Markham Moor is a village which lies five miles south of the town of Retford in Nottinghamshire. The appropriate civil parish had a population of 170 at the 2011 census. Markham Moor lies on the junction between the A1, A57 roads; the village was on the route of the old Great North Road and was traditionally part of the East Markham parish. Markham Moor has a junction in the middle of the village which links the A1 between London and Edinburgh, the A638 to Retford and the A57 to Lincoln; this junction was a simple roundabout, but as part of junction improvements by the Highways Agency between Blyth in Nottinghamshire and Peterborough, the junction changed to the current two level junction, with one roundabout at the north end for the A57 and A638, another roundabout on the south side for the B1164 Great North Road to Tuxford. Both roundabouts are connected by a flyover. A public inquiry was launched into the improvements in 2006 after a number of objections, the majority from the nearby village of Elkesley.
The objectors were concerned with the timing of the improvements and increased traffic flow on the A1 which bypasses Elkesley. The upgraded junction was completed in October 2008. Markham Moor junction has a number of companies providing services for travellers travelling along the major trunk roads which meet at the Markham Moor junction, including McDonald's, a Travelodge, a historic hotel on the route of the old Great North Road and a truck stop; the services held a Little Chef café, constructed as a petrol station and converted to a Little Chef in 1989 but now disused. Due to its unusual hyperbolic paraboloid shell roof, constructed in 1960–61 to designs by architect Hugh Segar Scorer and structural engineer Dr Hajnal-Kónyi, there was a preservation campaign in 2004 to get the building listed to prevent it from being demolished as part of the Markham Moor junction improvement plans published by the Highways Agency; the plans were revised to improve access to the restaurant. The shell canopy was designated Grade II listed on 27 March 2012.
It remains unused. Media related to Markham Moor at Wikimedia Commons
William Savile, 2nd Marquess of Halifax
William Savile, 2nd Marquess of Halifax was the son of George Savile, 1st Viscount Halifax and Dorothy Savile, Viscountess Halifax. He was educated in Geneva in 1677 and matriculated at Christ Church, Oxford in 1681, but did not take a degree, he travelled on the continent in 1684–1687, returning on his brother's death. From that time, he was known as Lord Elland, from his father's subsidiary title of Baron Savile of Elland, he was a Member of Parliament for Newark-on-Trent from 1689 to 1695. He voted in 1689 that the throne was not vacant, he had four daughters including: By his first wife, Elizabeth Grimston, the daughter of Sir Samuel Grimston, whom he married on 24 November 1687: Lady Anne Savile who married Charles Bruce, 4th Earl of Elgin By his second wife, Lady Mary Finch, daughter of Daniel Finch, 7th Earl of Winchilsea, whom he married on 2 April 1695 Lady Mary Savile, who in 1722 married Sackville Tufton, 7th Earl of Thanet, died in 1751 Lady Dorothy Savile, who married Richard Boyle, 3rd Earl of Burlington.
He died in 1700, at an early age from "an inward feavour". Having died without male issue, the title became extinct, but was succeeded in his baronetcy by a cousin. 1665–1667: Mr William Savile 1667–1687: The Honourable William Savile 1687–1689: Lord Elland 1689–1695: Lord Elland MP 1695–1700: The Most Honourable The Marquess of Halifax Bt Leigh Rayment's Peerage Pages Leigh Rayment's Historical List of MPs Mark N. Brown, "Savile, first marquess of Halifax", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, Sept 2004.
Right to Buy
The Right to Buy scheme is a policy in the United Kingdom which gives secure tenants of councils and some housing associations the legal right to buy, at a large discount, the council house they are living in. There is a Right to Acquire for assured tenants of housing association homes built with public subsidy after 1997, at a smaller discount. About 1,500,000 homes in the UK have been sold in this manner since the introduction of the scheme in 1980, with the scheme being cited as one of the major factors in the drastic reduction in the amount of social housing in the UK, falling from nearly 6.5 million units in 1979 to 2 million units in 2017, while being credited as the main driver of the 15% rise in home ownership, which rose from 55% of householders in 1979 to a peak of 71% in 2003. Supporters claim that the programme has given millions of households a tangible asset, secured their families' finances and—by releasing cash to repay local authority debt—helped improve the public finances.
