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Owain Glyndŵr

Owain ab Gruffydd, lord of Glyndyfrdwy, or Owain Glyndŵr or Glyn Dŵr, was a Welsh leader who instigated a fierce and long-running yet unsuccessful war of independence with the aim of ending English rule in Wales during the Late Middle Ages. He was the last native Welshman to hold the title Prince of Wales. Glyndŵr was a descendant of the Princes of Powys through his father Gruffudd Fychan II, hereditary Tywysog of Powys Fadog and Lord of Glyndyfrdwy, of those of Deheubarth through his mother Elen ferch Tomas ap Llywelyn ab Owen. On 16 September 1400, Glyndŵr instigated the Welsh Revolt against the rule of Henry IV of England; the uprising was very successful and gained control of large areas of Wales, but it suffered from key weaknesses – a lack of artillery, which made capturing defended fortresses difficult, of ships, which made rebel-controlled coastlands vulnerable. The uprising was suppressed by the superior resources of the English. Glyndŵr was driven from his last remaining strongholds in 1409.

He twice ignored offers of a pardon from his military nemesis, the new king Henry V of England, despite the large rewards offered, Glyndŵr was never betrayed to the English. His death was recorded by a former follower in the year 1415. With his death Owain acquired a mythical status along with Cadwaladr and Arthur as a folk hero awaiting the call to return and liberate his people. In William Shakespeare's play Henry IV, Part 1, the character of Owen Glendower is a wild and exotic king ruled by magic and emotion. In the late 19th century, the Cymru Fydd movement recreated him as the father of Welsh nationalism. Glyndŵr was born around 1349 or 1359 to a prosperous landed family, part of the Anglo-Welsh gentry of the Welsh Marches in northeast Wales; this group moved between Welsh and English societies and languages, occupying important offices for the Marcher Lords while maintaining their position as uchelwyr — nobles descended from the pre-conquest Welsh royal dynasties — in traditional Welsh society.

His father, Gruffydd Fychan II, hereditary Tywysog of Powys Fadog and Lord of Glyndyfrdwy, died some time before 1370, leaving Glyndŵr's mother Elen ferch Tomas ap Llywelyn of Deheubarth a widow and Owain a young man of 16 years at most. The young Owain ap Gruffydd was fostered at the home of David Hanmer, a rising lawyer shortly to be a justice of the Kings Bench, or at the home of Richard FitzAlan, 3rd Earl of Arundel. Owain is thought to have been sent to London to study law at the Inns of Court, he studied as a legal apprentice for seven years. He was in London during the Peasants' Revolt of 1381. By 1383, he had returned to Wales, where he married David Hanmer's daughter, started his large family and established himself as the Squire of Sycharth and Glyndyfrdwy, with all the responsibilities that entailed. Glyndŵr entered the English king's military service in 1384 when he undertook garrison duty under the renowned Welshman Sir Gregory Sais, or Sir Degory Sais, on the English–Scottish border at Berwick-upon-Tweed.

In August 1385, he served King Richard II under the command of John of Gaunt, again in Scotland. On 3 September 1386, he was called to give evidence in the Scrope v Grosvenor trial at Chester. In March 1387, Owain was in southeast England under Richard FitzAlan, 11th Earl of Arundel, in the English Channel at the defeat of a Franco-Spanish-Flemish fleet off the coast of Kent. Upon the death in late 1387 of his father-in-law, Sir David Hanmer, knighted earlier that same year by Richard II, Glyndŵr returned to Wales as executor of his estate, he served as a squire to Henry Bolingbroke, son of John of Gaunt, at the short, sharp Battle of Radcot Bridge in December 1387. He had gained three years' concentrated military experience in different theatres and seen at first hand some key events and people. King Richard was distracted by a growing conflict with the Lords Appellant from this time on. Glyndŵr's opportunities were further limited by the death of Sir Gregory Sais in 1390 and the sidelining of Richard FitzAlan, Earl of Arundel, he returned to his stable Welsh estates, living there for ten years during his forties.

