Service economy can refer to one or both of two recent economic developments: The increased importance of the service sector in industrialized economies. The current list of Fortune 500 companies contains more service companies and fewer manufacturers than in previous decades; the relative importance of service in a product offering. The service economy in developing countries is concentrated in financial services, retail, human services, information technology and education. Products today have a higher service component than in previous decades. In the management literature this is referred to as the servitization of products or a product-service system; every product today has a service component to it. The old dichotomy between product and service has been replaced by a service-product continuum. Many products are being transformed into services. For example, IBM treats its business as a service business. Although it still manufactures computers, it sees the physical goods as a small part of the "business solutions" industry.
They have found that the price elasticity of demand for "business solutions" is much less than for hardware. There has been a corresponding shift to a subscription pricing model. Rather than receiving a single payment for a piece of manufactured equipment, many manufacturers are now receiving a steady stream of revenue for ongoing contracts. Full cost accounting and most accounting reform and monetary reform measures are thought to be impossible to achieve without a good model of the service economy. Since the 1950s, the global economy has undergone a structural transformation. For this change, the American economist Victor R. Fuchs called it “the service economy” in 1968, he believes that the United States has taken the lead in entering the service economy and society in the Western countries. The declaration heralded the arrival of a service economy that began in the United States on a global scale. With the rapid development of information revolution and technology, the service economy has shown new development trends.
This is seen in green economics and more specific theories within it such as Natural Capitalism, as having these benefits: Much easier integration with accounting for nature's services Much easier integration with state services under globalization, e.g. meat inspection is a service, assumed within a product price, but which can vary quite drastically with jurisdiction, with some serious effects. Association of goods movements in commodity markets with negative commodity public bads so that no commodity can be traded without assuming responsibility for damage done by its extraction, shipping and sale - its comprehensive outcome Easier integration with urban ecology and industrial ecology modelling Making it easier to relate to the Experience Economy of actual quality of life decisions made by human beings based on assumptions about service, integrating economics better with marketing theory about brand value e.g. products are purchased for their assumed reliability in some known process.
This assumes that the user's experience with the brand is far more important than its technical characteristicsProduct stewardship or product take-back are words for a specific requirement or measure in which the service of waste disposal is included in the distribution chain of an industrial product and is paid for at time of purchase. That is, paying for the safe and proper disposal when you pay for the product, relying on those who sold it to you to dispose of it; those who advocate it are concerned with the phases of product lifecycle and the comprehensive outcome of the whole production process. It is considered a pre-requisite to a strict service economy interpretation of "commodity" and "product" relationships, it is applied to paint and other goods that become toxic waste if not disposed of properly. It is most familiar as the container deposit charged for a deposit bottle. One pays a fee to buy the bottle, separately from the fee to buy. If one returns the bottle, the fee is returned, the supplier must return the bottle for re-use or recycling.
If not, one has paid the fee, this can pay for landfill or litter control measures that dispose of diapers or a broken bottle. Since the same fee can be collected by anyone finding and returning the bottle, it is common for people to collect these and return them as a means of gaining a small income; this is quite common for instance among homeless people in U. S. cities. Legal requirements vary: the bottle itself may be considered the property of the purchaser of the contents, or, the purchaser may have some obligation to return the bottle to some depot so it can be recycled or re-used. In some countries, such as Germany, law requires attention to the comprehensive outcome of the whole extraction, distribution and waste of a product, holds those profiting from these responsible for any outcome along the way; this is the trend in the UK and EU generally. In the United States, there have been many class action suits that are product stewardship liability - holding companies responsible for things the product does which it was never advertised to do.
Rather than let liability for these problems be taken up by the public sector or be haphazardly assigned one issue at a time to companies via lawsuits, many accounting reform efforts focus on achieving full cost accounting. This is the financial reflection of the comprehensive outcome - noting the gains and losses to all parties involved, not just those investing or purchasing; such moves have made moral purchasing
Development economics is a branch of economics which deals with economic aspects of the development process in low income countries. Its focus is not only on methods of promoting economic development, economic growth and structural change but on improving the potential for the mass of the population, for example, through health and workplace conditions, whether through public or private channels. Development economics involves the creation of theories and methods that aid in the determination of policies and practices and can be implemented at either the domestic or international level; this may involve restructuring market incentives or using mathematical methods such as intertemporal optimization for project analysis, or it may involve a mixture of quantitative and qualitative methods. Unlike in many other fields of economics, approaches in development economics may incorporate social and political factors to devise particular plans. Unlike many other fields of economics, there is no consensus on what students should know.