Critics claim that the policy compounded a housing shortage for people of low income, initiated a national house price bubble, led to what is recognised as the displacement and social cleansing of traditional communities. Individual local authorities have always had the ability to sell council houses to their tenants, but until the early 1970s such sales were rare; the Labour Party proposed the idea of the right of tenants to own the house they live in, in their manifesto for the 1959 general election which they subsequently lost. The Conservative-controlled Greater London Council of the late 1960s was persuaded by Horace Cutler, its Chairman of Housing, to create a general sales scheme. Cutler disagreed with the concept of local authorities as providers of housing, supported a free-market approach. GLC housing sales were not allowed during the Labour administration of the mid-1970s, but picked up again once Cutler became Leader in 1977, they proved popular. Cutler was close to Margaret Thatcher who made the right to buy council housing a Conservative Party policy nationally.
The policy was in place for the 1974 Conservative manifesto, but did not prove an asset in the two general elections that year because of high interest and mortgage repayment rates, as well as the growth of negative equity as house prices fell. In the meantime, council house sales to tenants began to increase; some 7,000 were sold to their tenants during 1970. After Margaret Thatcher became Prime Minister in May 1979, the legislation to implement the Right to Buy was passed in the Housing Act 1980. Michael Heseltine, in his role as Secretary of State for the Environment, was in charge of implementing the legislation; some 6,000,000 people were affected. Heseltine noted that "no single piece of legislation has enabled the transfer of so much capital wealth from the state to the people", he said the right to buy had two main objectives: to give people what they wanted, to reverse the trend of ever-increasing dominance of the state over the life of the individual. He said: "There is in this country a ingrained desire for home ownership.
The Government believe. It reflects the wishes of the people, ensures the wide spread of wealth through society, encourages a personal desire to improve and modernise one's own home, enables parents to accrue wealth for their children and stimulates the attitudes of independence and self-reliance that are the bedrock of a free society."The sale price of a council house was based on its market valuation but included a discount of between 33% and 50%, to reflect the rents paid by tenants and to encourage take-up. According to a government survey in 1988, the average discount, offered was 44%. Mortgages involved no downpayments; the legislation gave council tenants the right to buy their council house at a discounted value, depending on how long they had been living in the house, with the proviso that if they sold their house before a minimum period had expired they would have to pay back a proportion of the discount. The sales were an attractive deal for tenants; the policy became one of the major points of Thatcherism.
The policy proved popular. Some local Labour-controlled councils were opposed, but the legislation prevented them from blocking purchases, gave them half the proceeds. Sales were east of England than in inner London and northern England. Sales were restricted to general-needs housing. Half the proceeds of the sales were paid to the local authorities, but the government restricted authorities' use of most of the money to reducing their debt until it was cleared, rather than spending it on building more homes; the effect was to reduce the council housing stock in areas where property prices were high, such as London and the south-east of England.200,000 council houses were sold to their tenants in 1982. By 1987, more than 1,000,000 council houses in the UK had been sold to their tenants, although the number of council houses purchased by tenants declined during the 1990s; the Labour Party was against the sales, pledged to oppose them at the 1983 general election, but dropped its official opposition to the scheme in 1985.
