Argentine Chamber of Deputies
The Chamber of Deputies is the lower house of the Argentine National Congress. It is made up of 257 national deputies who are elected in multi-member constituencies corresponding with the territories of the 23 provinces of Argentina by party list proportional representation. Elections to the Chamber are held every two years; the Constitution of Argentina lays out certain attributions that are unique to the Chamber of Deputies. The Chamber holds exclusive rights to levy taxes. Additionally, the Chamber of Deputies receives for consideration bills presented by popular initiative; the Chamber of Deputies is presided over by the President of the Chamber, deputized by three Vice Presidents. It has 257 seats and one-half of the members are elected every two years to serve four-year terms by the people of each district using proportional representation, D'Hondt formula with a 3% of the district registered voters threshold, the following distribution: All data from official website. In order for an Argentine citizen to be elected to congress, they have to fulfil certain requirements: He or she has to be at least twenty five years old with at least four years of active citizenship and it has to be naturalized in the province, being elected to or at least have two years of immediate residency in said province, according to art.
48 or the Argentine Constitution. The Chamber of Deputies was provided for in the Constitution of Argentina, ratified on May 1, 1853. Eligibility requisites are that members be at least twenty-five years old, have been a resident of the province they represent for at least four years. Otherwise patterned after Article One of the United States Constitution per legal scholar Juan Bautista Alberdi's treatise, Bases de la Constitución Argentina, the chamber was apportioned in one seat per 33,000 inhabitants; the constitution made no provision for a national census and because the Argentine population doubled every twenty years from 1870 to 1930 as a result of immigration, censuses were conducted generationally, rather than every decade, until 1947. The distribution of the Chamber of Deputies is regulated since 1983 by Law 22.847 called Ley Bignone, enacted by the last Argentine dictator, General Reynaldo Bignone, ahead of the 1983 general elections. This law established that each province shall have one deputy per 161,000 inhabitants, with standard rounding.
If a province has fewer than five deputies, the number of deputies for that province is increased to reach that minimum. Controversially, apportionment remains based on the 1980 population census, has not been modified since 1983; the minimum of five seat per province allots the smaller ones a disproportionately large representation, as well. Accordingly, this distribution does not reflect Argentina's current population balance; the President of the Chamber is elected by the majority caucus. The officeholders for this post since 1983 have been: Leadership positions include: List of current Argentine deputies Argentine Senate Politics of Argentina List of legislatures by country Chamber of Deputies Argentina - Official Site
1987 Carapintada mutiny
The 1987 Carapintada mutiny took place in Argentina, during the presidency of Raúl Alfonsín. The Dirty War took place in Argentina during the early 1980s. Left-wing guerrillas, such as Montoneros and ERP, sought to establish a socialist dictatorship, as in Cuba; the military, first during the civilian governments of Juan Perón and Isabel Martínez de Perón, during the National Reorganization Process military dictatorship, sought to prevent that. The military committed human rights violations during the conflict. New elections were held in 1983, Raúl Alfonsín became the new president; the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons prepared the "Nunca más" report, detailing 8,961 cases of forced disappearances. The Trial of the Juntas sentenced the heads of the military dictatorship, the full stop law caused an increased number of charges against the military; the Major Ernesto Barreiro refused to appear in the court. He started a mutiny in Córdoba in April 14. Three days Lieutenant Colonel Aldo Rico started another mutiny in Campo de Mayo, Buenos Aires, supporting Barreiro.
They were called "Carapintadas". They asked for new authorities in the armed forces, an end to the dirty war related trials; the loyal military units refused to attack them. The population made demonstrations in support of Alfonsín, the CGT union called on a general strike on his behalf until the crisis was resolved. Other unions, political parties, industrial sectors and the Church manifested their support for Alfonsín as well. Alfonsín led the negotiations with the rebels; the mutiny was stopped, Alfonsín announced it in the balcony of the Casa Rosada, to the people gathered there. In the following weeks he made changes to the command of the armed forces, sent the Law of Due Obedience bill to the Congress; this law, complementing the full stop law, prevented hundreds of prosecutions. The minister Horacio Jaunarena clarified that the law was a project previous to the mutiny, that the new authorities in the armed forces were not the ones requested by Rico. Lewis, Daniel; the History of Argentina.