Different approaches may consider the factors that contribute to economic convergence or non-convergence across households and countries. The earliest Western theory of development economics was mercantilism, which developed in the 17th century, paralleling the rise of the nation state. Earlier theories had given little attention to development. For example, the dominant school of thought during medieval feudalism, emphasized reconciliation with Christian theology and ethics, rather than development; the 16th- and 17th-century School of Salamanca, credited as the earliest modern school of economics did not address development specifically. Major European nations in the 17th and 18th century all adopted mercantilist ideals to varying degrees, the influence only ebbing with the 18th-century development of physiocrats in France and classical economics in Britain. Mercantilism held that a nation's prosperity depended on its supply of capital, represented by bullion held by the state, it emphasised the maintenance of a high positive trade balance as a means of accumulating this bullion.
To achieve a positive trade balance, protectionist measures such as tariffs and subsidies to home industries were advocated. Mercantilist development theory advocated colonialism. Theorists most associated with mercantilism include Philipp von Hörnigk, who in his Austria Over All, If She Only Will of 1684 gave the only comprehensive statement of mercantilist theory, emphasizing production and an export-led economy. In France, mercantilist policy is most associated with 17th-century finance minister Jean-Baptiste Colbert, whose policies proved influential in American development. Mercantilist ideas continue in the theories of economic neomercantilism. Following mercantilism was the related theory of economic nationalism, promulgated in the 19th century related to the development and industrialization of the United States and Germany, notably in the policies of the American System in America and the Zollverein in Germany. A significant difference from mercantilism was the de-emphasis on colonies, in favor of a focus on domestic production.
The names most associated with 19th-century economic nationalism are the American Alexander Hamilton, the German-American Friedrich List, the American Henry Clay. Hamilton's 1791 Report on Manufactures, his magnum opus, is the founding text of the American System, drew from the mercantilist economies of Britain under Elizabeth I and France under Colbert. List's 1841 Das Nationale System der Politischen Ökonomie, which emphasized stages of growth, proved influential in the US and Germany, nationalist policies were pursued by politician Henry Clay, by Abraham Lincoln, under the influence of economist Henry Charles Carey. Forms of economic nationalism and neomercantilism have been key in Japan's development in the 19th and 20th centuries, the more recent development of the Four Asian Tigers, most China. Following Brexit and the United States presidential election, 2016, some experts have argued a new kind of "self-seeking capitalism" popularly known as Trumponomics could have a considerable impact on cross-border investment flows and long-term capital allocation The origins of modern development economics are traced to the need for, problems with the industrialization of eastern Europe in the aftermath of World War II.
The key authors are Paul Rosenstein-Rodan, Kurt Mandelbaum, Ragnar Nurkse, Sir Hans Wolfgang Singer. Only after the war did economists turn their concerns towards Asia and Latin America. At the heart of these studies, by authors such as Simon Kuznets and W. Arthur Lewis was an analysis of not only economic growth but structural transformation. An early theory of development economics, the linear-stages-of-growth model was first formulated in the 1950s by W. W. Rostow in The Stages of Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto, following work of Marx and List; this theory modifies Marx's stages theory of development and focuses on the accelerated accumulation of capital, through the utilization of both domestic and international savings as a means of spurring investment, as the primary means of promoting economic growth and, development. The linear-stages-of-growth model posits that there are a series of five consecutive stages of development which all countries must go through during the process of development.
These stages are "the traditional society, the pre-conditions for take-off, the take-off, the drive to maturity, the age of high mass-consumption" Simple versi
Operations research, or operational research in British usage, is a discipline that deals with the application of advanced analytical methods to help make better decisions. Further, the term operational analysis is used in the British military as an intrinsic part of capability development and assurance. In particular, operational analysis forms part of the Combined Operational Effectiveness and Investment Appraisals, which support British defense capability acquisition decision-making, it is considered to be a sub-field of applied mathematics. The terms management science and decision science are sometimes used as synonyms. Employing techniques from other mathematical sciences, such as mathematical modeling, statistical analysis, mathematical optimization, operations research arrives at optimal or near-optimal solutions to complex decision-making problems; because of its emphasis on human-technology interaction and because of its focus on practical applications, operations research has overlap with other disciplines, notably industrial engineering and operations management, draws on psychology and organization science.
