people, when once they understand their system, fail to see it in the best possible plan of the best possible state of society? Hence, they reject all political, all revolutionary, action. Marx and Engels used the term "scientific socialism" to describe the type of socialism they saw themselves developing.
According to Engels, socialism was not "an accidental discovery of this or that ingenious brain, but the necessary outcome of the struggle between two developed classes – the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. Its task was no longer to manufacture a system of society as perfect as possible, but to examine the historical-economic succession of events from which these classes and their antagonism had of necessity sprung, to discover in the economic conditions thus created the means of ending the conflict". Critics have argued that utopian socialists who established experimental communities were in fact trying to apply the scientific method to human social organization and were therefore not utopian. For instance, Joshua Muravchik on the basis of Karl Popper's definition of science as "the practice of experimentation, of hypothesis and test" argued that "Owen and Fourier and their followers were the real ‘scientific socialists.’ They hit upon
Lee Rhiannon is a former Australian politician, a Senator for New South Wales between July 2011 and August 2018. She was elected at the 2010 federal election. Prior to her election to the Federal Parliament, Rhiannon was a Greens NSW member of the New South Wales Legislative Council between 1999 and 2010. Rhiannon was born Lee Brown, the daughter of Bill and Freda Brown, who were long-term members of the Communist Party of Australia and the Soviet-loyal Socialist Party of Australia, her parents' membership of the CPA and Lee's membership of the CPA's youth league led to documentation of her life by the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation from as early as the age of seven. In 1968, she and some friends formed High School Students Against Vietnam War, she sat the New South Wales Higher School Certificate at Sydney Girls High School in 1969 and graduated in 1975 as a Bachelor of Science, majoring in botany and zoology with honours in botany, at the University of New South Wales. She joined the SPA around 1973.
In the 1980s she helped organise a "peace camp" protest outside the joint US-Australian defence facility at Pine Gap, in central Australia. According to Mark Aarons, she left the SPA in the early 1980s, she edited the magazine, Survey: a monthly digest of trends in the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, from 1988 until it ceased publication in 1990. This aspect of her past came under scrutiny. From 1980 to 1982, she was a member of the Women’s Advisory Council to the NSW government, in the same period was the NSW secretary of the Union of Australian Women, she attended the World Congress of Women in Moscow in 1987. She founded the Coalition for Gun Control in 1988 and AID/WATCH in 1993, she joined the Greens in 1990. In the 1990s, she worked at the Rainforest Information Centre, campaigning against the logging of tropical forest. In 1977, Brown married Pat O'Gorman. During her marriage she used the surname "O'Gorman." They had three children. Following their separation, she adopted the surname "Rhiannon", the name of a figure from Welsh mythology.
Rhiannon contested the New South Wales Legislative Council at the 1999 state election for the Australian Greens. She was elected with three percent of the statewide vote, joining fellow Green Ian Cohen in the state's upper house, she was re-elected with over nine percent of the vote at the 2007 state election, taking her seat with three other Greens MLCs. Rhiannon used her New South Wales maiden parliamentary speech in 1999 to announce her opposition to a development proposal by the Carr Labor Government for Walsh Bay. Rhiannon called on the Labor Party to advance instead the party's constitutional ideals for "redistribution of political and economic power" and "the development of public enterprises based upon... forms of social ownership". Rhiannon spoke against Australia's British colonial legacy and announced that she was the first MLC to sit in the NSW Parliament without the title "Honourable", she spoke of her family's involvement in the labour movement and acknowledged her parents' membership of the Communist Party of Australia and said she was proud of their tradition of "optimistic social activism".
She reiterated Greens opposition to privatisation of public assets and to the Howard Government's Goods and Services Tax. Rhiannon served on the following committees in state parliament: General Purpose Standing Committees, Joint Select Committees on the Cross City Tunnel, a Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, a Standing Committee on Law and Justice, a Select Committee on the NSW Taxi Industry, a Select Committee on the Increase in Prisoner Population, a Committee on the Office of the Ombudsman and Police Integrity Commission. In November 2002, in the week prior to protests against the World Trade Organization in Sydney, Rhiannon spoke in support of the protesters and organised a public conference on Civil Disobedience at the NSW Parliament. Rhiannon spoke against police actions during the S11 Protests, which violently protested against meetings of the World Economic Forum in Melbourne in 2000. Rhiannon called on Police Minister Michael Costa to guarantee that police violence would not be used against protesters in Sydney.
