The Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova is a communist party in Moldova led by Vladimir Voronin. It is the only communist party to have held a majority in government in the post-Soviet states; the PCRM is part of the Party of the European Left. The PCRM was registered as a political party in 1994; the PCRM was part of the Popular Patriotic Forces Front at the time of the 1996 presidential election, in which Voronin stood as the coalition's candidate and won 10.3% of the vote, placing third. The party supported Petru Lucinschi in the second round of the election, following Lucinschi's victory the PCRM was given two positions in the government. In the March 1998 parliamentary election, the PCRM won 30.1% of the vote and 40 seats, becoming the largest party in parliament. Despite its strong showing, the PCRM was left in opposition due to the formation of a center-right coalition government, Alliance for Democracy and Reforms. Although Lucinschi nominated Voronin as Prime Minister of Moldova in late 1999, the nomination was unsuccessful because Voronin did not have enough support in parliament.

The PCRM received 49.9% of the vote in the February 2001 parliamentary election, winning 71 out of the 101 seats in parliament. With a PCRM parliamentary majority, Voronin was elected as President by parliament in April 2001; the Constitutional Court ruled that the President could lead a political party, Voronin was re-elected as party leader. As the ruling political party in Moldova, it won the 2005 Moldovan parliamentary election, provided the President, Vladimir Voronin, the Prime Minister, Zinaida Greceanîi, the Speaker of the Moldovan Parliament, Marian Lupu. Under Voronin, it governed in a multi-party fashion, it favors European integration and eventual EU membership. After April 2009 election and the civil unrest, the climate in Moldova became polarized; the parliament failed to elect a new president. For this reason, the parliament was dissolved and snap elections were held. At the July 29 polls the Communist Party received 44.7% of the vote. That gave the former ruling party 48 MPs, the remaining 53 seats in the 101-member chamber went to four opposition parties, Alliance For European Integration.

For the first time since 2001, communists went into opposition. After the Parliament failed to elect a new President of the Republic, snap elections were called. In the election, PCRM obtained 39.34% of votes, winning 42 seats, going again into opposition to the Alliance of European Integration. In 2011 Igor Dodon and Zinaida Greceanîi left the party and joined the Party of Socialists of the Republic of Moldova. Parliamentary election of 2014 saw a great defeat for PCRM, which received only 17.48% of votes, losing more than half of its electors to PSRM and electing 21 seats. Following the elections, the party agreed to give supply to the new Gaburici Cabinet; the Agreement collapsed in June 2015 and PCRM went back into opposition. In 2016, the party suffered a large split as 14 MPS left PCRM faction and established the Social Democratic Platform for Moldova, joining the majority of Filip Cabinet. On 10 March 2017, all 14 MPs joined the Democratic Party of Moldova. Since the party declined in polls, losing most of its votes to PSRM and PDM.

In the 2019 parliamentary election, the PCRM collapsed, receiving only 3,75% of votes and losing all representation in parliament. According to its Statute adopted in 2008, article 1, the Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova is a "lawful successor and heir of the Communist Party of Moldavia both in terms of ideas and traditions". While espousing a Leninist communist doctrine, there is debate over their policies; the Economist considers it a centre-right party, communist only in name, whereas Romanian political scientist Vladimir Tismăneanu argues that the party is communist in the classical sense, as it has not changed much since the fall of the Soviet Union. Ion Marandici, a Moldovan political scientist considers that the success story of the Moldovan Communists is due to the Communists' capacity to attract the votes of the ethnic minorities and the Romanian-speakers identifying as Moldovans, by proposing a Moldovenist nation and state-project; the decline of the Communists followed after Marian Lupu, a key figure in Moldovan politics, left the Communists Party and joined the Democratic Party, thus bringing with him the Moldovan supporters of the Communists.

The party is opposed to any unification of Romania and Moldova. For the current period of governance, the PCRM has outlined the following goals for the country: A new quality of life. Official website

The Johnston Library is a historic library located at 210 W. 10th St. in Baxter Springs, Kansas. The building was constructed in 1872 to serve as a courthouse during Baxter Springs' unsuccessful attempt to become the Cherokee County seat. Though Baxter Springs had lost an election to choose the county seat in 1869 to Columbus, supporters of both cities had attempted to fraudulently swing the election in their favor, Baxter Springs hoped it could still become county seat in the future; the building served as the county jail and sheriff's office until Columbus completed its jail in 1880. After this, Baxter Springs gave up its attempts to become the county seat, the building became its city hall. In 1905, resident Niles P. Johnston bequeathed $5,000 to the city to start a library, the city hall building was chosen to house it; the two-story brick building's design is a mixture of the Classical Revival and Richardsonian Romanesque styles. Key features of both styles appear in the library's main entrance.