Operations research is concerned with determining the extreme values of some real-world objective: the maximum or minimum. Originating in military efforts before World War II, its techniques have grown to concern problems in a variety of industries. Operational research encompasses a wide range of problem-solving techniques and methods applied in the pursuit of improved decision-making and efficiency, such as simulation, mathematical optimization, queueing theory and other stochastic-process models, Markov decision processes, econometric methods, data envelopment analysis, neural networks, expert systems, decision analysis, the analytic hierarchy process. Nearly all of these techniques involve the construction of mathematical models that attempt to describe the system; because of the computational and statistical nature of most of these fields, OR has strong ties to computer science and analytics. Operational researchers faced with a new problem must determine which of these techniques are most appropriate given the nature of the system, the goals for improvement, constraints on time and computing power.
The major sub-disciplines in modern operational research, as identified by the journal Operations Research, are: Computing and information technologies Financial engineering Manufacturing, service sciences, supply chain management Policy modeling and public sector work Revenue management Simulation Stochastic models Transportation In the decades after the two world wars, the tools of operations research were more applied to problems in business and society. Since that time, operational research has expanded into a field used in industries ranging from petrochemicals to airlines, finance and government, moving to a focus on the development of mathematical models that can be used to analyse and optimize complex systems, has become an area of active academic and industrial research. In the 17th century, mathematicians like Christiaan Huygens and Blaise Pascal tried to solve problems involving complex decisions with probability. Others in the 18th and 19th centuries solved these types of problems with combinatorics.
Charles Babbage's research into the cost of transportation and sorting of mail led to England's universal "Penny Post" in 1840, studies into the dynamical behaviour of railway vehicles in defence of the GWR's broad gauge. Beginning in the 20th century, study of inventory management could be considered the origin of modern operations research with economic order quantity developed by Ford W. Harris in 1913. Operational research may have originated in the efforts of military planners during World War I. Percy Bridgman brought operational research to bear on problems in physics in the 1920s and would attempt to extend these to the social sciences. Modern operational research originated at the Bawdsey Research Station in the UK in 1937 and was the result of an initiative of the station's superintendent, A. P. Rowe. Rowe conceived the idea as a means to analyse and improve the working of the UK's early warning radar system, Chain Home, he analysed the operating of the radar equipment and its communication networks, expanding to include the operating personnel's behaviour.
This allowed remedial action to be taken. Scientists in the United Kingdom including Patrick Blackett, Cecil Gordon, Solly Zuckerman, C. H. Waddington, Owen Wansbrough-Jones, Frank Yates, Jacob Bronowski and Freeman Dyson, in the United States with George Dantzig looked for ways to make better decisions in such areas as logistics and training schedules The modern field of operational research arose during World War II. In the World War II era, operational research was defined as "a scientific method of providing executive departments with a quantitative basis for decisions regarding the operations under their control". Other names for it included quantitative management. During the Second World War close to 1,000 men and women in Britain were engaged in operational research. About 200 operational research scientists worked for the British Army. Patrick Blackett worked for several different organizations during the war. Early in the war while working for the Royal Aircraft Establishment he set up a team known as the "Circus" which helped to reduce the number of anti-aircraft artillery rounds needed to shoot down an enemy aircraft from an
Education economics or the economics of education is the study of economic issues relating to education, including the demand for education, the financing and provision of education, the comparative efficiency of various educational programs and policies. From early works on the relationship between schooling and labor market outcomes for individuals, the field of the economics of education has grown to cover all areas with linkages to education. Economics distinguishes in addition to physical capital another form of capital, no less critical as a means of production – human capital. With investments in human capital, such as education, three major economic effects can be expected: increased expenses as the accumulation of human capital requires investments just as physical capital does, increased productivity as people gain characteristics that enable them to produce more output and hence return on investment in the form of higher incomes. Investments in human capital entail an investment cost.
In European countries most education expenditure takes the form of government consumption, although some costs are borne by individuals. These investments can be rather costly. EU governments spent between 3% and 8% of GDP on education in 2005, the average being 5%. However, measuring the spending this way alone underestimates the costs because a more subtle form of costs is overlooked: the opportunity cost of forgone wages as students cannot work while they study, it has been estimated that the total costs, including opportunity costs, of education are as much as double the direct costs. Including opportunity costs investments in education can be estimated to have been around 10% of GDP in the EU countries in 2005. In comparison investments in physical capital were 20% of GDP, thus the two are of similar magnitude. Human capital in the form of education shares many characteristics with physical capital. Both require an investment to create and, once created, both have economic value. Physical capital earns a return because people are willing to pay to use a piece of physical capital in work as it allows them to produce more output.
