Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States
Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States is the title of all members of the Supreme Court of the United States other than the Chief Justice of the United States. The number of associate justices is eight, as set by the Judiciary Act of 1869. Article II, Section 2, Clause 2 of the United States Constitution grants plenary power to the president to nominate, with the advice and consent of the Senate, appoint justices to the Supreme Court. Article III, Section 1 of the Constitution grants life tenure to associate justices, all other federal judges, which ends only when a justice dies, resigns, or is removed from office by impeachment; each Supreme Court justice has a single vote in deciding. However, the Chief Justice -- when in the majority -- decides the court's opinion. Otherwise, the senior justice in the majority assigns the writing of a decision. Furthermore, the chief justice leads the discussion of the case among the justices; the chief justice has certain administrative responsibilities that the other justices do not and is paid more.
Associate justices have seniority by order of appointment, although the chief justice is always considered to be the most senior. If two justices are appointed on the same day, the older is designated the senior justice of the two; the senior associate justice is Clarence Thomas. By tradition, when the justices are in conference deliberating the outcome of cases before the Supreme Court, the justices state their views in order of seniority; the senior associate justice is tasked with carrying out the chief justices's duties when he is unable to, or if that office is vacant. Associate justices were styled "Mr. Justice" in court opinions and other writings; the title was shortened to "Justice" in 1980, a year before Sandra Day O'Connor became the first female justice. There are eight associate justices on the Supreme Court; the justices, ordered by seniority, are: An associate justice who leaves the Supreme Court after attaining the age and meeting the service requirements prescribed by federal statute may retire rather than resign.
After retirement, they keep their title, by custom may keep a set of chambers in the Supreme Court building, employ law clerks. The names of retired associate justices continue to appear alongside those of the active justices in the bound volumes of Supreme Court decisions. Federal statute provides that retired Supreme Court justices may serve—if designated and assigned by the chief justice—on panels of the U. S. courts of appeals, or on the U. S. district courts. Retired justices are not, authorized to take part in the consideration or decision of any cases before the Supreme Court. When, after his retirement, William O. Douglas attempted to take a more active role than was customary, maintaining that it was his prerogative to do so because of his senior status, he was rebuffed by Chief Justice Warren Burger and admonished by the whole Court. There are four living retired associate justices at the present time: Sandra Day O'Connor, retired January 31, 2006. Both O'Connor and Souter serve on panels of the Courts of Appeals of various circuits.
Stevens and Kennedy have not performed any judicial duties. Since the Supreme Court was established in 1789, the following 102 persons have served as an associate justice: Associate Justice Historic Supreme Court Decisions – by Justice, Legal Information Institute, Cornell University Law School Supreme Court of the United States
Harlan F. Stone
Harlan Fiske Stone was an American lawyer. He served as an Associate Justice of the U. S. Supreme Court from 1925 to 1941 and as the 12th Chief Justice of the United States from 1941 to 1946, he was the 52nd United States Attorney General. His most famous dictum was: "Courts are not the only agency of government that must be assumed to have capacity to govern."Born in Chesterfield, New Hampshire, Stone practiced law in New York City after graduating from Columbia Law School. He became the dean of Columbia Law School and a partner with Cromwell. During World War I, he served on the War Department Board of Inquiry, which evaluated the sincerity of conscientious objectors. In 1924, President Calvin Coolidge appointed Stone as the Attorney General. Stone sought to reform the Department of Justice in the aftermath of several scandals that occurred during the administration of President Warren G. Harding, he pursued several antitrust cases against large corporations. In 1925, Coolidge nominated Stone to succeed retiring Associate Justice Joseph McKenna, Stone won Senate confirmation with little opposition.
On the Taft Court, Stone joined with Justices Holmes and Brandeis in calling for judicial restraint and deference to the legislative will. On the Hughes Court and Justices Brandeis and Cardozo formed a liberal bloc called the Three Musketeers that voted to uphold the constitutionality of the New Deal, his majority opinions in United States v. Darby Lumber Co. and United States v. Carolene Products Co. were influential in shaping standards of judicial scrutiny. In 1941, President Franklin D. Roosevelt nominated Stone to succeed the retiring Charles Evans Hughes as Chief Justice, the Senate confirmed Stone; the Stone Court presided over several cases during World War II, Stone's majority opinion in Ex parte Quirin upheld the jurisdiction of a United States military tribunal over the trial of eight German saboteurs. His majority opinion in International Shoe Co. v. Washington was influential with regards to personal jurisdiction. Stone was the Chief Justice in Korematsu v. United States, ruling the exclusion of Japanese Americans into internment camps as constitutional.
