Conscription, sometimes called the draft, is the compulsory enlistment of people in a national service, most a military service. Conscription dates back to antiquity and continues in some countries to the present day under various names; the modern system of near-universal national conscription for young men dates to the French Revolution in the 1790s, where it became the basis of a large and powerful military. Most European nations copied the system in peacetime, so that men at a certain age would serve 1–8 years on active duty and transfer to the reserve force. Conscription is controversial for a range of reasons, including conscientious objection to military engagements on religious or philosophical grounds; those conscripted may evade service, sometimes by leaving the country, seeking asylum in another country. Some selection systems accommodate these attitudes by providing alternative service outside combat-operations roles or outside the military, such as Siviilipalvelus in Finland, Zivildienst in Austria and Switzerland.
Several countries conscript male soldiers not only for armed forces, but for paramilitary agencies, which are dedicated to police-like domestic only service like Internal Troops, Border Guards or non-combat rescue duties like Civil defence troops – none of, considered alternative to the military conscription. As of the early 21st century, many states no longer conscript soldiers, relying instead upon professional militaries with volunteers enlisted to meet the demand for troops; the ability to rely on such an arrangement, presupposes some degree of predictability with regard to both war-fighting requirements and the scope of hostilities. Many states that have abolished conscription therefore still reserve the power to resume it during wartime or times of crisis. States involved in wars or interstate rivalries are most to implement conscription, whereas democracies are less than autocracies to implement conscription. Former British colonies are less to have conscription, as they are influenced by British anticonscription norms that can be traced back to the English Civil War.
Around the reign of Hammurabi, the Babylonian Empire used. Under that system those eligible were required to serve in the royal army in time of war. During times of peace they were instead required to provide labour for other activities of the state. In return for this service, people subject to it gained the right to hold land, it is possible that this right was not to hold land per se but specific land supplied by the state. Various forms of avoiding military service are recorded. While it was outlawed by the Code of Hammurabi, the hiring of substitutes appears to have been practiced both before and after the creation of the code. Records show that Ilkum commitments could become traded. In other places, people left their towns to avoid their Ilkum service. Another option was to sell Ilkum lands and the commitments along with them. With the exception of a few exempted classes, this was forbidden by the Code of Hammurabi. In medieval Scandinavia the leiðangr, leding, lichting, expeditio or sometimes leþing, was a levy of free farmers conscripted into coastal fleets for seasonal excursions and in defence of the realm.
The bulk of the Anglo-Saxon English army, called the fyrd, was composed of part-time English soldiers drawn from the freemen of each county. In the 690s Laws of Ine, three levels of fines are imposed on different social classes for neglecting military service; some modern writers claim. These thegns were the land-holding aristocracy of the time and were required to serve with their own armour and weapons for a certain number of days each year; the historian David Sturdy has cautioned about regarding the fyrd as a precursor to a modern national army composed of all ranks of society, describing it as a "ridiculous fantasy":The persistent old belief that peasants and small farmers gathered to form a national army or fyrd is a strange delusion dreamt up by antiquarians in the late eighteenth or early nineteenth centuries to justify universal military conscription. Medieval levy in Poland was known as the pospolite ruszenie; the system of military slaves was used in the Middle East, beginning with the creation of the corps of Turkish slave-soldiers by the Abbasid caliph al-Mu'tasim in the 820s and 830s.
The Turkish troops soon came to dominate the government, establishing a pattern throughout the Islamic world of a ruling military class separated by ethnicity and religion by the mass of the population, a paradigm that found its apogee in the Mamluks of Egypt and the Janissary corps of the Ottoman Empire, institutions that survived until the early 19th century. In the middle of the 14th century, Ottoman Sultan Murad I developed personal troops to be loyal to him, with a slave army called the Kapıkulu; the new force was built by taking Christian children from newly conquered lands from the far areas of his empire, in a system known as the devşirme. The captive children were forced to convert to Islam; the Sultans had the young boys trained over several years. Those who showed special promise in fighting skills were trained in advanced warrior skills, put into the sultan's personal service, turned into the Janissaries, the elite branch of the Kapıkulu. A n
Left-wing politics supports social equality and egalitarianism in opposition to social hierarchy. It involves a concern for those in society whom its adherents perceive as disadvantaged relative to others as well as a belief that there are unjustified inequalities that need to be reduced or abolished; the term left-wing can refer to "the radical, reforming, or socialist section of a political party or system". The political terms "Left" and "Right" were coined during the French Revolution, referring to the seating arrangement in the French Estates General: those who sat on the left opposed the monarchy and supported the revolution, including the creation of a republic and secularization, while those on the right were supportive of the traditional institutions of the Old Regime. Use of the term "Left" became more prominent after the restoration of the French monarchy in 1815 when it was applied to the "Independents"; the word "wing" was appended to Left and Right in the late 19th century with disparaging intent and "left-wing" was applied to those who were unorthodox in their religious or political views.