The library includes a gable roof and a cornice with ornamental corbels and brackets. The library was added to the National Register of Historic Places on November 21, 1976. Johnston Public Library Photos from the NRHP nomination

Events during the year 1995 in Italy. President: Oscar Luigi Scalfaro Prime Minister:Silvio Berlusconi Lamberto Dini 11 June – 1995 Italian referendum 13 December – Banat Air Flight 166 accident 1 January – Adele Sammartino, beauty pageant and psychologist, Miss World Italy 2019 16 March – Daniele Cardelli, footballer 16 March – Daniele Cardelli, footballer. 18 March – Pierluigi Gollini, footballer 23 March – Alberto Boniotti, footballer 24 March – Luca Lezzerini, footballer 12 April – Lorenzo Venuti, footballer 26 April – Lorenzo Fragola, singer-songwriter. 18 May – Marco Lazzaroni, rugnby union player. 30 June – Andrea Petagna, footballer 1 July – Federico Palmieri, footballer 14 July – Riccardo Ferrara, footballer 5 August – Stefano Sensi, footballer 30 August – David Zimmerhofer, footballer 23 September – Francesco Mileto, footballer 13 October – Leonardo Morosini, footballer 30 October – Leonardo Morosini, footballer 16 November – Nicola Sambo, footballer 6 February – Edy Campagnoli, television personality and actress.

19 March – Giuseppe Nirta, mafia boss. 22 April – Carlo Ceresoli, footballer. 25 April – Andrea Fortunato, footballer. 27 April – Maurizio Gucci, businessman. 18 July – Fabio Casartelli, cyclist. 20 August – Hugo Pratt, comics creator. 2 October – Alessandro Rampini, footballer

The Temple at Thatch was an unpublished novel by the British author Evelyn Waugh, his first adult attempt at full-length fiction. He began writing it in 1924 at the end of his final year as an undergraduate at Hertford College and continued to work on it intermittently in the following 12 months. After his friend Harold Acton commented unfavourably on the draft in June 1925, Waugh burned the manuscript. In a fit of despondency from this and other personal disappointments he began a suicide attempt before experiencing what he termed "a sharp return to good sense". In the absence of a manuscript or printed text, most information on the novel's subject comes from Waugh's diary entries and reminiscences; the story was evidently semi-autobiographical, based on Waugh's Oxford experiences. The protagonist was an undergraduate and the work's main themes were madness and black magic; some of the novel's ideas may have been incorporated into Waugh's first commercially published work of fiction, his 1925 short story "The Balance", which includes several references to a country house called "Thatch" and is structured as a film script, as was the lost novel.

"The Balance" contains characters carried over from The Temple at Thatch, who appear by name in Waugh's fiction. Acton's severe judgement did not deter Waugh from his intention to be a writer, but it affected his belief that he could succeed as a novelist. For a time he turned his attention away from fiction, but with the gradual recovery of his self-confidence he was able to complete his first novel and Fall, published with great success in 1928. Evelyn Waugh's literary pedigree was strong, his father, the publisher Arthur Waugh, was a respected literary critic for The Daily Telegraph. Evelyn wrote his first extant story "The Curse of the Horse Race" in 1910, when he was seven years old. In the years before the First World War he helped to edit and produce a handwritten publication called The Pistol Troop Magazine, wrote poems; as a schoolboy at Lancing College, he wrote a parody of Katherine Mansfield's style, entitled "The Twilight of Language". He tried to write a novel, but soon gave this up to concentrate on a school-themed play, performed before the school in the summer of 1921.

At Hertford College, where Waugh arrived in January 1922 to study history, he became part of a circle that included a number of future writers and critics of eminence—Harold Acton, Christopher Hollis, Anthony Powell and Cyril Connolly, among others. He formed close personal friendships with aristocratic and near-aristocratic contemporaries such as Hugh Lygon and Alastair Graham, either of whom may have been models for Sebastian Flyte in Waugh's novel Brideshead Revisited. From such companions Waugh acquired the fascination with the aristocracy and country houses that would embellish much of his fiction. At Oxford Waugh did little work and dedicated himself to social pleasures: "The record of my life there is a catalogue of friendships". However, he developed a reputation as a skilful graphic artist, contributed articles and short stories to both the main university magazines and Cherwell. One of the Isis stories, "Unacademic Exercise: A Nature Story", describes the performance of a magical ceremony by which an undergraduate is transformed by his fellows into a werewolf.

Waugh's interest in the occult is further demonstrated by his involvement, in the summer of 1924, in an amateur film entitled 666, in which he appeared and which he may have written. He appears to have been in a state of some mental turmoil. For the past fortnight I have been nearly insane. I am a little saner now." However, most scholars take this as a referring to Waugh's homosexuality rather than black magic. The earliest record of Waugh's intention to attempt a novel appears in a letter dated May 1924, to his schoolfriend Dudley Carew. Waugh writes: "Quite soon I am going to write a little book, it is going to be called The Temple at Thatch and will be all about magic and madness". This writing project may have been a reaction to Waugh's immediate circumstances. On 22 June 1924 he spent time working out the plot, a continuation of the supernatural theme explored in "Unacademic Exercise"; the basic premise was an undergraduate inheriting a country house of which nothing was left except an 18th-century folly, where he set up house and practised black magic.