The bard Iolo Goch, himself a Welsh lord, visited Glyndŵr in the 1390s and wrote a number of odes to Owain, praising Owain's liberality, writing of Sycharth, "Rare was it there / to see a latch or a lock." The names and number of Owain Glyndŵr's siblings cannot be known. The following are given by the Jacob Youde William Lloyd: Brother Tudur, Lord of Gwyddelwern, born about 1362, died 11 March 1405 at a battle in Brecknockshire in the wars of his brother. Brother Gruffudd who had a daughter and heiress, Eva. Sister Lowri spelled Lowry, married Robert Puleston of Emral. Sister Isabel married Adda ap Iorwerth Ddu of Llys Pengwern. Sister Morfudd married Sir Richard Croft of Croft Castle, in Herefordshire and, David ab Ednyfed Gam of Llys Pengwern. Sister Gwenllian. Tudur and Lowri are given as his siblings by the more cautious R. R. Davies; that Owain Glyndŵr had another brother. In the late 1390s, a series of events began to push Owain towards rebellion, in what was to be called the Welsh Revolt, the Glyndŵr Rising or the Last War of Independence.

His neighbour, Baron Grey de Ruthyn, had seized control of some land, for which Glyndŵr appealed to the English Parliament. Owain's petition for redress was ignored. Later

Corruption in Lithuania

Corruption in Lithuania is examined on this page. As of 2018, Lithuania remains one of the most corrupt EU countries. Anti-corruption laws are missing or not being enforced. In surveys of Lithuanian business people, corruption is highlighted as the main issue prohibiting economic development and international competitiveness. A 2016 investigation by the Lithuanian government revealed that only 23% of Lithuanians would report corruption, those who would not believed that the corrupt individuals would not be punished; the same investigation from 2016 found that 73% of citizens experience identical or increased corruption levels compared to 5 years ago. Transparency International's 2017 Corruption Perception Index ranks the country 38th out of 180 countries,An anti-corruption program was introduced by the Lithuanian government in 2011–2014. Society's trust in the political and legal system is low overall. An international Gallup study found that 90% of Lithuanians believe that corruption is widespread in Lithuania's government.

Despite a solid judicial base, Lithuania’s law enforcement is weak according to independent assessors. A study by 15 min revealed that many lobbying organisations are using governmental real estate in prime locations at no cost. There is little insight in the sector, as there are no reporting or control regulations. Lobbying is spread and common in sectors related to energy, construction, public healthcare and alcohol. Illegal conduct such as bribery is common; the Lithuanian parliament has been unwilling to regulate lobbying. Nepotism is a visible problem in Lithuanian society, it exists in all levels of society and in the public sector. The Lithuanian language has an expression about nepotism: "Lietuva yra giminių kraštas". An investigation by Kauno diena found tens of municipality positions filled based on friendships or kinship. At least a quarter of employees of Marijampolė municipality have relatives filling local governmental jobs. There is little in the way of punishment for nepotism. In a 2016 study by STT, nearly half of public officials claimed that they have experienced pressure to employ somebody based on their political party membership.

A politician of a small village bragged on her Facebook profile about ability to get jobs based on her political connections. Loreta Graužinienė, a former speaker of the parliament, gave her hairdresser's daughter a job in the parliament. Member of the parliament Greta Kildišienė employed her photographer in the parliament; when Lietuvos rytas investigated the issue, it turned out that the photographer was receiving a salary, but nobody in the parliament knew who she was, what she did, had not seen her. Parliamentarian Kestutis Pukas employed his lawyer's wife as his advisor; the vice minister of Ministry of Social Security and Labour arranged employments in Prienai public retirement home for many of her close relatives. A 15 min study discovered. Another study by Delfi found; the entire construction and road public sector was influenced by nepotism. The internal audit of public road builder "Automagistralė" revealed that some of the work was done in order to benefit the CEO, e.g. to build his mother's house.