The term was applied to a number of movements republicanism during the French Revolution in the 18th century, followed by socialism, communism and social democracy in the 19th and 20th centuries. Since the term left-wing has been applied to a broad range of movements including civil rights movements, feminist movements, anti-war movements and environmental movements, as well as a wide range of parties. According to former professor of economics Barry Clark, " claim that human development flourishes when individuals engage in cooperative, mutually respectful relations that can thrive only when excessive differences in status and wealth are eliminated". In politics, the term "Left" derives from the French Revolution, as the anti-monarchist Montagnard and Jacobin deputies from the Third Estate sat to the left of the presiding member's chair in parliament, a habit which began in the French Estates General of 1789. Throughout the 19th century in France, the main line dividing Left and Right was between supporters of the French Republic and those of the monarchy.
The June Days Uprising during the Second Republic was an attempt by the Left to assert itself after the 1848 Revolution, but only a small portion of the population supported this. In the mid-19th century, socialism and anti-clericalism became features of the French Left. After Napoleon III's 1851 coup and the subsequent establishment of the Second Empire, Marxism began to rival radical republicanism and utopian socialism as a force within left-wing politics; the influential Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, published in 1848, asserted that all human history is the history of class struggle. They predicted that a proletarian revolution would overthrow bourgeois capitalism and create a classless, post-monetary communist society, it was in this period that the word "wing" was appended to both Right. In the United States, many leftists, social liberals and trade unionists were influenced by the works of Thomas Paine, who introduced the concept of asset-based egalitarianism, which theorises that social equality is possible by a redistribution of resources.
The International Workingmen's Association, sometimes called the First International, brought together delegates from many different countries, with many different views about how to reach a classless and stateless society. Following a split between supporters of Marx and Mikhail Bakunin, anarchists formed the International Workers' Association; the Second International became divided over the issue of World War I. Those who opposed the war, such as Vladimir Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg, saw themselves as further to the left. In the United States after Reconstruction, the phrase "the Left" was used to describe those who supported trade unions, the civil rights movement and the anti-war movement. More in the United States, left-wing and right-wing have been used as synonyms for Democratic and Republican, or as synonyms for liberalism and conservatism respectively. Since the Right was populist, both in the Western and the Eastern Bloc anything viewed as avant-garde art was called leftist in all Europe, thus the identification of Picasso's Guernica as "leftist" in Europe and the condemnation of the Russian composer Shostakovich's opera in Pravda as follows: "Here we have'leftist' confusion instead of natural, human music".
The following positions are associated with left-wing politics. Leftist economic beliefs range from Keynesian economics and the welfare state through industrial democracy and the social market to nationalization of the economy and central planning, to the anarcho-syndicalist advocacy of a council- and assembly-based self-managed anarchist communism. During the industrial revolution, leftists supported trade unions. At the beginning of the 20th century, many leftists advocated strong government intervention in the economy. Leftists continue to criticize what they perceive as the exploitative nature of globalization, the "race to the bottom" and unjust lay-offs. In the last quarter of the 20th century, the belief that government ought to be directly involved in the day-to-day workings of an economy declined in popularity amongst the center-left social democrats who became influenced by "Third Way" ideology. Other leftists believe in Marxian economics; some distinguish Marx's economic theories from his political philos
Prohibition of drugs
The prohibition of drugs through sumptuary legislation or religious law is a common means of attempting to prevent the recreational use of certain intoxicating substances. While some drugs are illegal to possess, many governments regulate the manufacture, marketing and use of certain drugs, for instance through a prescription system. For example, amphetamines may be legal to possess. Only certain drugs are banned with a "blanket prohibition" against all use; the most banned substances include psychoactive drugs, although blanket prohibition extends to some steroids and other drugs. Many governments do not criminalize the possession of a limited quantity of certain drugs for personal use, while still prohibiting their sale or manufacture, or possession in large quantities; some laws set a specific volume of a particular drug, above, considered ipso jure to be evidence of trafficking or sale of the drug. Drug prohibition is responsible for enriching "organised criminal networks", according to some critics, the hypothesis that the prohibition of drugs generates violence is consistent with research done over long time-series and cross-country facts.