Waugh's diary indicates that he began writing the story on 21 July, when he completed a dozen pages of the first chapter. He appears to have done no more work on the project until early September, when he confides to his diary that it is "in serious danger of becoming dull", expresses doubts that it will be finished. However, Waugh found fresh inspiration after reading A Cypress Grove, an essay by the 17th-century Scots poet William Drummond of Hawthornden, considered retitling his story The Fabulous Paladins after a passage in the essay; the autumn of 1924 was spent in the pursuit of pleasure until, shortly before Christmas, the pressing need to earn money led Waugh to apply for teaching jobs in private schools. His diary entry for 17 December 1924 records: "Still writing out letters in praise of myself to

No. 8 Commando was a unit of the British Commandos and part of the British Army during the Second World War. The Commando was formed in June 1940 from members of the Brigade of Guards, it was one of the units selected to be sent to the Middle East as part of Layforce. On arrival they became known as'B' Battalion in an attempt at deception, not wanting the Axis forces to know there was a commando formation in the theatre of war; the commando participated in the Battle of Crete and around Tobruk before being disbanded in late 1941. After this, many of its personnel went on to serve in other commando units formed in the area, including the Special Air Service. Raised in June 1940 by Robert Laycock it was formed from volunteers in the London district and included men from the Household Cavalry, Foot Guards, Somerset Light Infantry, Royal Engineers, Royal Artillery and the Royal Marines. In October 1940, as part of a reorganisation of the Commando formations, the unit was amalgamated with No. 3 Commando into a single special service battalion known as the 4th Special Service Battalion, under Laycock's command.

As a part of this organisation, the unit’s name was changed to'B' Special Service Company. In January 1941 the special service battalion organisation was disbanded and the commando designation was readopted; as a result, No. 8 Commando were raised back up to battalion strength. Training was rudimentary and consisted of "forced marches and heavy pressure"; the next move was on the island of Arran. Shortly after arriving there, Laycock had to disband an entire troop—No. 8 Troop—and most of the men were "returned to unit" as he felt that their training had not been up to standard. The unit continued to train and at this time No. 8 Commando formed an experimental section, known as the Folboat Section, under Lieutenant Roger Courtney, who had convinced Laycock of the usefulness of the two-seat collapsible canoes by carrying out a mock raid on the Glengyle. In February 1941, with an establishment of 38 officers and 502 other ranks, they embarked for the Middle East. Along with No. 7, No. 11, No. 50 and No. 52 Commandos they became part of Layforce and were redesignated'B' Battalion of Laycock's brigade-sized force.

They did not take part in the unsuccessful raid on Bardia, but on 27 May 1941, after a unsuccessful landing attempt two days earlier, a detachment landed on Crete with'A' Battalion and'D' Battalion in an effort to stem the tide of the German attack on the island long enough for the garrison to be evacuated. Throughout a period of five days from 27–31 May they fought a series of rearguard actions around Sphakia, before they too were evacuated. By that time, there were few vessels left and as a consequence many of the unit's men were left behind and subsequently captured. Of the 800 men from Layforce that were sent to Crete, only about 200 escaped. Following the evacuation from Crete, a detachment from No. 8 Commando consisting of five officers and 70 other ranks was sent to Tobruk, at the time was under siege. In June the Allies launched an attempt to relieve the garrison. Within this situation it was decided that the commandos in Tobruk could be used to carry out raids against the positions facing them.

In the middle of the month the detachment from No. 8 Commando began carrying out patrols in an effort to become familiar with the terrain and to practice moving at night. It was decided that they would carry out the a raid on an Italian position, dominating the forward areas of the Indian 18th Cavalry; the position, known as the Twin Pimples, consisted of two small hills that sat close together and from where the Italians were able to observe the Allied lines. It was to be a raid, typical of what the men had been trained for, but which they had been able to conduct since arriving in the Middle East. On the night of 17/18 July the detachment attacked the Italian position, it proved to be successful, being well-planned and executed. Using the cover of darkness and a laid deception plan, the commandos managed to sneak up behind the Italians position on the hills, move thorough the forward defensive pits unchallenged. In the end they advanced to within 30 yards of the headquarters before they were challenged, when they were, the force rushed the Italian defenders with sub machine guns and grenades and overwhelmed them.