Nepotism bands are prevalent between public entities and their partners and suppliers in the private sector, which increases risk for corruption in public procurement. The high percentage of unofficial and unannounced public procurement tenders is another contributing factor – the percentage of unannounced public procurement contracts in Lithuania is 5 times above the EU average; when Lithuanian Railways investigated a possible damage of 5 million euros through procurement contracts, they discovered that 40% of employees had close kinship bands to suppliers and partners. Suppliers and partners with kinship bands to Lithuanian Railways employees were promoted and prioritized. Many of the public procurement scandals revolving about inflated prices involved nepotism – Šilainių hospital contracts, Kaunas prison contracts, the many scandals surrounding Gintautas Kėvišas family, etc. In May 2016, the Masiulis alcohol box money case shook Lithuania. Eligijus Masiulis, leader of the Liberal Movement, a prominent political party in Lithuania, was arrested with 106 thousand euros in cash stuffed into an alcoholic beverage box.

Bribery suspicions initiated a criminal investigation. MG Baltic, a Lithuanian investment firm, is suspected of giving the bribe. During a house search, another 250 thousand euros in cash were found in Masiulis apartment. In September 2017, the Liberal Movement and Labour Party were additionally named as suspects in the continuing investigation; as of November 2017, no charges have been pressed against Masiulis. In 2009, the municipality of Kaunas converted a shipping container into an outdoor toilet at a cost of 500,000 litas, it required 5,000 LTL in monthly maintenance costs. At the same time when Kaunas "golden toilet" was built, Kėdainiai tennis club made a similar, but more advanced solution for 4,500 EUR; because of the inflated cost, Kaunas outdoor toilet was nicknamed "golden toilet". Despite the heavy expenditure, the "golden toilet" remained closed for years, it was subject of a lengthy anti-corruption investigation. The municipality considered demolishing the building. In 2012, public servants involved in the toilet's procurement received prison sentences for recklessness, misuse

Petit-Goâve

Petit-Goâve is a coastal commune in the Léogâne Arrondissement in the Ouest department of Haiti. It is located 68 kilometres southwest of Port-au-Prince; the town has a population of 12,000 inhabitants. The town is one of the oldest cities of the country, was named Goâve by the Amerindians; the Spanish called it Aguava at the end of the 16th century. After French colonization through the releasing of the Spanish, the French divided the city into two halves. Petit-Goâve became a wealthy settlement and functioned as a de facto capital of the prosperous colony of Saint-Domingue, it is very famous for its sweet candy called douce macoss. It was affected by the 12 January 2010 earthquake. On 20 January a strong aftershock of magnitude 5.9 Mw struck Haiti. The U. S. Geological Survey reported that its epicenter was exactly under Petit-Goâve; the U. S. Geological Survey reported that the magnitude of the aftershock was 6.1, but they revised that figure to 5.9 On the 19th, authorized by the Haitian government, 1300 US Marines were deployed between Petit-Goâve and Grand-Goâve.

Spanish amphibious assault ship Castilla is to arrive at Petit-Goâve beginning in February to assist in recovery efforts. As of 9 February 2010, the US 24th Marine Expeditionary Unit is rotating out of Haiti, having been replaced by the US 22nd Marine Expeditionary Unit, in their position on USS Bataan and Carrefour, Léogâne, Petit-Goâve, Grand-Goâve. Aid For Haiti, a US-based non-profit has been coordinating some of the local medical care in the area of Petit-Goâve, they are located at the Wesleyan Compound in Petit-Goâve. The 400th episode of the radio program This American Life, which aired in February 2010, featured a story on a school in Petit-Goâve and estimated 1000 people died due to the earthquake. Dany Laferrière, Haitian-Canadian writer Faustin Elie Soulouque, President of Haiti, Emperor of Haiti Petit-Goâve has a hospital, Notre-Dame de Petit-Goâve. In February 2010, this hospital was unusable due to damage from the earthquake; the Norwegian Red Cross ERU has established their field hospital in the hospital and runs 2 equipped Operation Theaters and 2 ambulances with paramedics.

Norwegian Red Cross support the hospital with medical equipment and medicine. On February 15, 2013, the US State Department's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs announced that it would be funding and building a 150-bed prison in Petit-Goâve to replace the one destroyed in 2004 after the ouster of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide Petit-Goâve 350 Development Reuters, "Petit-Goâve atlas of building damage assessment", 2 March 2010