Area code 219
219 is the North American telephone area code for northwest Indiana, including the state's portion of the Chicago metropolitan area, that includes Lake, Porter, La Porte and Jasper counties. The area code includes the cities of Schererville, Lake Station, Crown Point, Cedar Lake, Whiting, Hammond, East Chicago, Munster, Highland, Valparaiso, Michigan City, Ogden Dunes, St. John, La Porte, DeMotte, Kouts, Lake Village and Rensselaer. 219 is coextensive with the Indiana side of the Chicago metropolitan area. Service is provided by AT&T, Frontier Communications, Northwestern Indiana Telephone Company. Indiana received two area codes. 317 served the northern two-thirds of Indiana. In 1948, 317 was cut back to central Indiana, while the northern third of Indiana—including Gary, East Chicago, South Bend and Fort Wayne—received 219, it was the first area code created. Despite the presence of the Chicago suburbs and Fort Wayne, this configuration remained unchanged for 53 years. By the end of the 20th century, however, 219 was on the verge of exhaustion.
The supply of numbers was further limited because northwest Indiana is part of the Chicago LATA, meaning that many numbers on the Illinois side of the metro area weren't available for use. It was decided to split northern Indiana into three area codes. Northwest Indiana won a random drawing to decide which of the areas would keep 219; the central portion of the old 219 territory, centered on South Bend, became area code 574. The eastern portion, centered on Fort Wayne, became area code 260; the area codes split on January 15, 2002. Permissive dialing of 219 continued across northern Indiana until June 14, 2002. List of NANP area codes NANPA Area Code Map of Indiana List of exchanges from AreaCodeDownload.com, 219 Area Code
The Indiana Senate is the upper house of the Indiana General Assembly, the state legislature of the U. S. state of Indiana. The Senate is composed of 50 members representing an equal number of constituent districts. Senators serve four-year terms without term limits. According to the 2010 census, the average State Senator represents 129,676 people; the Senate convenes at the Indiana Statehouse in Indiana. The Indiana State Senate is operated according to a set of internal regulations developed and maintained by tradition; these rules are similar to the rules that govern the upper house most of the state senates in the United States. The Senate convenes its annual session the first Tuesday following the first Monday of January every year. In odd numbered years the senate must meet for 61 days, must adjourn no than April 30; this is called a long session. In numbered years, when elections are held, the Senate must meet for 30 days and adjourn no than March 15; this is called the short session. The only time the senate may convene outside of these dates is if the Governor calls a special assembly.
The senate must convene by 1:30 pm each day a session is scheduled. Two thirds of the senators must be present for the session to begin. Senators must be present at each session unless they are explicitly excused by the president-pro-tempore. Members who are not present can be forced to attend the session or be censured and expelled from the body; the Lieutenant Governor of Indiana serves as the President of the Senate and is responsible for ensuring that the senate rules are followed by its members. The President of the Senate takes no part in the debates of the senate and may only vote to break ties; the senate elects a president-pro-tempore, a majority leader, a minority leader. The president-pro-tempore is a senior member of majority party; the president-pro-tempore presides over the senate whenever the President of the Senate is not present. The president-pro-tempore is responsible for setting the agenda of the senate; when debate occurs in the senate, each senator is granted permission to speak on each issue once.
A senator may not speak on an issue more than once without a permission from the rest of the senate, attained with a senate vote. A senator can speak for no longer than a half-hour at any one time and may be silenced by a majority vote at any time during his or her speech. Article 4 of the Constitution of Indiana places several limitation on the size and composition of the senate; the senate can contain no more than 50 members. The term of a senator lasts four years with 25 senators being elected every two years. There is no limit. Article 4 of the Constitution of Indiana states the qualifications to become a senator; the candidate must be a United States citizen for a minimum of two years prior to his or her candidacy. The candidate has to reside in the district which she seeks to represent for one year; the candidate should be at least 25 years of age. The candidate cannot hold any other public office in the state or federal government during a senate term. †Member was appointed or won the seat in a special election.