United States: ABC Clio. ISBN 978-1-61069-860-3. Hedges, Jill. Argentina: A Modern History. I. B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-84885-654-7. Retrieved October 29, 2015
Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín Foulkes was an Argentine lawyer and statesman who served as the President of Argentina from 10 December 1983 to 8 July 1989. Alfonsín was the first democratically elected president after more than seven years of military dictatorship and is considered the "father of modern democracy in Argentina". Born in Chascomús, Buenos Aires Province, he began his studies of law at the National University of La Plata and was a graduate of the University of Buenos Aires, he was affiliated with the Radical Civic Union, joining the faction of Ricardo Balbín after the party split. He was elected a deputy in the legislature of the Buenos Aires province in 1958, during the presidency of Arturo Frondizi, a national deputy during the presidency of Arturo Umberto Illia, he opposed both sides of the Dirty War, several times filed a writ of Habeas corpus, requesting the freedom of victims of forced disappearances, during the National Reorganization Process. He denounced the crimes of the military dictatorship of other countries, opposed the actions of both sides in the Falklands War as well.
He became the leader of the UCR after Balbín's death, was the Radical candidate for the presidency in the 1983 elections, which he won. When he became president, he sent a bill to the Congress to revoke the self-amnesty law established by the military, he established the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons to investigate the crimes committed by the military, which led to the Trial of the Juntas and resulted in the sentencing of the heads of the former regime. Discontent within the military led to the mutinies of the Carapintadas, leading Alfonsín to appease them with the full stop law and the law of Due Obedience, he had conflicts with the unions, which were controlled by the opposing Justicialist Party. He resolved the Beagle conflict, increased trade with Brazil, proposed the creation of the Contadora support group to mediate between the United States and the Nicaraguan Contras, he passed the first divorce law of Argentina. He initiated the Austral plan to improve the national economy, but that plan, as well as the Spring plan, failed.
The resulting hyperinflation and riots led to his party's defeat in the 1989 presidential elections, won by Peronist Carlos Menem. He continued as the leader of the UCR, opposed the presidency of Carlos Menem, he initiated the Pact of Olivos with Menem in order to negotiate the terms for the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution. Fernando de la Rúa led a faction of the UCR that opposed the pact, became president in 1999. De la Rúa resigned during the December 2001 riots, Alfonsín's faction provided the support needed for the Peronist Eduardo Duhalde to be appointed president by the Congress. Alfonsín died of lung cancer on 31 March 2009, at the age of 82, was given a large state funeral. Raúl Alfonsín was born on 12 March 1927, in the city of Chascomús, 123 km south of Buenos Aires, his parents were Ana María Foulkes. His father was of Spanish and German descent, his mother was the daughter of Welsh immigrant Ricardo Foulkes and Falkland Islander María Elena Ford. Following his elementary schooling, Raúl Alfonsín enrolled at the General San Martín Military Lyceum, graduating after five years as a second lieutenant.
He did not pursue a military career, began studying law instead. He began his studies at the National University of La Plata, completed them at the University of Buenos Aires, graduating at the age of 23, he married María Lorenza Barreneche, whom he met in the 1940s at a masquerade ball, in 1949. They moved to Mendoza, La Plata, returned to Chascomús, they had six sons, of whom only Ricardo Alfonsín would follow a political career. Alfonsín bought a local newspaper, he joined the Radical Civic Union in 1946, as a member of the Intransigent Renewal Movement, a faction of the party that opposed the incorporation of the UCR into the Democratic Union coalition. He was appointed president of the party committee in Chascomús in 1951, was elected to the city council in 1954, he was detained for a brief time, during the reaction of the government of Juan Perón to the bombing of Plaza de Mayo. The Revolución Libertadora ousted Perón from the national government; the UCR broke up into two parties: the Intransigent Radical Civic Union, led by Arturo Frondizi, the People's Radical Civic Union, led by Ricardo Balbín and Crisólogo Larralde.
Alfonsín did not like the split, but opted to follow the UCRP. Alfonsín was elected deputy for the legislature of the Buenos Aires province in 1958, on the UCRP ticket, was reelected in 1962, he moved to capital of the province, during his tenure. President Frondizi was ousted by a military coup on 29 March 1962, which closed the provincial legislature. Alfonsín returned to Chascomús; the UCRP prevailed over the UCRI the following year, leading to the presidency of Arturo Umberto Illia. Alfonsín was elected a national deputy, vice president of the UCRP bloc in the congress. In 1963 he was appointed president of the party committee for the province of Buenos Aires. Illia was deposed by a new military coup in the Argentine Revolution. Alfonsín was detained while trying to hold a political rally in La Plata, a second time when he tried to re-open the UCRP committee, he was forced to resign as deputy in November 1966. He was detained a third time in 1968 after a political rally in La Plata, he wrote opinion articles in newspapers, under the pseudonyms Alfonso Carrido Lura and Serafín Feijó.