Stone served as Chief Justice until his death in 1946. He had one of the shortest terms of any Chief Justice, was the first Chief Justice not to have served in elected office. Harlan Fiske Stone was born in Chesterfield, New Hampshire on October 11, 1872 to Fred Lauson Stone and his wife, Ann Sophia Stone, he prepared at Amherst High School, graduated Phi Beta Kappa from Amherst College in 1894. From 1894 to 1895, he was the sub master of Newburyport High School. From 1895 to 1896 he was an instructor in history at Adelphi Academy in New York. Stone attended Columbia Law School from 1895 to 1898, received an LL. B. and was admitted to the New York bar in 1898. Stone practiced law in New York City as a member of the firm Satterlee, Canfield & Stone, as a partner in the firm Sullivan & Cromwell. From 1899 to 1902 he lectured on law at Columbia Law School, he was a professor there from 1902 to 1905 and served as the school's dean from 1910 to 1923. He lived in an apartment building near campus. During World War I, Stone served for several months on a War Department Board of Inquiry, with Major Walter Kellogg of the U.
S. Army Judge Advocate Corps and Judge Julian Mack, that reviewed the cases of 2,294 men whose requests for conscientious objector status had been denied by their draft boards; the Board was charged with determining the sincerity of each man's principles, but devoted only a few minutes to interrogation and rendering a decision. Stone was impatient with men who took advantage of the benefits of life in America–using postage stamps was his example–without accepting the burdens of citizenship. In a majority of cases, the Board's subjects either relinquished their claims or were judged insincere, he summarized his experience with little sympathy: "The great mass of our citizens subordinated their individual conscience and their opinions to the good of the common cause" while "there was a residue whose peculiar beliefs...refused to yield to the opinions of others or to force." He recognized the courage required to persist as a conscientious objector: "The Army was not a bed of roses for the conscientious objector.
During this time Stone defended free speech claims for professors and socialists. Columbia soon became a center of a new school of legal realism. Legal realists rejected static legal rules. Although Dean Stone encouraged the realists, he was condemned by Columbia President Nicholas Murray Butler as an intellectual conservative who had let legal education at Columbia fall "into the ruts."In 1923, disgusted by his conflict with Butler and bored with "all the petty details of law school administration" that he dubbed "administrivia," Stone resigned the deanship and joined the prestigious Wall Street firm of Sullivan & Cromwell. He received a much higher salary and headed the firm's litigation department, which had a large corporation and estate practice. In full‑time private practice for only a brief time, Stone was considered a "hard‑working, solid sort of person, willing on occasion to champion the rights of
Judicial Procedures Reform Bill of 1937
The Judicial Procedures Reform Bill of 1937 was a legislative initiative proposed by U. S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt to add more justices to the U. S. Supreme Court. Roosevelt's purpose was to obtain favorable rulings regarding New Deal legislation that the court had ruled unconstitutional; the central provision of the bill would have granted the President power to appoint an additional Justice to the U. S. Supreme Court, up to a maximum of six, for every member of the court over the age of 70 years and 6 months. In the Judiciary Act of 1869 Congress had established that the United States Supreme Court would consist of the Chief Justice and eight associate justices. During Roosevelt's first term the Supreme Court struck down several New Deal measures as being unconstitutional. Roosevelt sought to reverse this by changing the makeup of the court through the appointment of new additional justices who he hoped would rule his legislative initiatives did not exceed the constitutional authority of the government.