The Senate has various committees that are charged with overseeing different areas of the state government and drafting legislation. These committees are bipartisan and contain between three and eleven members split between the parties according to their ratio of members in the Senate; each committee chairman is a member of the majority party. The current committees include: Indiana House of Representatives Government of Indiana American Legislative Exchange Council members Edward E. Moore, Indiana state senator and Los Angeles City Council member Indiana General Assembly Indiana Senate at Ballotpedia State Senate of Indiana at Project Vote Smart Indiana Senate Democratic Caucus alternate website Indiana Senate Republicans
Hispanic and Latino Americans
Hispanic Americans and Latino Americans are Americans who are descendants of people from Spain and Latin America, respectively. More it includes all Americans who speak the Spanish language natively, who self-identify as Hispanic or Latino, whether of full or partial ancestry. For the 2010 United States Census, people counted as "Hispanic" or "Latino" were those who identified as one of the specific Hispanic or Latino categories listed on the census questionnaire as well as those who indicated that they were "other Spanish, Hispanic or Latino." The national origins classified as Hispanic or Latino by the United States Census Bureau are the following: Argentine, Colombian, Puerto Rican, Mexican, Costa Rican, Honduran, Panamanian, Bolivian, Spanish American, Ecuadorian, Peruvian and Venezuelan. Brazilian Americans, other Portuguese-speaking Latino groups, non-Spanish speaking Latino groups in the United States are defined as "Latino" by some U. S. government agencies. The Census Bureau uses the terms Hispanic and Latino interchangeably."Origin" can be viewed as the ancestry, nationality group, lineage or country of birth of the person or the person's parents or ancestors before their arrival in the United States.
People who identify as Spanish, Hispanic or Latino may be of any race. As one of the only two designated categories of ethnicity in the United States, Hispanics form a pan-ethnicity incorporating a diversity of inter-related cultural and linguistic heritages. Most Hispanic Americans are of Mexican, Puerto Rican, Salvadoran, Guatemalan or Colombian origin; the predominant origin of regional Hispanic populations varies in different locations across the country. Hispanic Americans are the second fastest-growing ethnic group by percentage growth in the United States after Asian Americans. Hispanic/Latinos overall are the second-largest ethnic group in the United States, after non-Hispanic whites. Hispanics have lived within what is now the United States continuously since the founding of St. Augustine by the Spanish in 1565. After Native Americans, Hispanics are the oldest ethnic group to inhabit much of what is today the United States. Many have Native American ancestry. Spain colonized large areas of what is today the American Southwest and West Coast, as well as Florida.
Its holdings included present-day California, New Mexico, Nevada and Texas, all of which were part of the Republic of Mexico from its independence in 1821 until the end of the Mexican–American War in 1848. Conversely, Hispanic immigrants to the New York-New Jersey metropolitan area derive from a broad spectrum of Latin American states. A study published in 2015 in the American Journal of Human Genetics, based on 23andMe data from 8,663 self-described Latinos, estimated that Latinos in the United States carried a mean of 65.1% European ancestry, 18.0% Native American ancestry, 6.2% African ancestry. The study found that self-described Latinos from the Southwest those along the Mexican border, had the highest mean levels of Native American ancestry; the terms "Hispanic" and "Latino" refer to an ethnicity. Hispanic people may share some commonalities in their language, culture and heritage. According to the Smithsonian Institution, the term "Latino" includes peoples with Portuguese roots, such as Brazilians, as well as those of Spanish-language origin.
In the United States, many Hispanics and Latinos are of both Native American ancestry. Others are predominantly of European ancestry or of Amerindian ancestry. Many Hispanics and Latinos from the Caribbean, as well as other regions of Latin America where African slavery was widespread, may be of sub-Saharan African descent as well; the difference between the terms Hispanic and Latino is confusing to some. The U. S. Census Bureau equates the two terms and defines them as referring to anyone from Spain and the Spanish-speaking countries of the Americas. After the Mexican–American War concluded in 1848, term Hispanic or Spanish American was used to describe the Hispanos of New Mexico within the American Southwest; the 1970 United States Census controversially broadened the definition to "a person of Mexican, Puerto Rican, South or Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin, regardless of race". This is now the common formal and colloquial definition of the term within the United States, outside of New Mexico.