The Dirty War began during this time, as many guerrilla groups rejected both the right-wing mi
Quinta de Olivos
The Quinta de Olivos is an architectural landmark in the north side Buenos Aires suburb of Olivos and the official residence of the President of Argentina. It is one of the President's official residences. Shortly after the 2nd foundation of Buenos Aires by Captain Juan de Garay in 1580, among the first 400 land lots apportioned was that of a 180-hectare parcel 20 kilometers north of the city; the land, situated on a bluff overlooking the Río de la Plata, was awarded to Rodrigo de Ibarola, a lieutenant of Garay's. A prime section of the property was purchased in 1774 by Manuel de Basavilbaso, the Postmaster General of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, his daughter, Justa Rufina, married Miguel de Azcuénaga, a military officer who would take part in the May Revolution of 1810. He established one of the area's first apiaries on the grounds. Azcuénaga inherited the land on the death of his wife in 1829, their son, Miguel José, in turn inherited it in 1833, he converted the property into an equestrian estate, though the rise of Buenos Aires Province Governor and strongman Juan Manuel de Rosas led to his exile in Chile for a number of years.
Azcuénaga returned and, in 1851, commissioned a graduate of the École Polytechnique, Prilidiano Pueyrredón, to design a manor house. Pueyrredón created an eclectic design centered on Neogothic and Baroque architecture, upon its completion in 1854, Azcuénaga came to refer to the mansion as his "birdcage". Azcuénaga landscaped the sprawling property with a selection of palm trees, among them Butia, Phoenix canariensis, Chamaerops humilis, he had vast extensions planted with Araucaria bidwillii, cryptomerias, cypresses and pines planted, as well as a row of plantains. Azcuénaga, who had no legitimate offspring, bequeathed the property to his nephew, Antonio Justo Olaguer Feliú; the blind Olaguer, who had no use for the view of the waterfront, sold the easternmost portion of the land before his death in 1903 and bequeathed it to his nephew, Carlos Villate Olaguer. Villate stipulated on his receiving the property that, upon his death, it should be deeded to the Argentine Government for the purpose of its use as the Official Summer Residence of the President of Argentina.
Villate's death in 1913 made the 35-hectare property available to the government, though its conversion into a public park was considered for a number of years. President Hipólito Yrigoyen accepted the deed on September 30, 1918, though he designated it as the Residence of the Minister of Foreign Relations, rather than putting it to presidential use, its first official occupant was Foreign Minister Honorio Pueyrredón. A coup in 1930 and the installation of General José Félix Uriburu gave the estate its first use as a presidential residence when the infirm dictator opted for the spot's breeze and tranquility during a 1931 heat wave. Uriburu's successor, Agustín P. Justo, planned a vacation resort at the site in 1933; the Villate deed prevented him from doing so, in 1936, he formally inaugurated the estate as the Residence of the President of Argentina, while ceding the western portion to the Military Officers' Association. President Justo initiated beautification projects for the surrounding area, having an extensive row of jacaranda trees planted along the Avenida del Libertador.
S. President Franklin Roosevelt, remarked during his drive at seeing the falling blooms that "it's raining blue!" The estate's use as a year-round residence triggered a lawsuit in 1940 by Villate's heirs, alleging that it violated the terms of the will. The suit was struck down by the Argentine Supreme Court, however, its distant location from the downtown Buenos Aires presidential offices at the Casa Rosada made it of only occasional use in subsequent years. President Juan Perón installed a screening room, had the grounds embellished with an amphitheatre, tennis courts, reflecting pool, Ceiba speciosa trees, other additions, though he attracted controversy following the 1952 death of his wife, when he converted former polo horse stables on the grounds into installations for the "Union of Secondary School Students" - a group of athletic, adolescent girls - to which the widower provided discreet access via an underground tunnel built in 1953; the scandal helped precipitate Perón's overthrow in 1955, General Pedro Aramburu became the first president to reside habitually at the Quinta de Olivos.