To measure the productive value of physical capital, we can measure how much of a return it commands in the market. In the case of human capital calculating returns is more complicated – after all, we cannot separate education from the person to see how much it rents for. To get around this problem, the returns to human capital are inferred from differences in wages among people with different levels of education. Hall and Jones have calculated from international data that on average that the returns on education are 13.4% per year for first four years of schooling, 10.1% per year for the next four years and 6.8% for each year beyond eight years. Thus someone with 12 years of schooling can be expected to earn, on average, 1.1344 × 1.1014 × 1.0684 = 3.161 times as much as someone with no schooling at all. Economy-wide, the effect of human capital on incomes has been estimated to be rather significant: 65% of wages paid in developed countries is payments to human capital and only 35% to raw labor.
The higher productivity of well-educated workers is one of the factors that explain higher GDPs and, higher incomes in developed countries. A strong correlation between GDP and education is visible among the countries of the world, as is shown by the upper left figure, it is less clear, how much of a high GDP is explained by education. After all, it is possible that rich countries can afford more education. To distinguish the part of GDP explained with education from other causes, Weil has calculated how much one would expect each country’s GDP to be higher based on the data on average schooling; this was based on the above-mentioned calculations of Jones on the returns on education. GDPs predicted by Weil’s calculations can be plotted against actual GDPs, as is done in the figure on the left, demonstrating that the variation in education explains some, but not all, of the variation in GDP; the matter of externalities should be considered. When speaking of externalities one thinks of the negative effects of economic activities that are not included in market prices, such as pollution.
These are negative externalities. However, there are positive externalities – that is, positive effects of which someone can benefit without having to pay for it. Education bears with it major positive externalities: giving one person more education raises not only his or her output but the output of those around him or her. Educated workers can bring new technologies and information to the consideration of others, they can act as an example. The positive externalities of education include the effects of personal networks and the roles educated workers play in them. Positive externalities from human capital are one explanation for why governments are involved in education. If people were left on their own, they would not take into account the full social benefit of education – in other words the rise in the output and wages of others – so the amount they would choose to obtain would be lower than the social optimum. A 2013 study assesses demand- and supply-side factors that affect educational access and attainment in development countries, it shows that addressing demand-side factors, such as geographic gaps between rural and urban areas, higher levels of population growth and child labour, can have greater impact on increasing levels of education in developing countries than supply-side factors, such as constructing additional school facilities, hiring more teachers etc.
The dominant model of th
Labour economics seeks to understand the functioning and dynamics of the markets for wage labour. Labour markets or job markets function through the interaction of employers. Labour economics looks at the suppliers of labour services and the demanders of labour services, attempts to understand the resulting pattern of wages and income. Labour is a measure of the work done by human beings, it is conventionally contrasted with such other factors of production as capital. Some theories focus on human capital. There are two sides to labour economics. Labour economics can be seen as the application of microeconomic or macroeconomic techniques to the labour market. Microeconomic techniques study individual firms in the labour market. Macroeconomic techniques look at the interrelations between the labour market, the goods market, the money market, the foreign trade market, it looks at how these interactions influence macro variables such as employment levels, participation rates, aggregate income and gross domestic product.
The labour force is defined as the number of people of working age, who are either employed or looking for work. The participation rate is the number of people in the labour force divided by the size of the adult civilian noninstitutional population; the non-labour force includes those who are not looking for work, those who are institutionalised such as in prisons or psychiatric wards, stay-at home spouses and those serving in the military. The unemployment level is defined as the labour force minus the number of people employed; the unemployment rate is defined as the level of unemployment divided by the labour force. The employment rate is defined as the number of people employed divided by the adult population. In these statistics, self-employed people are counted as employed. Variables like employment level, unemployment level, labour force, unfilled vacancies are called stock variables because they measure a quantity at a point in time, they can be contrasted with flow variables. Changes in the labour force are due to flow variables such as natural population growth, net immigration, new entrants, retirements from the labour force.