Some Islamic countries prohibit the use of alcohol. Many governments levy a sin tax on alcohol and tobacco products, restrict alcohol and tobacco from being sold or gifted to a minor. Other common restrictions include bans on indoor smoking. In the early 20th century, many countries had alcohol prohibition; these include the United States, Norway, Canada and the Russian Empire/USSR. Drugs, in the context of prohibition, are any of a number of psychoactive substances whose use a government or religious body seeks to control. What constitutes a drug varies by belief system. What is a psychoactive substance is well known to modern science. Examples include a range from caffeine found in coffee and chocolate, nicotine in tobacco products. Without exception, these substances have a medical use, in which case it is called a Pharmaceutical drug or just pharmaceutical; the use of medicine to save or extend life or to alleviate suffering is uncontroversial in most cultures. Prohibition applies to certain conditions of use.
Recreational use refers to the use of substances for their psychoactive effect outside of a clinical situation or doctor's care. In the twenty-first century, caffeine has pharmaceutical uses. Caffeine is used to treat bronchopulmonary dysplasia. In most cultures, caffeine in the form of coffee or tea is unregulated. Over 2.25 billion cups of coffee are consumed in the world every day. Some religions, including The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, prohibit coffee, they believe that it is both spiritually unhealthy to consume coffee. A government's interest to control a drug may be based on its perceived negative effects on its users, or it may have a revenue interest. Great Britain prohibited the possession of untaxed tea with the imposition of the Tea Act of 1773. In this case, as in many others, it is not substance, prohibited, but the conditions under which it is possessed or consumed; those conditions include matters of intent. In Colorado possession of "blenders, containers and mixing devices" is illegal if there was intent to use them with drugs.
Many drugs, beyond their pharmaceutical and recreational uses have industrial uses. Nitrous oxide, or laughing gas is a dental anaesthetic used to prepare whipped cream, fuel rocket engines, enhance the performance of race cars; the cultivation and trade of psychoactive and other drugs has occurred since ancient times. Concurrently, authorities have restricted drug possession and trade for a variety of political and religious reasons. In the 20th century, the United States led a major renewed surge in drug prohibition called the "War on Drugs". Today's War on Drugs is motivated by the desire to prevent drug use, perceived as detrimental to society; the prohibition on alcohol under Islamic Sharia law, attributed to passages in the Qur'an, dates back to the 7th century. Although Islamic law is interpreted as prohibiting all intoxicants, the ancient practice of hashish smoking has continued throughout the history of Islam, against varying degrees of resistance. A major campaign against hashish-eating Sufis was conducted in Egypt in the 11th and 12th centuries resulting among other things in the burning of fields of cannabis.
Though the prohibition of illegal drugs was established under Sharia law against the use of hashish as a recreational drug, classical jurists of medieval Islamic jurisprudence accepted the use of hashish for medicinal and therapeutic purposes, agreed that its "medical use if it leads to mental derangement, should remain exempt ". In the 14th century, the Islamic scholar Az-Zarkashi spoke of "the permissibility of its use for medical purposes if it is established that it is beneficial". In the Ottoman Empire, Murad IV attempted to prohibit coffee drinking to Muslims as haraam, arguing that it was an intoxicant, but this ruling was overturned soon after his death in 1640; the introduction of coffee in Europe from Muslim Turkey prompted calls for it to be banned as the devil's work, although Pope Clement VIII sanctioned
Economic freedom or economic liberty is the ability of people of a society to take economic actions. This is a term used in economic and policy debates as well as in the philosophy of economics. One approach to economic freedom comes from classical liberal and libertarian traditions emphasizing free markets, free trade, private property under free enterprise. Another approach to economic freedom extends the welfare economics study of individual choice, with greater economic freedom coming from a "larger" set of possible choices. Other conceptions of economic freedom include freedom from want and the freedom to engage in collective bargaining; the free market viewpoint defines economic liberty as the freedom to produce and consume any goods and services acquired without the use of force, fraud or theft. This is embodied in the rule of law, property rights and freedom of contract, characterized by external and internal openness of the markets, the protection of property rights and freedom of economic initiative.