Since the U. S. Constitution does not define the size of the Supreme Court, Roosevelt pointed out that it was within the power of the Congress to change it; the legislation was viewed by members of both parties as an attempt to stack the court, was opposed by many Democrats, including Vice President John Nance Garner. The bill came to be known as Roosevelt's "court-packing plan". In November 1936, Roosevelt won a sweeping reelection victory. In the months following, Roosevelt proposed to reorganize the federal judiciary by adding a new justice each time a justice reached age seventy and failed to retire; the legislation was unveiled on February 5, 1937, was the subject of Roosevelt's 9th Fireside chat of March 9, 1937. His claim "can it be said that full justice is achieved when a court is forced by the sheer necessity of its business to decline, without an explanation, to hear 87% of the cases presented by private litigants?" Publicly denying the President’s statement, Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes, reported "there is no congestion of cases on our calendar.
When we rose March 15 we had heard arguments in cases in which cert has been granted only 4 weeks before. This gratifying situation has obtained for several years". Three weeks after the radio address the Supreme Court published an opinion upholding a Washington state minimum wage law in West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish; the 5–4 ruling was the result of the sudden jurisprudential shift by Associate Justice Owen Roberts, who joined with the wing of the bench supportive to the New Deal legislation. Since Roberts had ruled against most New Deal legislation, his support here was seen as a result of the political pressure the president was exerting on the court; some interpreted his reversal as an effort to maintain the Court's judicial independence by alleviating the political pressure to create a court more friendly to the New Deal. This reversal came to be known as "the switch in time that saved nine". Roosevelt's legislative initiative failed; the bill was held up in the Senate Judiciary Committee by Democratic committee chair Henry F. Ashurst who delayed hearings in the Judiciary Committee saying, "No haste, no hurry, no waste, no worry—that is the motto of this committee."
As a result of his delaying efforts, the bill was held in committee for 165 days, opponents of the bill credited Ashurst as instrumental in its defeat. The bill was further undermined by the untimely death of its chief advocate in the U. S. Senate, Senate Majority Leader Joseph T. Robinson. Contemporary observers broadly viewed Roosevelt's initiative as political maneuvering, its failure exposed the limits of Roosevelt's abilities to push forward legislation through direct public appeal. Public perception of his efforts here was in stark contrast to the reception of his legislative efforts during his first term. Roosevelt prevailed in establishing a majority on the court friendly to his New Deal legislation, though some scholars view Roosevelt's victory as pyrrhic. Following the Wall Street Crash of 1929 and the onset of the Great Depression, Franklin Roosevelt won the 1932 presidential election on a promise to give America a "New Deal" to promote national economic recovery; the 1932 election saw a new Democratic majority sweep into both houses of Congress, giving Roosevelt legislative support for his reform platform.
Both Roosevelt and the 73rd Congress called for greater governmental involvement in the economy as a way to end the depression. During the president's first term, a series of successful challenges to various New Deal programs were launched in federal courts, it soon became clear that the overall constitutionality of much of the New Deal legislation that which extended the power of the federal government, would be decided by the Supreme Court. A minor aspect of Roosevelt's New Deal agenda may have itself directly precipitated the showdown between the Roosevelt administration and the Supreme Court. Shortly after Roosevelt's inauguration, Congress passed the Economy Act, a provision of which cut many government salaries, including the pensions of retired Supreme Court justices. Associate Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. who had retired in 1932, saw his pension halved from $20,000 to $10,000 per year. The cut to their pensions appears to have dissuaded at least two older Justices, Willis Van Devanter and George Sutherland, from retirement.
Both would find many aspects of the New Deal unconstitutional. The flurry of new laws in the wake of Roosevelt's first hundred days swamped the Justice Department with more r
United States Secretary of the Interior
The United States Secretary of the Interior is the head of the United States Department of the Interior. The Department of the Interior in the United States is responsible for the management and conservation of most federal land and natural resources; the Secretary serves on and appoints the private citizens on the National Park Foundation board. The Secretary is a member of the President's Cabinet; the U. S. Department of the Interior should not be confused with the Ministries of the Interior as used in many other countries. Ministries of the Interior in these other countries correspond to the Department of Homeland Security in the U. S. Cabinet and secondarily to the Department of Justice; because the policies and activities of the Department of the Interior and many of its agencies have a substantial impact in the Western United States, the Secretary of the Interior has come from a western state. The current Interior Secretary is David Bernhardt, who held the office in an acting capacity until April 2019.