Changes in unemployment depend on inflows made up of non-employed people starting to look for jobs and of employed people who lose their jobs and look for new ones, outflows of people who find new employment and of people who stop looking for employment. When looking at the overall macroeconomy, several types of unemployment have been identified, including: Frictional unemployment – This reflects the fact that it takes time for people to find and settle into new jobs. Technological advancement reduces frictional unemployment. Structural unemployment – This reflects a mismatch between the skills and other attributes of the labour force and those demanded by employers. Rapid industry changes of a technical and/or economic nature will increase levels of structural unemployment; the process of globalization has contributed to structural changes in labour markets. Natural rate of unemployment – This is the summation of frictional and structural unemployment, that excludes cyclical contributions of unemployment.
It is the lowest rate of unemployment that a stable economy can expect to achieve, given that some frictional and structural unemployment is inevitable. Economists do not agree on the level of the natural rate, with estimates ranging from 1% to 5%, or on its meaning – some associate it with "non-accelerating inflation"; the estimated rate varies from country from time to time. Demand deficient unemployment – In Keynesian economics, any level of unemployment beyond the natural rate is due to insufficient goods demand in the overall economy. During a recession, aggregate expenditure is deficient causing the underutilisation of inputs. Aggregate expenditure can be increased, according to Keynes, by increasing consumption spending, increasing investment spending, increasing government spending, or increasing the net of exports minus imports, since AE = C + I + G +. Neoclassical economists view the labour market as similar to other markets in that the forces of supply and demand jointly determine price and quantity.
However, the labour market differs from other markets in several ways. In particular, the labour market may act as a non-clearing market. While according to neoclassical theory most markets attain a point of equilibrium without excess supply or demand, this may not be true of the labour market: it may have a persistent level of unemployment. Contrasting the labour market to other markets reveals persistent compensating differentials among similar workers. Models that assume perfect competition in the labour market, as discussed below, conclude that workers earn their marginal product of labour. Households are suppliers of labour. In microeconomic theory, people are assumed to be rational and seeking to maximize their utility function. In the labour market model, their utility function expresses
A market is one of the many varieties of systems, procedures, social relations and infrastructures whereby parties engage in exchange. While parties may exchange goods and services by barter, most markets rely on sellers offering their goods or services in exchange for money from buyers, it can be said that a market is the process by which the prices of goods and services are established. Markets facilitate enable the distribution and resource allocation in a society. Markets allow any trade-able item to be priced. A market emerges more or less spontaneously or may be constructed deliberately by human interaction in order to enable the exchange of rights of services and goods. Markets supplant gift economies and are held in place through rules and customs, such as a booth fee, competitive pricing, source of goods for sale. Markets can differ by products or factors sold, product differentiation, place in which exchanges are carried, buyers targeted, selling process, government regulation, subsidies, minimum wages, price ceilings, legality of exchange, intensity of speculation, concentration, exchange asymmetry, relative prices and geographic extension.
The geographic boundaries of a market may vary for example the food market in a single building, the real estate market in a local city, the consumer market in an entire country, or the economy of an international trade bloc where the same rules apply throughout. Markets can be worldwide, see for example the global diamond trade. National economies can be classified as developed markets or developing markets. In mainstream economics, the concept of a market is any structure that allows buyers and sellers to exchange any type of goods and information; the exchange of goods or services, with or without money, is a transaction. Market participants consist of all the buyers and sellers of a good who influence its price, a major topic of study of economics and has given rise to several theories and models concerning the basic market forces of supply and demand. A major topic of debate is how much a given market can be considered to be a "free market", free from government intervention. Microeconomics traditionally focuses on the study of market structure and the efficiency of market equilibrium.
However, it is not always clear how the allocation of resources can be improved since there is always the possibility of government failure. A market is one of the many varieties of systems, procedures, social relations and infrastructures whereby parties engage in exchange. While parties may exchange goods and services by barter, most markets rely on sellers offering their goods or services in exchange for money from buyers, it can be said that a market is the process by which the prices of goods and services are established. Markets enables the distribution and allocation of resources in a society. Markets allow any trade-able item to be priced. A market sometimes emerges more or less spontaneously or may be constructed deliberately by human interaction in order to enable the exchange of rights of services and goods. Markets of varying types can spontaneously arise whenever a party has interest in a good or service that some other party can provide. Hence there can be a market for cigarettes in correctional facilities, another for chewing gum in a playground, yet another for contracts for the future delivery of a commodity.