The term Latino has developed a number of definitions. One definition of Latino is "a Latin male in the United States"; this is the oldest and the original definition used in the United States, first used in 1946. This definition encompasses Spanish speakers from both Europe and the Americas. Under this definition, immigrants from Spain and immigrants from Latin America are both Latino; this definition is consistent with the 21st-century usage by the U. S. Census Bureau and OMB, as the two agencies use Latino interchangeably. A definition of Latino is as a condensed form of the term "Latino-Americano", the Spanish word for Latin-American, or someone who comes from Latin America. Under this definition a Mexican American or Puerto Rican, for example, is both a Hispanic and a Latino. A Brazilian American is a Latino by this definition, which includes those of Portuguese-speaking origin from Latin America. However, an immigrant from Spain would be classified as European or White by American sta
Asian Americans are Americans of Asian ancestry. The term refers to a panethnic group that includes diverse populations, which have ancestral origins in East Asia, South Asia, or Southeast Asia, as defined by the U. S. Census Bureau; this includes people who indicate their race on the census as "Asian" or reported entries such as "Chinese, Indian, Japanese and Other Asian". Asian Americans with other ancestry comprise 5.6% of the U. S. population, while people who are Asian alone, those combined with at least one other race, make up 6.9%. Although migrants from Asia have been in parts of the contemporary United States since the 17th century, large-scale immigration did not begin until the mid-18th century. Nativist immigration laws during the 1880s–1920s excluded various Asian groups prohibiting all Asian immigration to the continental United States. After immigration laws were reformed during the 1940s–60s, abolishing national origins quotas, Asian immigration increased rapidly. Analyses of the 2010 census have shown that Asian Americans are the fastest growing racial or ethnic minority in the United States.
As with other racial and ethnicity-based terms and common usage have changed markedly through the short history of this term. Prior to the late 1960s, people of Asian ancestry were referred to as Oriental and Mongoloid. Additionally, the American definition of'Asian' included West Asian ethnic groups Jewish Americans, Armenian Americans, Assyrian Americans, Iranian Americans, Kurdish Americans, Arab Americans, although these groups are now considered Middle Eastern American; the term Asian American was coined by historian Yuji Ichioka, credited with popularizing the term, to frame a new "inter-ethnic-pan-Asian American self-defining political group" in the late 1960s. Changing patterns of immigration and an extensive period of exclusion of Asian immigrants have resulted in demographic changes that have in turn affected the formal and common understandings of what defines Asian American. For example, since the removal of restrictive "national origins" quotas in 1965, the Asian-American population has diversified to include more of the peoples with ancestry from various parts of Asia.
Today, "Asian American" is the accepted term for most formal purposes, such as government and academic research, although it is shortened to Asian in common usage. The most used definition of Asian American is the U. S. Census Bureau definition, which includes all people with origins in the Far East, Southeast Asia, the Indian subcontinent; this is chiefly because the census definitions determine many governmental classifications, notably for equal opportunity programs and measurements. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, "Asian person" in the United States is sometimes thought of as a person of East Asian descent. In vernacular usage, "Asian" is used to refer to those of East Asian descent or anyone else of Asian descent with epicanthic eyefolds; this differs from the U. S. Census definition and the Asian American Studies departments in many universities consider all those of East, South or Southeast Asian descent to be "Asian". In the US Census, people with origins or ancestry in the Far East, Southeast Asia, the Indian subcontinent are classified as part of the Asian race.
As such, "Asian" and "African" ancestry are seen as racial categories for the purposes of the Census, since they refer to ancestry only from those parts of the Asian and African continents that are outside the Middle East and North Africa. In 1980 and before, Census forms listed particular Asian ancestries as separate groups, along with white and black or negro. Asian Americans had been classified as "other". In 1977, the federal Office of Management and Budget issued a directive requiring government agencies to maintain statistics on racial groups, including on "Asian or Pacific Islander". By the 1990 census, "Asian or Pacific Islander" was included as an explicit category, although respondents had to select one particular ancestry as a subcategory. Beginning with the 2000 census, two separate categories were used: "Asian American" and "Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander"; the definition of Asian American has variations that derive from the use of the word American in different contexts.
Immigration status, citizenship and language ability are some variables that are used to define American for various purposes and may vary in formal and everyday usage. For example, restricting American to include only U. S. citizens conflicts with discussions of Asian American businesses, which refer both to citizen and non-citizen owners. In a PBS interview from 2004, a panel of Asian American writers discussed how some groups include people of Middle Eastern descent in the Asian American category. Asian American author Stewart Ikeda has noted, "The definition of'Asian American' frequently depends on who's asking, who's defining, in what context, why... the possible definitions of'Asian-Pacific American' are many and shifting... some scholars in Asian American Studies conferences suggest that Russians and Israelis all might fit the field's subject of study." Jeff Yang, of the Wall Street Journal, writes that the panethnic definition of Asian American is a unique American construct, as an identity is "in beta".