There are several indices of economic freedom. Based on these rankings correlative studies have found higher economic growth to be correlated with higher scores on the country rankings. With regards to other measures, such as equality, corruption and social violence and their correlation to economic freedom it has been argued that the economic freedom indices conflate unrelated policies and policy outcomes to conceal negative correlations between economic growth and economic freedom in some subcomponents. According to the free market view, a secure system of private property rights is an essential part of economic freedom; such systems include two main rights: the right to control and benefit from property and the right to transfer property by voluntary means. These rights offer people the possibility of autonomy and self-determination according to their personal values and goals. Economist Milton Friedman sees property rights as "the most basic of human rights and an essential foundation for other human rights."
With property rights protected, people are free to choose the use of their property, earn on it, transfer it to anyone else, as long as they do it on a voluntary basis and do not resort to force, fraud or theft. In such conditions most people can achieve much greater personal freedom and development than under a regime of government coercion. A secure system of property rights reduces uncertainty and encourages investments, creating favorable conditions for an economy to be successful. Empirical evidence suggests that countries with strong property rights systems have economic growth rates twice as high as those of countries with weak property rights systems, that a market system with significant private property rights is an essential condition for democracy. According to Hernando de Soto, much of the poverty in the Third World countries is caused by the lack of Western systems of laws and well-defined and universally recognized property rights. De Soto argues that because of the legal barriers poor people in those countries can not utilize their assets to produce more wealth.
One thinker to question private property was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, a socialist and anarchist, who argued that property is both theft and freedom. Freedom of contract is the right to choose one's contracting parties and to trade with them on any terms and conditions one sees fit. Contracts permit individuals to create their own enforceable legal rules, adapted to their unique situations. However, not all contracts need to be enforced by the state. For example, in the United States there is a large number of third-party arbitration tribunals which resolve disputes under private commercial law. Negatively understood, freedom of contract is freedom from government interference and from imposed value judgments of fairness; the notion of "freedom of contract" was given one of its most famous legal expressions in 1875 by Sir George Jessel MR: f there is one thing more than another public policy requires it is that men of full age and competent understanding shall have the utmost liberty of contracting, that their contracts when entered into and voluntarily shall be held sacred and shall be enforced by courts of justice.
Therefore, you have this paramount public policy to consider – that you are not to interfere with this freedom of contract. The doctrine of freedom of contract received one of its strongest expressions in the US Supreme Court case of Lochner v New York which struck down legal restrictions on the working hours of bakers. Critics of the classical view of freedom of contract argue that this freedom is illusory when the bargaining power of the parties is unequal, most notably in the case of contracts between employers and workers; as in the case of restrictions on working hours, workers as a group may benefit from legal protections that prevent individuals agreeing to contracts that require long working hours. In its West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish decision in 1937, overturning Lochner, the Supreme Court cited an earlier decisions From this point on, the Lochner view of freedom of contract has been rejected by US courts; some free market advocates argue that political and civil liberties have expanded with market-based economies, present empirical evidence to support the claim that economic and political freedoms are linked.