The quinta became the site of secret negotiations in 1961, between President Arturo Frondizi and the Argentine-born Cuban revolutionary and economy minister, Che Guevara - an attempt by Frondizi to mediate the US-Cuba conflict that, once discovered, helped result in his own overthrow in 1962. The site of frequent asados and other social gatherings, a concert organized by President Juan Carlos Onganía in 1969 led to a fire that caused the historic residence extensive damage, though it retained most of its original structure; the quinta was the site of Juan Perón's death on July 1, 1974. Perón, who had returned from exile following elections in 1973, took office with his politically neophyte wife, Isabel, as vice president; the compound's opulence prom
President of Argentina
The President of Argentina known as the President of the Argentine Republic, is both head of state and head of government of Argentina. Under the national Constitution, the President is the chief executive of the federal government and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. Through Argentine history, the office of the Head of State has undergone many changes, both in its title as in its features and powers. Current President Mauricio Macri was sworn into office on December 10, 2015; the Constitution of Argentina, along with several constitutional amendments, establishes the requirements and responsibilities of the president and term of office and the method of election. The origins of Argentina as a nation can be traced to 1776, when it was separated by the Spanish King from the existing Viceroyalty of Peru, creating the new Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata; the Head of State continued to be the King. These Viceroys were natives of the country. By the May Revolution of May 25, 1810, the first Argentine autonomous government, known as the Primera Junta, was formed in Buenos Aires.
It was known as the Junta Grande when representatives from the provinces joined. These early attempts at self-government were succeeded by two Triumvirates and, although the first juntas had presidents, the King of Spain was still regarded as Head of State, the executive power was still not in the hands of a single person; this power was vested in one man when the position of Supreme Director was created by the 1813 National Assembly. The Supreme Directors became Heads of State after Independence was declared on 9 July 1816, but there was not yet a presidential system. In 1816, Congress composed a Constitution; this established an executive figure, named Supreme Director, vested with presidential powers. This constitution gave the Supreme Director the power of appointing Governors of the provinces. Due to political circumstances, this constitution never came into force, the central power was dissolved, leaving the country as a federation of provinces. A new constitution was drafted in 1826; this constitution was the first to create a President, although this office retained the powers described in the 1816 constitution.
This constitution did come into force, resulting in the election of the first President, Bernardino Rivadavia. Because of the Cisplatine War, Rivadavia resigned after a short time, the office was dissolved shortly after. A civil war between unitarios and federalists ensued in the following decades. In this time, there was no central authority, the closest to, the Chairman of Foreign Relations the Governor of the Province of Buenos Aires; the last to bear this title was Juan Manuel de Rosas, who in the last years of his governorship was elected Supreme Chief of the Confederation, gaining effective rule of the rest of the country. In 1852, Rosas was deposed, a constitutional convention was summoned; this constitution, still in force, established a national federal government, with the office of the President. The term was fixed with no possibility of reelection; the first elected President under the constitution was Justo José de Urquiza, but Buenos Aires seceded from the Argentine Confederation as the State of Buenos Aires.
Bartolomé Mitre was the first president of the unified country, when Buenos Aires rejoined the Confederation. Thus, Rivadavia and Mitre are considered the first presidents of Argentina by different historians: Rivadavia for being the first one to use the title, Urquiza for being the first one to rule under the 1853 constitution, Mitre for being the first president of Argentina under its current national limits. In 1930, 1943, 1955, 1962, 1966, 1976, military coups deposed elected Presidents. In 1966 and 1976, the federal government was undertaken by a military junta, where power was shared by the chiefs of the armed forces. In 1962, the President of the Senate ruled, but in the other cases, a military chief assumed the title of President, it is debatable whether these military presidents can properly be called Presidents, as there are issues with the legitimacy of their governments. The position of the current Argentine government is that military Presidents Jorge Rafael Videla and Leopoldo Fortunato Galtieri were explicitly not legitimate presidents.
They and their immediate successors were denied the right to a presidential pension after the conclusion of their terms. The status of earlier military presidents, remains more uncertain; the President of the Nation has the following powers: Is the supreme head of the Nation, head of government and is politically responsible for the general administration of the country. Issues the instructions and regulations necessary for the execution of the laws of the nation, without altering their spirit with regulatory exceptions. Participates in the making of laws under the Constitution, has them published; the Executive Power shall in no case under penalty, void, issue legislative provisions. Only when exceptional circumstances make it impossible to follow the ordinary procedures foreseen by this Constitution for the enactment of laws, not try to rules governing criminal matters, electoral or political party regime, may issue decrees on grounds of necessity and urgency, which will be decided by a general agreement of ministers who shall countersign them together with the head of cabinet of ministers.