Scholars have grappled with the accuracy, correctn
A county seat is an administrative center, seat of government, or capital city of a county or civil parish. The term is used in Canada, Romania and the United States. County towns have a similar function in the United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland, in Jamaica. In most of the United States, counties are the political subdivisions of a state; the city, town, or populated place that houses county government is known as the seat of its respective county. The county legislature, county courthouse, sheriff's department headquarters, hall of records and correctional facility are located in the county seat though some functions may be located or conducted in other parts of the county if it is geographically large. A county seat is but not always, an incorporated municipality; the exceptions include the county seats of counties that have no incorporated municipalities within their borders, such as Arlington County, Virginia. Ellicott City, the county seat of Howard County, is the largest unincorporated county seat in the United States, followed by Towson, the county seat of Baltimore County, Maryland.
Some county seats may not be incorporated in their own right, but are located within incorporated municipalities. For example, Cape May Court House, New Jersey, though unincorporated, is a section of Middle Township, an incorporated municipality. In some of the colonial states, county seats include or included "Court House" as part of their name. In the Canadian provinces of Prince Edward Island, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, the term "shire town" is used in place of county seat. County seats in Taiwan are the administrative centers of the counties. There are 13 county seats in Taiwan, which are in the forms of county-administered city, urban township or rural township. Most counties have only one county seat. However, some counties in Alabama, Georgia, Kentucky, Mississippi, New Hampshire, New York, Vermont have two or more county seats located on opposite sides of the county. An example is Harrison County, which lists both Biloxi and Gulfport as county seats; the practice of multiple county seat towns dates from the days.
There have been few efforts to eliminate the two-seat arrangement, since a county seat is a source of pride for the towns involved. There are 36 counties with multiple county seats in 11 states: Coffee County, Alabama St. Clair County, Alabama Arkansas County, Arkansas Carroll County, Arkansas Clay County, Arkansas Craighead County, Arkansas Franklin County, Arkansas Logan County, Arkansas Mississippi County, Arkansas Prairie County, Arkansas Sebastian County, Arkansas Yell County, Arkansas Columbia County, Georgia Lee County, Iowa Campbell County, Kentucky Kenton County, Kentucky Essex County, Massachusetts Middlesex County, Massachusetts Plymouth County, Massachusetts Bolivar County, Mississippi Carroll County, Mississippi Chickasaw County, Mississippi Harrison County, Mississippi Hinds County, Mississippi Jasper County, Mississippi Jones County, Mississippi Panola County, Mississippi Tallahatchie County, Mississippi Yalobusha County, Mississippi Jackson County, Missouri Hillsborough County, New Hampshire Seneca County, New York Bennington County, Vermont In New England, the town, not the county, is the primary division of local government.
Counties in this region have served as dividing lines for the states' judicial systems. Connecticut and Rhode Island have no county level of thus no county seats. In Vermont and Maine the county seats are designated shire towns. County government consists only of a Superior Court and Sheriff, both located in the respective shire town. Bennington County has two shire towns. In Massachusetts, most government functions which would otherwise be performed by county governments in other states are performed by town or city governments; as such, Massachusetts has dissolved many of its county governments, the state government now operates the registries of deeds and sheriff's offices in those counties. In Virginia, a county seat may be an independent city surrounded by, but not part of, the county of which it is the administrative center. Two counties in South Dakota have their county seat and government services centered in a neighboring county, their county-level services are provided by Fall River Tripp County, respectively.
In Louisiana, divided into parishes rather than counties, county seats are referred to as parish seats. Alaska is divided into boroughs rather than counties; the Unorganized Borough, which covers 49 % of Alaska's area, has equivalent. The state with the most counties is Texas, with 254, the state with the fewest counties is Delaware, with 3. County seat war Administrative center County town, administrative centres in Ireland and the UK Chef-lieu, administrative centres in Algeria, Luxembourg, France and Tunisia Municipality, equivalent to county in many c
Interstate 65 in Indiana
Interstate 65 in the U. S. state of Indiana traverses from the south-southeastern Falls City area bordering Louisville, through the centrally located capital city of Indianapolis, to the northwestern Calumet Region of the Hoosier State, part of the Chicago metropolitan area. The Indiana portion of I-65 begins in Jeffersonville after crossing the Ohio River and travels north, passing just west of Columbus prior to reaching the Indianapolis metro area. Upon reaching Indianapolis, the route alignment of I-65 begins to run more to the northwest and subsequently passes Lafayette on that city's east and north sides. Northwest of there, in west-central Jasper County, the route again curves more northward as it approaches the Calumet Region. Shortly after passing a major junction with I-80 and I-94, I-65 reaches its northern national terminus in Gary at I-90, carried on the Indiana East–West Toll Road. I-65 covers 261.27 miles in the state of Indiana. This is one of the principal interstate highways that cross the state, more intersect at the city of Indianapolis, that has given the state the nickname of "Crossroads of America".