There can be black markets, where a good is exchanged illegally, for example markets for goods under a command economy despite pressure to repress them and virtual markets, such as eBay, in which buyers and sellers do not physically interact during negotiation. A market can be organized as an auction, as a private electronic market, as a commodity wholesale market, as a shopping center, as a complex institution such as a stock market and as an informal discussion between two individuals. Markets vary in form, scale and types of participants as well as the types of goods and services traded; the following is a non exhaustive list: Food retail markets: farmers' markets, fish markets, wet markets and grocery stores Retail marketplaces: public markets, market squares, Main Streets, High Streets, souqs, night markets, shopping strip malls and shopping malls Big-box stores: supermarkets and discount stores Ad hoc auction markets: process of buying and selling goods or services by offering them up for bid, taking bids and selling the item to the highest bidder Used goods markets such as flea markets Temporary markets such as fairs Physical wholesale markets: sale of goods or merchandise to retailers.
Heterodoxy is a term that may be used in contrast with orthodoxy in schools of economic thought or methodologies, that may be beyond neoclassical economics. Heterodoxy is an umbrella term; these might for example include anarchist, Marxian, evolutionary, Austrian, social, post-Keynesian, ecological economics among others. Economics may be called conventional economics by its critics. Alternatively, mainstream economics deals with the "rationality–individualism–equilibrium nexus" and heterodox economics is more "radical" in dealing with the "institutions–history–social structure nexus". Many economists dismiss heterodox economics as "fringe" and "irrelevant", with little or no influence on the vast majority of academic mainstream economists in the English-speaking world. A recent review documented several prominent groups of heterodox economists since at least the 1990s as working together with a resulting increase in coherence across different constituents. Along these lines, the International Confederation of Associations for Pluralism in Economics does not define "heterodox economics" and has avoided defining its scope.
ICAPE defines its mission as "promoting pluralism in economics." In defining a common ground in the "critical commentary," one writer described fellow heterodox economists as trying to do three things: identify shared ideas that generate a pattern of heterodox critique across topics and chapters of introductory macro texts. One study suggests four key factors as important to the study of economics by self-identified heterodox economists: history, natural systems and power. A number of heterodox schools of economic thought challenged the dominance of neoclassical economics after the neoclassical revolution of the 1870s. In addition to socialist critics of capitalism, heterodox schools in this period included advocates of various forms of mercantilism, such as the American School dissenters from neoclassical methodology such as the historical school, advocates of unorthodox monetary theories such as Social credit. Other heterodox schools active before and during the Great Depression included Technocracy and Georgism.
Physical scientists and biologists were the first individuals to use energy flows to explain social and economic development. Joseph Henry, an American physicist and first secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, remarked that the "fundamental principle of political economy is that the physical labor of man can only be ameliorated by… the transformation of matter from a crude state to a artificial condition...by expending what is called power or energy."The rise, absorption into the mainstream of Keynesian economics, which appeared to provide a more coherent policy response to unemployment than unorthodox monetary or trade policies contributed to the decline of interest in these schools. After 1945, the neoclassical synthesis of Keynesian and neoclassical economics resulted in a defined mainstream position based on a division of the field into microeconomics and macroeconomics. Austrians and post-Keynesians who dissented from this synthesis emerged as defined heterodox schools. In addition, the Marxist and institutionalist schools remained active.
Up to 1980 the most notable themes of heterodox economics in its various forms included: rejection of the atomistic individual conception in favor of a embedded individual conception. From 1980 mainstream economics has been influenced by a number of new research programs, including behavioral economics, complexity economics, evolutionary economics, experimental economics, neuroeconomics; as a consequence, some heterodox economists, such as John B. Davis, proposed that the definition of heterodox economics has to be adapted to this new, more complex reality:...heterodox economics post-1980 is a complex structure, being composed out of two broadly different kinds of heterodox work, each internally differentiated with a number of research programs having different historical origins and orientations: the traditional left heterodoxy familiar to most and the'new heterodoxy' resulting from other science imports. There is no single "heterodox economic theory". What they all share, however, is a rejection of the neoclassical orthodoxy as representing the appropriate tool for understanding the workings of economic and social life.
The reasons for this rejection may vary. Some of the elements found in heterodox critiques are listed below. One of the most broadly accepted principles of neoclassical economics is the assumption of the "rationality of economic agents". Indeed, for a number of economists, the notion of rational maximizing behavior is taken to be synonymous with economic behavior; when some economists' studies do not embrace the rationality assumption, they are seen as placing the analyses outside the boundaries of the Neoclassical economics discipline. Neoclassical economics begins with the a priori assumptions that agents are rational and that they seek to maximize their individual utility (or prof