He succeeded Ryan Zinke who resigned on January 2, 2019. The line of succession for the Secretary of Interior is as follows: Deputy Secretary of the Interior Solicitor of the Interior Assistant Secretary for Policy and Budget Assistant Secretary for Land and Minerals Management Assistant Secretary for Water and Science Assistant Secretary for Fish and Parks Assistant Secretary for Indian Affairs Director, Security and Law Enforcement, Bureau of Reclamation Central Region Director, US Geological Survey Intermountain Regional Director, National Park Service Region 6 Director, US Fish and Wildlife Service Colorado State Director, Bureau of Land Management Regional Solicitor, Rocky Mountain Region As of April 2019, eight former Secretaries of the Interior are alive, the oldest being Manuel Lujan Jr.. The most recent to die was Cecil D. Andrus, on August 23, 2017; the most serving Secretary to die was William P. Clark Jr. on August 10, 2013. Official website List of Secretaries of the Interior The Department of Everything Else: Highlights of Interior History
Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution
The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution was adopted on July 9, 1868, as one of the Reconstruction Amendments. Arguably one of the most consequential amendments to this day, the amendment addresses citizenship rights and equal protection of the laws and was proposed in response to issues related to former slaves following the American Civil War; the amendment was bitterly contested by the states of the defeated Confederacy, which were forced to ratify it in order to regain representation in Congress. The amendment its first section, is one of the most litigated parts of the Constitution, forming the basis for landmark decisions such as Brown v. Board of Education regarding racial segregation, Roe v. Wade regarding abortion, Bush v. Gore regarding the 2000 presidential election, Obergefell v. Hodges regarding same-sex marriage; the amendment limits the actions of all state and local officials, including those acting on behalf of such an official. The amendment's first section includes several clauses: the Citizenship Clause, Privileges or Immunities Clause, Due Process Clause, Equal Protection Clause.
The Citizenship Clause provides a broad definition of citizenship, nullifying the Supreme Court's decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford, which had held that Americans descended from African slaves could not be citizens of the United States. Since the Slaughter-House Cases, the Privileges or Immunities Clause has been interpreted to do little; the Due Process Clause prohibits state and local governments from depriving persons of life, liberty, or property without a fair procedure. The Supreme Court has ruled this clause makes most of the Bill of Rights as applicable to the states as it is to the federal government, as well as to recognize substantive and procedural requirements that state laws must satisfy; the Equal Protection Clause requires each state to provide equal protection under the law to all people, including all non-citizens, within its jurisdiction. This clause has been the basis for many decisions rejecting irrational or unnecessary discrimination against people belonging to various groups.
The second and fourth sections of the amendment are litigated. However, the second section's reference to "rebellion, or other crime" has been invoked as a constitutional ground for felony disenfranchisement; the fourth section was held, in Perry v. United States, to prohibit a current Congress from abrogating a contract of debt incurred by a prior Congress; the fifth section gives Congress the power to enforce the amendment's provisions by "appropriate legislation". Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States. Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed, but when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.
Section 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, having taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof, but Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. Section 4; the validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave.
Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. In the final years of the American Civil War and the Reconstruction Era that followed, Congress debated the rights of black former slaves freed by the 1863 Emancipation Proclamation and the 1865 Thirteenth Amendment, the latter of which had formally abolished slavery. Following the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment by Congress, Republicans grew concerned over the increase it would create in the congressional representation of the Democratic-dominated Southern States; because the full population of fre
Charles Evans Hughes
Charles Evans Hughes Sr. was an American statesman, Republican Party politician, the 11th Chief Justice of the United States. He was the 36th Governor of New York, the Republican presidential nominee in the 1916 presidential election, the 44th United States Secretary of State. Born to a Welsh immigrant preacher and his wife in Glens Falls, New York, Hughes pursued a legal career in New York City. After working in private practice for several years, in 1905 he led successful state investigations into public utilities and the life insurance industry, he implemented several progressive reforms. In 1910, President William Howard Taft appointed Hughes as an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. During his tenure on the Supreme Court, Hughes joined Associate Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. in voting to uphold state and federal regulations. Hughes served as an Associate Justice until 1916, when he resigned from the bench to accept the Republican presidential nomination. Though Hughes was viewed as the favorite in the race against incumbent Democratic President Woodrow Wilson, Wilson won a narrow victory.