I-65 enters. I-65 travels past Clark State Forest before reaching Seymour to the north. I-65 intersects with U. S. Highway 50 providing access to Seymour to the west. US 31 runs parallel to the Interstate. North of Seymour, I-65 passes through Columbus. Just north of Columbus, I-65 runs near an Indiana National Guard training base; the Interstate continues north into Indianapolis. I-65 crosses the I-465 loop before reaching Indianapolis; the section of I-65 in Downtown Indianapolis overlaps I-70. The junctions are referred to as the "North Split" and the "South Split", forming a section of Interstate locally known as the "Inner Loop" or "Spaghetti Bowl" due to the visual complexity of the overlapping freeways. In 1999, the 25-mile segment of I-65 between the two I-465 interchanges was renamed the Kenneth "Babyface" Edmonds Highway. At mile marker 116, I-65 passes Crown Hill Cemetery, burial site and memorial of President Benjamin Harrison. I-65 leaves the I-465 loop on the northwest side of Indianapolis.
The highway travels past Eagle Creek Park and it passes the terminus of I-865 and picks up US 52. The segment of I-65 north of Indianapolis heads in the direction of Illinois. US 52 runs concurrently until the north side of Lebanon. From this point US 52 runs parallel to I-65. At about the halfway point to the end of I-65 and Indianapolis, I-65 passes through Lafayette. I-65 passes next to Prophetstown State Park. North of Lafayette, I-65 passes through the open flatlands of northwest Indiana. Protruding from the fields are some of the hundreds of wind turbines of the Benton County Wind Farm and Fowler Ridge Wind Farm. At mile 199.4 is the time zone boundary between Central Time and Eastern Time. As with all time zone changes on highways maintained by the Indiana Department of Transportation, this change in time zone is not marked with any roadside signage. Upon crossing into Lake County, over the Kankakee River, the highway is known as the Casimir Pulaski Memorial Highway, it is known as this from that point to its northern terminus.
The northern terminus of I-65 is only 1⁄8 mile north of I-90. Like all Interstate Highways in Indiana, I-65 was constructed in segments. There were six segments in the southern portion of the state between the Kentucky border and the south leg of I-465 in Indianapolis, nine within the I-465 loop and eleven more that made up the northern portion connecting the northwest side of Indianapolis to the Indiana Toll Road in Gary; the first section of I-65 to be completed in Indiana was a 13.39-mile stretch between a temporary connection with US 52 near Royalton in Boone County and the US 52 junction northwest of Lebanon, which opened in December 1960. The initial southern Indiana portion, running 45.71 miles between then-US 31E in Clarksville and US 50 east of Seymour, saw its first traffic in November 1961. The final of the 17 segments of I-65 outside of I-465, 23.09 miles from SR 252 near Edinburgh to Southport Road on Indy's far south side, opened on June 30, 1972. Unlike for most of portions of I-70 within the I-465 beltway, several inner sections of I-65 were built throughout the overall project lifespan.
However, the final three segments from the south side through the heart of the city, including the common portion of I-65 and I-70, were not finished and opened to traffic until around 1974. Prior to 2004, the interchange from the Indiana Toll Road to southbound I-65 required making a physical left turn onto I-65 via a traffic signal; this deficiency has since been corrected by a grade-separation. As part of the Operation Indy Commute project, INDOT began work in 2013 to widen I-65 on both northbound and southbound mainlines from exit 103 at Southport Road northward to the southern junction with I-465, adding auxiliary lanes in this section to improve merging of traffic entering southbound I-65 from I-465 and entering northbound I-65 from westbound Southport Road. To reduce congestion on I-65 South from I-465 West, the loop ramp from westbound I-465 was replaced by a flyover ramp to southbound I-65; the eastbound I-465 exit to southbound I-65 South
The Kankakee River is a tributary of the Illinois River 133 miles long, in northwestern Indiana and northeastern Illinois in the United States. At one time, the river drained one of the largest wetlands in North America and furnished a significant portage between the Great Lakes and the Mississippi River. Altered from its original channel, it flows through a rural farming region of reclaimed cropland, south of Lake Michigan; the Kankakee rises in northwestern Indiana five miles southwest of South Bend, Indiana. It flows in a straight channelized course southwestward through rural northwestern Indiana, collecting the Yellow River from the south in Starke County, passing the communities of South Center and English Lake, it forms the border between LaPorte and Lake counties on the north and Starke and Newton counties on the south. The river curves westward and ceases to be channelized as it enters Kankakee County in northeastern Illinois. Three miles southeast of the city of Kankakee, it receives the Iroquois River from the south and turns to the northwest for its lower 35 miles.