In Capitalism and Freedom, Friedman further developed Friedrich Hayek's argument that economic freedom, while itself an important component of total freedom, is a necessary condition for political freedom. He commented that centralized control of economic activities was always accompanied with political repression. In his view, voluntary character of all transactions in a free
In politics, centrism—the centre or the center —is a political outlook or specific position that involves acceptance or support of a balance of a degree of social equality and a degree of social hierarchy, while opposing political changes which would result in a significant shift of society to either the left or the right. Centre-left and centre-right politics both involve a general association with centrism combined with leaning somewhat to their respective sides of the spectrum. Various political ideologies, such as Christian democracy, can be classified as centrist. There have been centrists in both sides of politics, who serve alongside the various factions within the Liberal and Labor parties. In addition, there are a number of smaller groups that have formed in response to the bipartisan system who uphold centrist ideals. South Australian Senator Nick Xenophon had launched his own centrist political party called the Nick Xenophon Team in 2014, renamed Centre Alliance in 2018; the traditional centrist party of Flanders was the People's Union which embraced social liberalism and aimed to represent Dutch-speaking Belgians who felt culturally suppressed by Francophones.
The New Flemish Alliance is the largest and since 2009 the only extant successor of that party. It is, however composed of the right wing of the former People's Union, has adopted a more liberal conservative ideology in recent years. Among French speaking Belgians the Humanist Democratic Centre is a centre-right or centre party as it is less conservative than its Flemish counterpart, Christian Democratic & Flemish. Another party in the centre of the political spectrum is the liberal Reformist Movement. Brazilian politics have lots of centrist political parties and one of the greatest examples is the Brazilian Democratic Movement, the largest political party in Brazil; the Brazilian Social Democracy Party is another example of centrist party in Brazilian politics, though it was supported by right-wing political parties from 2002, 2006, 2010 and 2014 elections. Throughout modern history Canadian governments at the federal level have governed from a moderate, centrist political position. Canada has been dominated by the Liberal Party of Canada who have traditionally positioned themselves as being more moderate and centrist than the center-right Conservative Party of Canada and the more left-wing New Democratic Party, putting them somewhere between the center and center-left.
In the late 1970s, Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau claimed that his Liberal Party of Canada adhered to the "radical center". Far-right and far-left politics have never been a prominent force in Canadian society. Croatian People's Party - Liberal Democrats and People's Party - Reformists may be considered as centrist parties. Agrarian Croatian Peasant Party during last years became moderate and centrist, having been centre-right in the past; the Czech Republic has a number of prominent centrist parties, including the syncretic populist movement ANO 2011, the civil libertarian Czech Pirate Party, the long-standing Christian and Democratic Union – Czechoslovak People's Party and the localist party Mayors and Independents. France has a tradition of parties that call themselves "centriste", though the actual parties vary over time: when a new political issue emerges and a new political party breaks into the mainstream, the old centre-left party may be de facto pushed rightwards, but unable to consider itself a party of the right, it will embrace being the new centre: this process occurred with the Orléanism, Moderate Républicanism, Radical Republicanism and Radical-Socialism.
The most notable centrist party is La République en marche!, founded by Emmanuel Macron. Another party is the Democratic Movement of François Bayrou, founded in 2007. However, the centrist parties oppose the left-wing parties such as Socialists and Left Front, it support the centre-right Gaullist parties and have joined several coalitions governed by Presidents Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy. Zentrismus is a term only known to experts, as it is confused with Zentralismus, so the usual term in German for the political centre/centrism is politische Mitte; the German party with the most purely centrist nature among German parties to have had current or historical parliamentary representations was most the social-liberal German Democratic Party of the Weimar Republic. There existed during the Weimar Republic a Zentrum, a party of German Catholics founded in 1870, it was called Centre Party not for being a proper centrist party, but because it united left-wing and right-wing Catholics, because it was the first German party to be a Volkspartei and because his elected representatives sat between the liberals and the conservatives.
However, it was distinctly right-wing conservative in that it was not neutral on religious issues, being markedly against more liberal and modernist positions. The main successor of Zentrum after the return of democracy to West Germany in 1945, the Christian Democratic Union, has throughout its history alternated between describing itself as right-wing or centrist and sitting on the right-wing; the representatives of the Social Democ
Libertarianism in the United States
Libertarianism in the United States is a movement promoting individual liberty and minimized government. Although the word "libertarian" continues to be used to refer to anti-state socialists internationally, its meaning in the United States has deviated from its political origins; the Libertarian Party asserts the following to be core beliefs of libertarianism: Libertarians support maximum liberty in both personal and economic matters. They advocate a much smaller government. Libertarians tend to embrace individual responsibility, oppose government bureaucracy and taxes, promote private charity, tolerate diverse lifestyles, support the free market, defend civil liberties. Through 20 polls on this topic spanning 13 years, Gallup found that voters who are libertarian on the political spectrum ranged from 17–23% of the American electorate; this includes members of the Libertarian Party, Republican Party and Democratic Party as well as independents. The largest currents present in the Libertarian and Republican parties comprise of right-libertarianism and libertarian conservatism while the majority strand in the Democratic Party is neo-libertarianism/bleeding-heart libertarianism.