However, at the 1987 general election, the Conservative government warned voters
Unreformed House of Commons
"Unreformed House of Commons" is a name given to the House of Commons of Great Britain and the House of Commons of the United Kingdom before it was reformed by the Reform Act 1832. Until the Act of Union of 1707, which united the Kingdoms of Scotland and England to form Great Britain, Scotland had its own Parliament, the term can be used to refer to the House of Commons of England. From 1707 to 1801 the term refers to the House of Commons of Great Britain; until the Act of Union of 1800 joining the Kingdom of Ireland to Great Britain, Ireland had its own Parliament. From 1801 to 1832, the term refers to the House of Commons of the United Kingdom. In medieval political theory it was believed that sovereignty flowed down from God, not upward from the people, that monarchy was the form of government ordained by God: the King was "the Lord's anointed", due obedience from the people; the King however had a corresponding duty to rule for the people's benefit, from an early date it was accepted that this included the duty to listen to the advice of his feudal magnates.
Parliament emerged from such consultations, representatives of local communities being added to the Lords or magnates - a process aided by the practical consideration that it was easier for the King to collect the taxes he needed if the people consented to pay them. The House of Commons consisted of men of substantial property, since 1688 of Anglicans, except in Scotland. Women stand for election. Members of Parliament were not paid. Candidates had to be electors, which meant that in most places they had to have substantial property in the form of land. All members representing county seats were landed gentry. Many were dependants of peers, while others were independent squires; these independent country gentlemen were the only source of opposition to the government of the day, since they had no need to gain government favour through their votes in the House. Members for borough seats were sometimes local squires, but were more merchants or urban professionals such as lawyers. A large number of borough members were placed in their seats by the government of the day in order to provide support to the government: these were known as "placemen", it was a long-standing objective of parliamentary reformers to eliminate placemen in the House of Commons.
Some borough members were men of little means, sometimes in debt or insolvent, who agreed to become placemen in return for government funds. All 18th century governments depended on this corrupt element to maintain their majorities; some boroughs were under the control of particular ministers or government departments. The members representing the Cinque Ports, for example, were traditionally dependants of the Admiralty and spoke for the interests of the Royal Navy. Although there was no religious restriction on the right to vote, in practice most Catholics were prevented from voting between the reign of Elizabeth I and the Papists Act 1778, because they could not own or inherit land, making them unable to meet the property requirement. After 1778, eligibility for election to the House of Commons was restricted by the fact that members had to take an Anglican oath to take their seats; this excluded Catholics, non-Anglican Protestants and atheists from the House. It is a held view that the quality of members of the House of Commons declined over the 250 years before its reform in 1832, this belief was one of the stimulants for reform.
Sir John Neale could say of the county members in the reign of Elizabeth I: "It was not sufficient for candidates to belong to the more substantial families... They had to show some initiative and will." In the boroughs, he wrote, "competition tended to eliminate the less vigorous, less intelligent and unambitious." This would not be accepted as a description of the situation in the reign of George III, when it was said that the House of full of lazy time-servers, talentless dependants of peers, corrupt placemen and government agents. What did not change was the numerical dominance of country gentlemen in the House. In 1584 they comprised 240 members in a House of 460. Two hundred years this proportion had hardly changed though the social composition of Britain had changed radically over that time, but the proportion of independent members had declined. The proportion of these members who were sons or close relatives of peers rose over this period. In 1584 only 24 members were sons of peers: by the end of the 18th century this number had risen to about 130, a fourfold proportional increase.
In the 18th century about 50 members of the House held similar government offices. These included a number of officials who today would be career civil servants: the Secretary of the Admiralty, for example; as well, a number of members were given ceremonial Court appointments sinecures, as a means of ensuring their loyalty. These included such archaic posts as eight Clerks of the Green Cloth and a dozen Grooms of the Bedchamber. Many more members held other sinecures of various kinds clerkships in government departments, posts which involved no actual work; this was not regarded as corrupt – in an age when Members received neither payments nor
Collingham is a village and civil parish in Nottinghamshire, England. The population at the 2011 Census was 2,738. Collingham is located on the banks of the River Trent on the A1133 main road, just off the A46, it is 6 miles from Newark-on-Trent, 15 miles from the city of Lincoln, 28 miles from the city of Nottingham. Collingham is close to the old Roman Fort at Brough and there have been several local finds of Roman coins and villa remains, it lies close to the Fosse Way on its way to Lincoln. The village name suggests a early Saxon foundation, preceding the occupation of eastern England by the Danes and it is mentioned in the Domesday Book, it is thought. Many of the other villages close by have names which suggest that they were daughter settlements, it possessed two churches in South Collingham from before the Norman conquest. The parishes extended from the river floodplain onto the uncultivated moorland on the higher ground between Trent and Witham, allowing for good grazing and meadowland throughout the year.