It joins the Des Plaines River from the south to form the Illinois River 50 miles southwest of Chicago. The Kankakee River Basin drains 2,989 square miles in northwest Indiana, 2,169 square miles in northeast Illinois, about seven square miles in southwest Lower Michigan; the Kankakee River heads near South Bend flows westward into Illinois, where it joins with the Des Plaines River to form the Illinois. The area of Lake County which drained to Lake Michigan but now drains by means of artificial diversion to the Illinois River is not considered to be part of the Kankakee River Basin study region. Although the Kankakee River basin includes portions of Indiana and Michigan, the discussion below will focus on the Indiana portion of the basin; the Kankakee Outwash and Lacustrine Plain, a large and poorly drained plain, comprises the southern quarter of both Lake and Porter counties. It is the most recent of the three landscape regions to face the pressures of impending urbanization. Large portions of the area were once marshland associated with the meandering Kankakee River, for eight or nine months of the year, was flanked on both sides by wetlands.
The marsh area was three to four miles wide and contained water one to four feet deep. The low marshland was broken by infrequent islands of sand blown into dunes; the sand islands were the sites of Indian encampments and of pioneer homes. The Kankakee marsh was an effective barrier to early southerly exploration of both counties, but the area has been progressively drained by ditches constructed during the past 60 years; the Kankakee River Basin is a product of the Wisconsin Glacial Episode. It is a remnant of the glacial lakes. Landscape elements include 1) the nearly level plains of a ground moraine, 2) eolian plains, 3) outwash deposits, 4) the central river basin and 5) end moraines forming the north and southern borders. Local relief varies from 60 feet along the Iroquois Moraine, up to 100 feet on the Valparaiso Moraine. Deposits range from 50 to 100 feet in the lower basin; the deepest deposits of 100 to 250 feet are in the upper basin. Along the Valparaiso Moraine, deposits can reach 350 feet thick.
Outwash deposits occur along the northern border of the basin. The southern half of the Kankakee Basin, south of the main river channel, is characterized by the fine-grained sediments that are wind driven, forming a series of broad eolian sand dunes and ridges; these are of moderate height. Lacustrine silts and clays are mixed with the various waterborne and wind driven deposits throughout the basin; the bedrock underlying the Kankakee Basin is of Silurian age. There are strata from the Devonian, Mississippian periods; the Silurian rocks are dolomite and limestone. A major subterranean feature is the Kankakee Arch. North of the arch, the strata dip towards Lake Michigan and the Michigan Basin. To the south, the strata dips southwest toward the Illinois Basin. Within the Kankakee Basin, the rock strata are nearly flat; the Advanced Hydrological Prediction Service contains current data for river depths. Contrary to what may be shown in online mapping sites or GPS software, the bridge over the Kankakee River on State Line Road near the public ramp at the Indiana–Illinois state line is closed and dismantled.
Some fishing maps and websites about the river may include road directions to the public ramp at the state line, with outdated information. The public ramp is located on the north side of the river, with the bridge out, it is not accessible from the south side, from Illinois Route 114/Indiana State Road 10; as of September 7, 2008, the old iron bridge at the Indiana–Illinois state line had been removed from its concrete supports and was set on the ground, clearing the water by only 3 feet, making it possible to pass beneath only in small boats, etc. The Kankakee River was formed around 16,000 years ago by an event known as the Kankakee Torrent. A glacial lake resulting from meltwater from the Wisconsin glaciation breached the moraines holding it in; the resultant flood created the bed of the Kankakee River and had greater impact in what is today the state of Illinois. Up