After Warren G. Harding won the 1920 presidential election, Hughes accepted Harding's offer to serve as Secretary of State. Serving under Harding and Calvin Coolidge, Hughes negotiated the Washington Naval Treaty, designed to prevent a naval arms race among the United States and Japan. Hughes left office in 1925 and returned to private practice, becoming one of the most prominent attorneys in the country. In 1930, President Herbert Hoover appointed Hughes to succeed Chief Justice Taft. Along with Associate Justice Owen Roberts, Hughes emerged as a key swing vote on the bench, positioned between the liberal Three Musketeers and the conservative Four Horsemen; the Hughes Court struck down several New Deal programs in the early and the mid-1930s, but 1937 marked a turning point for the Supreme Court and the New Deal as Hughes and Roberts joined with the Three Musketeers to uphold the Wagner Act and a state minimum wage law. That same year saw the defeat of the Judicial Procedures Reform Bill of 1937, which would have expanded the size of the Supreme Court.
Hughes served until 1941, when he was succeeded by Associate Justice Harlan F. Stone. Hughes's father, David Charles Hughes, migrated from Wales to the United States in 1855 after he was inspired by the autobiography of Benjamin Franklin. David became a Baptist preacher in Glens Falls, New York, married Mary Catherine Connelly, whose family had been in the United States for several generations. Charles Evans Hughes, the only child of David and Mary, was born in Glens Falls on April 11, 1862; the Hughes family moved to Oswego, New York in 1866, but relocated soon after to Newark, New Jersey and to Brooklyn. With the exception of a brief period of attendance at Newark High School, Hughes received no formal education until 1874, instead being educated by his parents. In September 1874, he enrolled in New York City's prestigious Public School 35, graduating the following year. At the age of 14, he enrolled at Madison University transferred to Brown University, he graduated third in his class at the age of 19, having been elected to Phi Beta Kappa in his junior year.
During his time at Brown, Hughes volunteered for the successful presidential campaign of Republican nominee James A. Garfield and served as the editor of the college newspaper. After graduating from Brown, Hughes spent a year working as a teacher in New York. Hughes next enrolled in Columbia Law School, he passed the New York bar exam in 1884, with the highest score awarded by the state. In 1888, Hughes married Antoinette Carter, the daughter of the senior partner of the law firm where he worked, their first child, Charles Evans Hughes Jr. was born the following year, Hughes purchased a house in Manhattan's Upper West Side neighborhood. Hughes and his wife would have three daughters, their youngest child, Elizabeth Hughes Gossett, was one of the first humans injected with insulin, served as president of the Supreme Court Historical Society. Hughes took a position with the Wall Street law firm of Chamberlain, Carter & Hornblower in 1883, focusing on matters related to contracts and bankruptcies.
He was made a partner in the firm in 1888, the firm changed its name to Carter, Hughes & Cravath. Hughes left the firm and became a professor at Cornell Law School from 1891 to 1893, he returned to Carter, Hughes & Cravath in 1893. He joined the board of Brown University and served on a special committee that recommended revisions to New York's Code of Civil Procedure. Responding to newspaper stories run by the New York World, Governor Frank W. Higgins appointed a legislative committee to investigate the state's public utilities in 1905. On the recommendation of a former state judge, impressed by Hughes's performance in court, the legislative committee appointed Hughes to lead the investigation. Hughes was reluctant to take on the powerful utility companies, but Senator Frederick C. Stevens, the leader of the committee, convinced Hughes to accept the position. Hughes decided to center his investigation on Consolidated Gas, which controlled the production and sale of gas in New York City. Though few expected the committee to have any impact on public corruption, Hughes was able to show that Consolidated Gas had engaged in a pattern of tax evasion and fraudulent bookkeeping.