In medieval and early modern times Collingham operated an openfield system and enclosure did not take place until the turn of the 18th/19th centuries, changing much local farming from a small holding of strips and the right to extensive grazing, to individual small cottage holdings or a precarious existence as a landless agricultural labourer. The wide square fields and few isolated farms are the result. One field was set aside in the enclosure award of 1790 for lease every year with the revenues being put to the use of the poor of the parish. Around the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th century there was an influx of agricultural labour, displaced from the enclosures of the upland Lincolnshire villages in places like Boothby Graffoe and Harmston, taking the place of former Collingham people who had moved to towns such as Lincoln and Nottingham in search of better employment. During the siege of Newark in the English Civil War, the countryside was subject to deprivation from the opposing armies wanting food and fresh horses and the village suffered.
In 1664, a mercer of Collingham, one Thomas Ridge, issued his own copper halfpenny tokens, in response to currency shortage after the civil war. In the 19th century Collingham was self-sufficient with its own watchmaker, blacksmiths, schools and carriers. There were many local societies and the Nonconformist churches had their own congregations. At one point there was considerable enmity between the vicar of North Collingham and the rector of South Collingham with many disputes about the schools in the village. There are a large number of listed buildings in the village, from the c16 through to the c19, the village is valued as a place to live and commute from. More information is available on the village's website Collingham Website Local amenities include the Co-op and One-Stop convenience stores, butcher's, general store and post office. There is a medical centre/dentist/pharmacy complex which serves much of the surrounding area, plus a library in the same building. Now collectively known as Collingham Village Centre, negotiations are under way between Collingham Parish Council, Lincolnshire Co-operative, Collingham Football Club, other interested parties, to build a new, much larger, Co-op supermarket, a enlarged car park.
This will add another two to four retail outlets in the Village Centre, is supported by the majority of the villagers who voted in a Parish Council survey. There are some sporting facilities in Collingham, notably Collingham F. C. and Collingham Cricket Club. There are facilities for tennis and croquet while the nearby River Trent seems popular with anglers. Collingham is easy to get to by road or railway, being close to the A46 and 5.5 miles from the A1/A46 junction at Newark-on-Trent. Collingham is served by the Nottingham-Lincoln railway line used by East Midlands Trains and you can reach most parts of the Midlands. There is an East Coast station at Newark Northgate from which London can be reached as well as all locations on the East Coast Main Line. A bus service to Newark operates on an irregular basis, with two daily buses running to Lincoln on a daily basis. One ongoing issue affecting the village regards a bypass; the issue is not new, has surfaced a number of times over the past sixty years or so, the last time being rejected in favour of another project in the county, a new bus station in Mansfield.
The proposed bypass is not seen as a priority and in addition would damage the countryside and natural environment along the east side of the village. Many villagers pose the argument that the damage to the environment would be more than offset by the reduction in damage to the built environment along the High Street, the cessation of the use of Low Street as a'rat run' to avoid the traffic lights at the Station Road junction. Pressure groups within the village continue to campaign for the bypass to be built, regardless of how remote the possibility; the composer John Blow was born in the village. Two brothers from the village and William Bacon, took part in the Charge of the Light Brigade. William was killed, but John returned leaving the Army. Both are buried in North Collingham churchyard. Drummer William Bowerman of I Was a Cub Scout and Brontide is from Collingham. Collingham railway station St John the Baptist's Church, Collingham All Saints' Church, Collingham Collingham Nottingham