In the 19th century, key libertarian thinkers, individualist anarchists and minarchists, were based in the United States, most notably Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker. These political thinkers argued that government should be kept to a minimum and that it is only legitimate to the extent that people voluntarily support it as in Spooner's No Treason: The Constitution of No Authority. American writers Henry David Thoreau and Ralph Waldo Emerson advocated for individualism and anarchism throughout that century, leaving a significant imprint on libertarianism worldwide. Moving into the 20th century, important American writers—such as Rose Wilder Lane, H. L. Mencken, Albert Jay Nock, Isabel Paterson, Leonard Read and the European immigrants Ludwig von Mises and Ayn Rand—carried on the intellectual libertarian tradition. In fiction, one can cite the work of the science fiction author Robert A. Heinlein, whose writing carried libertarian underpinnings; as of the mid-20th century, no word was used to describe the ideological outlook of this group of thinkers.
Most of them would have described themselves as "liberals" before the New Deal, but by the mid-1930s that word had been used to mean social liberalism. The term "liberal" had ceased to refer to the support of individual rights and minimal government and instead came to denote left-leaning ideas that would be seen elsewhere as social democratic. American advocates of freedom cast about for others to replace it; the word "conservative" had yet to emerge as Russell Kirk's The Conservative Mind was not published until 1953 and this work hardly mentioned economics at all. In August 1953, Max Eastman proposed the terms "New Liberalism" and "liberal conservative" which were not accepted. In May 1955, writer Dean Russell, a colleague of Leonard Read and a classical liberal himself, proposed a solution: "Many of us call ourselves'liberals.' And it is true that the word'liberal' once described persons who respected the individual and feared the use of mass compulsions. But the leftists have now corrupted that once-proud term to identify themselves and their program of more government ownership of property and more controls over persons.
As a result, those of us who believe in freedom must explain that when we call ourselves liberals, we mean liberals in the uncorrupted classical sense. At best, this is subject to misunderstanding. Here is a suggestion: Let those of us who love liberty trade-mark and reserve for our own use the good and honorable word'libertarian'". Subsequently, a growing number of Americans with classical liberal beliefs in the United States began to describe themselves as "libertarian"; the person most responsible for popularizing the term "libertarian" was Murray Rothbard, who started publishing libertarian works in the 1960s. Before the 1950s, H. L. Mencken and Albert Jay Nock had been the first prominent figures in the United States to call themselves "libertarians". However, their non-public use of the term went unnoticed and the term lay dormant on the American scene for the following few decades. Academics as well as proponents of the free market perspectives note that free-market libertarianism has spread beyond the United States since the 1970s via think tanks and political parties and that libertarianism is viewed worldwide as a free market position.
However, libertarian socialist intellectuals Noam Chomsky, Colin Ward and others argue that the term "libertarianism" is considered a synonym for social anarchism by the international community and that the United States is unique in associating it with free-market ideology. The use of the word "libertarian" to describe a left-wing position has been traced to the French cognate libertaire, coined in a letter French libertarian communist Joseph Déjacque wrote to Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in 1857. Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater's libertarian-oriented challenge to authority had a major impact on the libertarian movement through his book The Conscience of a Conservative and his run for President in 1964. Goldwater's speech writer Karl Hess became activist; the Vietnam War split the uneasy alliance between growing numbers of self-identified libertarians, anarchist libertarians and more traditional conservatives who believed in limiting liberty to uphold moral virt
Totalitarianism is a political concept of a mode of government that prohibits opposition parties, restricts individual opposition to the state and its claims, exercises an high degree of control over public and private life. It is regarded as the most complete form of authoritarianism. Political power in totalitarian states has been held by rule by one leader which employ all-encompassing propaganda campaigns broadcast by state-controlled mass media. Totalitarian regimes are marked by political repression, personality cultism, control over the economy, restriction of speech, mass surveillance and widespread use of state terrorism. Historian Robert Conquest describes a "totalitarian" state as one recognizing no limits to its authority in any sphere of public or private life and which extends that authority to whatever length feasible; the concept was first developed in the 1920s by both Weimar jurist Carl Schmitt and, concurrently, by the Italian fascists. Italian fascist Benito Mussolini said "Everything within the state, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state".