Costa in return called on Rhiannon to resign for hosting the civil disobedience seminar. Rhiannon lobbied the Vatican against considering the Archbishop of Sydney, George Pell, for the position of Pope because of his conservative views. In 2007 she referred him to the parliamentary privileges committee, alleging "contempt of parliament" for comments he made in opposition to embryonic stem cell research legislation. During her term in the NSW Parliament, she was the Greens NSW parliamentary spokesperson for the following portfolio areas: Firearms. Rhiannon contested and won a seat in the Australian Senate for New South Wales at the August 2010 federal election for the Australian Greens, she resigned from the NSW Legislative Council when the federal election was called, with a ballot of party members selecting Cate Faehrmann to fill the casual vacancy. Rhiannon was elected with 10.7 percent of the statewide vote, a swing to the Greens in New South Wales of 2.3 percent since the previous federal election.
She would share the balance of power with eight other Greens senators from July 2011. At the December 2010 NSW Greens State Conference a resolution was adopted in support of the Boycott and Sanctions campaign against Israel. I
Anarchism is an anti-authoritarian political philosophy that advocates self-governed societies based on voluntary, cooperative institutions and the rejection of hierarchies those societies view as unjust. These institutions are described as stateless societies, although several authors have defined them more as distinct institutions based on non-hierarchical or free associations. Anarchism holds the state to be undesirable and harmful. Anarchism is considered a far-left ideology and much of its economics and legal philosophy reflect anti-authoritarian interpretations of communism, syndicalism, mutualism, or participatory economics; as anarchism does not offer a fixed body of doctrine from a single particular worldview, many anarchist types and traditions exist and varieties of anarchy diverge widely. Anarchist schools of thought can differ fundamentally, supporting anything from extreme individualism to complete collectivism. Strains of anarchism have been divided into the categories of social and individualist anarchism, or similar dual classifications.
The etymological origin of anarchism derives from ancient Greek word anarkhia. Anarkhia meant "without a ruler" as it was composed by the word arkhos; the suffix -ism is used to denote the ideological current that favours anarchism. The first known use of this word was in 1642. Various factions within the French Revolution labelled opponents as anarchists although few shared many views of anarchists. There would be many revolutionaries of the early 19th century who contributed to the anarchist doctrines of the next generation, such as William Godwin and Wilhelm Weitling, but they did not use the word anarchist or anarchism in describing themselves or their beliefs; the first political philosopher to call himself an anarchist was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, marking the formal birth of anarchism in the mid-19th century. Since the 1890s and beginning in France, the term libertarianism has been used as a synonym for anarchism and its use as a synonym is still common outside the United States. On the other hand, some use libertarianism to refer to individualistic free-market philosophy only, referring to free-market anarchism as libertarian anarchism.
While opposition to the state is central, defining anarchism is not an easy task as there is a lot of talk among scholars and anarchists on the matter and various currents perceive anarchism differently. Hence, it might be true to say that anarchism is a cluster of political philosophies opposing authority and hierarchical organization in the conduct of all human relations in favour of a society based on voluntary association and decentralisation, but this definition has its own shortcomings as the definition based on etymology, or based on anti-statism or the anti-authoritarian. Major elements of the definition of anarchism include: a) the will for a non coercive society. During the prehistoric era of mankind, an established authority did not exist, it was after the creation of towns and cities that hierarchy was invented and anarchistic ideas espoused as a reaction. Most notable examples of anarchism in the ancient world were in Greece. In China, philosophical anarchism, meaning peaceful delegitimizing of the state, was delineated by Taoist philosophers.
In Greece, anarchist attitudes were articulated by tragedians and philosophers. Aeschylus and Sophocles used the myth of Antigone to illustrate the conflict of personal autonomy with the state rules. Socrates questioned Athenian authorities and insisted to the right of individual freedom of consciousness. Cynics associated authorities while trying to live according to nature. Stoics were supportive of a society based on unofficial and friendly relations among its citizens without the presence of a state. During the Middle Ages, there was no anarchistic activity except some ascetic religious movements in the Islamic world or in Christian Europe; this kind of tradition gave birth to religious anarchism. In Persia, a Zoroastrian Prophet known as Mazdak was calling for an egalitarian society and the abolition of monarchy, but he soon found himself executed by the king. In Basra, religious sects preached against the state. In Europe, various sects developed anti-state and libertarian tendencies; those currents were the precursor of religious anarchism in the centuries to come.
It was in the Renaissance and with the spread of reasoning and humanism through Europe that libertarian ideas emerged. Writers were outlining in their novels ideal societies that were based not on coercion but voluntarism; the Enlightenment further pushed towards anarchism with the optimism for social progress. The turning point towards anarchism was the French Revolution in which the anti-state and federalist sentiments began to take a form by Enragés and sans-culottes; some prominent figures of anarchism begun developing the first anarchist currents. That is the era of classical anarchism that lasted until the end of the Spanish Civil War of 1936 and was the golden age of anarchism. William Godwin espoused philosophical anarchism in England morally delegitimizing the state, Max Stirner's thinking paved the way to individualism and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon's theory of mutualism found fertile soil in France. Michael Bakunin took mutualism and extended