They withdrew from the position just before the Italians could call down an artillery barrage and returned to the garrison holding Tobruk. They suffered five casualties in the raid, one of whom died of his wounds. Soon afterwards the Tobruk raid No. 8 Commando was disbanded. Its parent formation, suffering from the losses suffered in the early raids and the evacuation from Crete, stymied by lack of resources, changing strategic needs and a lack of enthusiasm for their employment by parts of the British high command, became ineffective and was itself disbanded in August. Shortly after this, upon the insistence of Sir Winston Churchill, the Middle East Commando was raised from the remnants of Layforce and some of No. 8 Commando's personnel transferred this unit, while others, including Davi

Amendments to the Constitution of Ireland are only possible by way of referendum. A proposal to amend the Constitution of Ireland must first be approved by both Houses of the Oireachtas submitted to a referendum, signed into law by the President of Ireland. Since the constitution entered into force on 29 December 1937, there have been 32 amendments to the constitution. Aside from amendments to the Constitution itself, the Constitution provides for referendums on ordinary bills; this provision has never been used. The procedure for amending the constitution is specified in Article 46. A proposed amendment must take the form of a bill to amend the constitution originating in Dáil Éireann, it must first be formally approved by both the Dáil and the Seanad, although in practice the Seanad has only the power to delay an amendment adopted by the Dáil. The amendment must be endorsed by the electorate in a referendum. A simple majority of votes cast is sufficient to carry an amendment, with no minimum turnout required for a constitutional referendum to be considered valid.

The vote is conducted by secret ballot. A proposal to amend the constitution put to a referendum must not contain any other proposal. While British citizens resident in the state may vote in a general election, only Irish citizens can participate in a referendum. Once the referendum count has concluded the referendum returning officer signs a provisional referendum certificate, publishes a copy in Iris Oifigiúil. Anyone wishing to challenge the results of the referendum has seven days to apply to the High Court for leave to present a referendum petition. If no one makes such an application, if leave is not granted, or if a petition is dismissed the referendum certificate becomes final; when the referendum passed and the final certificate has issued, the amendment must be signed into law by the President "forthwith". Provided that the correct procedure has been complied with, the President cannot veto an amendment; the dates given for the amendments listed in this article are, unless otherwise stated, the dates on which they were signed into law.

The shortest gap between the referendum and signing into law was twelve days for the 18th, 19th and 20th amendments. The longest was 899 days for the 31st amendment. No referendum has been annulled by the courts; the Nineteenth Amendment, passed in May 1998, introduced a novel method of amendment. Its provisions allowed the amendment to Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution in 1999; the Nineteenth Amendment did not itself amend those articles, but rather introduced a temporary special mechanism by which the Government could order their amendment once it was satisfied that certain commitments made by other parties to the Good Friday Agreement had been complied with. The sections added to the text of the Constitution which provided for this amendment to Articles no longer appear in the published official text of the Constitution, in line with their own provisions. A similar method would have been used with the Twenty-fifth Amendment of the Constitution Bill 2001 to restrict abortion, rejected; the proposed Thirty-second Amendment of the Constitution Bill 2013 to abolish Seanad Éireann involved amendments which would have taken effect after the next general election.

The Thirty-third Amendment that established the Court of Appeal had amendments which became part of the text only on the establishment of the Court, transitory provisions which would not appear in printed official versions. As a transitional measure, for the first three years after the election of the first President of Ireland a bill to amend the Constitution could be passed by the Oireachtas as an ordinary act. An amendment bill before the election of the first President would have required a referendum. To prevent the Oireachtas abusing this provision, the President had the power to refer such a bill to the people; the First and Second Amendments were adopted in this way. The three-year limit was entrenched to prevent it being extended without referendum. Since 25 June 1941, the third anniversary of President Hyde's election, every amendment has had to be put to a referendum after its passage through the Oireachtas; the following table lists all amendments to the Constitution, all past referendums relating to the Constitution.

In general it does not list proposed amendments which failed to be passed by the Oireachtas, for which see the separate list of failed amendments to the Constitution of Ireland. The exception is the 2001 Twenty-second Amendment Bill, listed below to explain the gap in the numbering of subsequent amendments. Note In People v. O'Callaghan, the Supreme Court held that the right to liberty would permit the denial of bail in limited circumstances only, where there was sufficient evidence before the Court that the accused was to interfere with the course of justice; this decision was overturned by the Sixteenth Amendment in 1996 which inserted Article 40.4.7º, allowing for the refusal of bail by a court to a person charged with a serious offence where it is reasonably considered necessary to prevent the commission of a serious offence by that person. The Amendment was passed by 75% to 25%. In Maguire v. Ardagh, the Supreme Court held that Oireachtas Inquiries did not have the power to compel witnesses to attend and to make findings against them.

The Thirtieth Amendment of the Constitution Bill 2011 proposed to allow Oireachtas Inquiries to make findings of fact and to balance the rights of the individual aga