Schmitt used the term Totalstaat in his influential 1927 work on the legal basis of an all-powerful state, The Concept of the Political. The term gained prominence in Western anti-communist political discourse during the Cold War era as a tool to convert pre-war anti-fascism into postwar anti-communism. Totalitarian regimes are different from other authoritarian ones; the latter denotes a state in which the single power holder – an individual "dictator", a committee or a junta or an otherwise small group of political elite – monopolizes political power. " authoritarian state is only concerned with political power and as long as, not contested it gives society a certain degree of liberty". Authoritarianism "does not attempt to change the world and human nature". In contrast, a totalitarian regime attempts to control all aspects of the social life, including the economy, art, private life and morals of citizens; some totalitarian governments may promote an elaborate ideology: "The proclaimed ideology penetrates into the deepest reaches of societal structure and the totalitarian government seeks to control the thoughts and actions of its citizens".
It mobilizes the whole population in pursuit of its goals. Carl Joachim Friedrich writes that "a totalist ideology, a party reinforced by a secret police, monopoly control of industrial mass society" are the three features of totalitarian regimes that distinguish them from other autocracies; the notion of totalitarianism as a "total" political power by the state was formulated in 1923 by Giovanni Amendola, who described Italian Fascism as a system fundamentally different from conventional dictatorships. The term was assigned a positive meaning in the writings of Giovanni Gentile, Italy’s most prominent philosopher and leading theorist of fascism, he used the term totalitario to refer to the structure and goals of the new state, which were to provide the "total representation of the nation and total guidance of national goals". He described totalitarianism as a society in which the ideology of the state had influence, if not power, over most of its citizens. According to Benito Mussolini, this system politicizes everything spiritual and human: "Everything within the state, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state".
One of the first to use the term "totalitarianism" in the English language was the Austrian writer Franz Borkenau in his 1938 book The Communist International, in which he commented that it united the Soviet and German dictatorships more than it divided them. The label "totalitarian" was twice affixed to the Hitler regime during Winston Churchill's speech of October 5, 1938 before the House of Commons in opposition to the Munich Agreement, by which France and Great Britain consented to Nazi Germany's annexation of the Sudetenland. Churchill was a backbencher MP representing the Epping constituency. In a radio address two weeks Churchill again employed the term, this time applying the concept to "a Communist or a Nazi tyranny"; the leader of the historic Spanish reactionary conservative party called the Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right declared his intention to "give Spain a true unity, a new spirit, a totalitarian polity" and went on to say: "Democracy is not an end but a means to the conquest of the new state.
When the time comes, either parliament submits or we will eliminate it". George Orwell made frequent use of the word totalitarian and its cognates in multiple essays published in 1940, 1941 and 1942. In his essay Why I Write, he wrote: "The Spanish war and other events in 1936-37 turned the scale and thereafter I knew where I stood; every line of serious work that I have written since 1936 has been written, directly or indirectly, against totalitarianism and for democratic socialism, as I understand it". During a 1945 lecture series entitled The Soviet Impact on the Western World, the pro-Soviet British historian E. H. Carr claimed: "The trend away from individualism and towards totalitarianism is everywhere unmistakable" and that Marxism–Leninism was by far the most successful type of totalitarianism as proved by Soviet industrial growth and the Red Army's role in defeating Germany. Only the "blind and incurable" could ignore the trend towards totalitarianism, said Carr. In The Open Society and Its Enemies and The Poverty of Historicism, Karl Popper articulated an influential critique of totalitarianism: in both works, he contrasted the "open society" of liberal democracy with totalitarianism and argued that the latter is grounded in the belief that history moves toward an immutable future in accordance with knowable laws.
In The Or