The head of and within ten days submit the decision to the consideration of the Joint Standing Committee, whose compos
Presidency of Raúl Alfonsín
Raúl Alfonsín was the president of Argentina from 1983 to 1989. Chief among Alfonsín's inherited problems was an economic depression stemming from the 1981-82 financial collapse and its resulting US$43 billion foreign debt, with interest payments that swallowed all of Argentina's US$3 billion trade surplus; the economy recovered modestly in 1983 as a result of Bignone's lifting of wage freezes and crushing interest rates imposed by the Central Bank's "Circular 1050. Naming a center-left cabinet led by Foreign Minister Dante Caputo and Economy Minister Bernardo Grinspun, Alfonsín began his administration with high approval ratings and with the fulfillment of campaign promises such as a nutritional assistance program for the 27% of Argentines under the poverty line at the time, as well as the recission of Bignone's April 1983 blanket amnesty for those guilty of human rights abuses and his September decree authorizing warrantless wiretapping. Defense Minister Raúl Borrás advised Alfonsín to remove Fabricaciones Militares Argentina's leading defense contractor, from the Armed Forces' control, ordering the retirement of 70 generals and admirals known for their opposition to the transfer of the lucrative contractor.
Appointing renowned playwright Carlos Gorostiza as Secretary of Culture and exiled computer scientist Dr. Manuel Sadosky as Secretary of Science and Technology, hundreds of artists and scientists returned to Argentina during 1984. Gorostiza abolished the infamous National Film Rating Entity, helping lead to a doubling in film and theatre production; the harrowing La historia oficial was released in April 1985 and became the first Argentine film to receive an Academy Award for Best Foreign Language Film. Alfonsín created the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons to document human rights abuses. Led by novelist Ernesto Sábato, CONADEP documented 8,960 forced disappearances and presented the President with its findings on September 20; the report drew mixed reaction, however, as its stated total of victims fell short of Amnesty International's estimate of 16,000 and of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo's estimate of 30,000. Alfonsín had leading members of leftist groups prosecuted, leading to jail sentences for, among others, Montoneros leader Mario Firmenich.
He sought to improve relations with Peronists by pardoning former President Isabel Perón in May 1984 for her prominent role in the early stages of the Dirty War against dissidents and for her alleged embezzlement of public funds, though his introduction of legislation providing for secret ballot labor union elections led to opposition by the CGT, Argentina's largest, handed his administration its first defeat when the Senate struck it down by one vote. Relations with the United States suffered when Alfonsín terminated the previous regime's support for the Contras. Two meetings with U. S. President Ronald Reagan failed to bring economic concessions towards Argentina. Alfonsín initiated the first diplomatic contact with the United Kingdom since the Falklands War two years earlier, resulting in the lifting of British trade sanctions. Proposing a Treaty with Chile ending a border dispute over the Beagle Channel, he put the issue before voters in a referendum and won its approval with 82%. Inheriting a foreign debt crisis exacerbated by high global interest rates, Alfonsín had to contend with shattered business confidence and record budget deficits.
GDP grew by a modest 2% in 1984, though fixed investment continued to decline and inflation rose to 700%. Losses in the State enterprises, service on the public debt and growing tax evasion left the federal budget with a US$10 billion shortfall in 1984. Unable to finance the budget, the Central Bank of Argentina "printed" money and inflation, bad enough at around 18% a month at the end of the dictatorship, rose to 30% in June 1985. Attempting to control the record inflation, the new Minister of the Economy, Juan Sourrouille, launched the Austral Plan, by which prices were frozen and the existing currency, the peso argentino, was replaced by the Argentine austral at 1,000 to one. Sharp budget cuts were enacted in military spending which, including cutbacks in 1984, was slashed to around half of its 1983 level. Responding to financial sector concerns, the government introduced a mechanism called desagio, by which debtors whose installments were based on much higher built-in inflation would received a temporary discount compensating for the sudden drop in inflation and interest rates.
The fiscal deficit fell by two-thirds in 1985, helping pave the way for the first meaningful debt rescheduling since the start of the crisis four years earlier. Sharp cuts in military spending fed growing discontent in the military, several bomb threats and acts of sabotage at numerous military bases were blamed on hard-line officers, chiefly former 1st Army Corps head Gen. Guillermo Suárez Mason, who fled to Miami following an October arrest order. Unable to persuade the military to court martial officers guilty of Dirty War abuses, Alfonsín sponsored the Trial of the Juntas, whose first hearings began at the Supreme Court on April 22, 1985. Prosecuting some of the top members of the previous military regime for crimes committed during the Dirty War, the trial became the focus of international attention. In December, the tribunal handed down life sentences against former President Jorge Videla and former Navy Chief Emilio Massera, as well as 17-year sentences against three others. For these accomplishments, Alfonsín was awarded th