To eliminate or mitigate those abuses, Hughes drafted and convinced the state legislature to pass bills that established a commission to regulate public utilities and lowered
Internment of Japanese Americans
The internment of Japanese Americans in the United States during World War II was the forced relocation and incarceration in concentration camps in the western interior of the country of between 110,000 and 120,000 people of Japanese ancestry, most of whom lived on the Pacific coast. Sixty-two percent of the internees were United States citizens; these actions were ordered by President Franklin D. Roosevelt shortly after Imperial Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor. Of 127,000 Japanese Americans living in the continental United States at the time of the Pearl Harbor attack, 112,000 resided on the West Coast. About 80,000 were Sansei; the rest were Issei immigrants born in Japan who were ineligible for U. S. citizenship under U. S. law. Japanese Americans were incarcerated based on regional politics. More than 110,000 Japanese Americans in the mainland U. S. who lived on the West Coast, were forced into interior camps. However, in Hawaii, where 150,000-plus Japanese Americans composed over one-third of the population, only 1,200 to 1,800 were interned.
The internment is considered to have resulted more from racism than from any security risk posed by Japanese Americans. Those who were as little as 1/16 Japanese, orphaned infants, anyone with—in the words of the architect behind the internment program, Colonel Karl Bendetsen—"one drop of Japanese blood" were placed in the internment camps. Roosevelt authorized the deportation and incarceration with Executive Order 9066, issued on February 19, 1942, which allowed regional military commanders to designate "military areas" from which "any or all persons may be excluded." This authority was used to declare that all people of Japanese ancestry were excluded from the West Coast, including all of California and parts of Oregon and Arizona, except for those in government camps. 5,000 Japanese Americans relocated outside the exclusion zone before March 1942, while some 5,500 community leaders had been arrested after the Pearl Harbor attack and thus were in custody. The majority of nearly 130,000 Japanese Americans living in the U.
S. mainland were forcibly relocated from their West Coast homes during the spring of 1942. The United States Census Bureau assisted the internment efforts by spying and providing confidential neighborhood information on Japanese Americans; the Bureau denied its role for decades, but it became public in 2007. In 1944, the U. S. Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the removal by ruling against Fred Korematsu's appeal for violating an exclusion order; the Court limited its decision to the validity of the exclusion orders, avoiding the issue of the incarceration of U. S. citizens without due process. In 1980, under mounting pressure from the Japanese American Citizens League and redress organizations, President Jimmy Carter opened an investigation to determine whether the decision to put Japanese Americans into concentration camps had been justified by the government, he appointed the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians to investigate the camps. The Commission's report, titled Personal Justice Denied, found little evidence of Japanese disloyalty at the time and concluded that the incarceration had been the product of racism.
It recommended. In 1988, President Ronald Reagan signed into law the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 which apologized for the internment on behalf of the U. S. government and authorized a payment of $20,000 to each camp survivor. The legislation admitted that government actions were based on "race prejudice, war hysteria, a failure of political leadership." The U. S. government disbursed more than $1.6 billion in reparations to 82,219 Japanese Americans, interned and their heirs. Due in large part to socio-political changes stemming from the Meiji Restoration—and a recession caused by the abrupt opening of Japan's economy to the world market—people began emigrating from the Empire of Japan in 1868 to find work to survive. From 1869 to 1924 200,000 immigrated to the islands of Hawaii laborers expecting to work on the islands' sugar plantations; some 180,000 went to the U. S. mainland, with the majority settling on the West Coast and establishing farms or small businesses. Most arrived before 1908, when the Gentlemen's Agreement between Japan and the United States banned the immigration of unskilled laborers.
A loophole allowed the wives of men in the US to join their husbands. The practice of women marrying by proxy and immigrating to the U. S. resulted in a large increase in the number of "picture brides."As the Japanese-American population continued to grow, European Americans on the West Coast resisted the new group, fearing competition and exaggerating the idea of hordes of Asians keen to take over white-owned farmland and businesses. Groups such as the Asiatic Exclusion League, the California Joint Immigration Committee, the Native Sons of the Golden West organized in response to this "Yellow Peril." They lobbied to restrict the property and citizenship rights of Japanese immigrants, as similar groups had organized against Chinese immigrants. Several laws and treaties attempting to slow immigration from Japan were introduced beginning in the late 19th century; the Immigration Act of 1924, following the example of the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act banned all immigration from Japan and other "undesirable" Asian countries.
The 1924 ban on immigration produced unusually well-defined generational groups within the