Spyridon Lambros or Lampros was a Greek history professor and Prime Minister of Greece during the National Schism. He was born in Corfu in 1851 and was educated in London and Vienna studying history, his father was of Aromanian descent. In 1890, he joined the faculty of the University of Athens and taught history and ancient literature, he became Provost of the University in 1893, serving in that capacity twice, 1893–1894 and 1912–1913. After 1903, Lambros started an academic movement called Neos Hellenomnemon which studied the scientific and philosophical developments of the Greek-speaking world during the Byzantine and Ottoman eras. In October 1916 with Greece in the midst of the National Schism and under two governments, the former Liberal and associate of Venizelos accepted the King's commission to form a government in Athens. Riots took place in Athens, for which Lambros was judged responsible due to mis-management, he resigned as Prime Minister. After the exile of the king, Lambros went into self-imposed exile in Skopelos.
He died in Skopelos on 23 July 1919. His daughter, Lina Tsaldari, was elected to Parliament in 1956 and became the first woman in the Greek Cabinet as Minister of Social Welfare
Phanar Greek Orthodox College
Phanar Greek Orthodox College or Phanar Roman Orthodox Lyceum, known in Greek as the Great School of the Nation, is the oldest surviving and most prestigious Greek Orthodox school in Istanbul, Turkey. The school, like all minority schools in Turkey, is a secular school. Εstablished in 1454 by the Patriarch, Gennadius Scholarius who appointed the Thessalonian Matthaios Kamariotis as its first Director. It soon became the school of the prominent Greek and other Orthodox families in the Ottoman Empire, many Ottoman ministers as well as Wallachian and Moldavian princes appointed by the Ottoman state, such as Dimitrie Cantemir, graduated from it; the current school building is located near the Church of St. George in the neighborhood of Fener, the seat of the Patriarchate, it is known among the locals with nicknames such as The Red School. Designed by the Ottoman Greek architect Konstantinos Dimadis, the building was erected between 1881 and 1883 with an eclectic mix of different styles and at a cost of 17,210 Ottoman gold pounds, a huge sum for that period.
The money was given by Georgios Zariphis, a prominent Greek Ottoman banker and financier belonging to the Rum community of Istanbul. Despite its function as a school, the building is referred to as "the 5th largest castle in Europe" because of its castle-like shape; the large dome at the top of the building is used as an observatory for astronomy classes and has a large antique telescope inside. Today the school, the "second largest" school after the Zografeion Lyceum, has six Turkish teachers, while the remaining fifteen are Greek; the school applies the full Turkish curriculum in addition to Greek subjects: Greek language and religion. Fener Greeks in Turkey Zografeion Lyceum List of schools in Istanbul Ottoman Greeks Clogg, Richard. Storia della Grecia moderna. Milan: Bompiani. Official site
The Karamanlides, or Karamanlis are a Greek-Orthodox, Turkish-speaking people native to the Karaman and Cappadocia regions of Anatolia. Today, a majority of the population live within Greece, though there is a notable diaspora in Western Europe and North America. Karamanlides were Greek-Orthodox Christians in Central Anatolia who spoke Turkish as their primary language; the term is geographical, derived from the 13th century Beylik of Karaman. This was the first Turkish kingdom to use Turkish as its official language and the term would only refer to the inhabitants of the town of Karaman or from the region of Karaman; the Karamanlides spoke Karamanli Turkish. Its vocabulary drew overwhelmingly from Turkic words with many Greek loan words; the language should not be confused with Cappadocian Greek, spoken in the same region during the same timeframe, but is derived from the Greek language. While the official Ottoman Turkish was written in the Arabic script, the Karamanlides used the Greek alphabet for writing its form of Turkish.
Such texts are called Karamanli Turkish today. Karamanli Turkish had its own literary tradition and produced numerous published works in print in the 19th century, some of them published by Evangelinos Misailidis, by the Anatoli or Misailidis publishing house. Karamanli writers and speakers were expelled from Turkey as part of the Greek-Turkish population exchange of 1923; some speakers preserved their language in the diaspora. The writing form stopped being used after the Turkish state adopted the Latin alphabet. A fragment of a manuscript written in Karamanli was found in the Cairo Geniza. Academic disputes over the origins of the Karamanlides have led to the formation of two major theories. According to one theory the Karamanlides descended from Turkish soldiers that Byzantine emperors settled in Anatolia. According to another theory the Karamanlides are the direct descendants of Byzantine Greeks. Despite their adoption of the Turkish language, they maintained their Greek Orthodox faith. Linguists were able to travel through Karamanli-speaking regions of Cappadocia and document the few remaining Greek words that elderly residents could remember.
According to another theory held by İbrahim Tatarlı, the Karamanlides descend from beyliks of Bulgar Turks shifting to another form of Turkic and preserving their Christian religion. A similar theory of Necib Asım holds that Karamanlides descend from beyliks of Orthodox Bulgarians who shifted from Slavic to Turkish; those theories refer to some states, attested as Bulgarian between 1098-1517 and seated in Ermenek, the Bulgar Dagh mountains. İbrahim Tatarlı claimed that those states consist of Christian Slavicized Bulgars, Turkic-speaking Bulgars and Cumans from the Asen dynasty, but his claim is considered hypothetical and does not cite any relevant evidence of their Slavic-speaking characteristics. Yet, some populations from Karaman preservеd their written Bulgarian language and Cyrillic script such as those who founded the village of Karamantsi hundreds of years ago, some Karamanlides used Cyrillic and among the Karamanlides a small group Traka-Truka spoke a "mixed Slavic-Turkic idiom", recorded by Yugoslav author Toma Simovski to have been brought from Asia Minor to Greece in 1924.
Alongside the Slavic-Turkic idiom, a mixed Greek-Turkish idiom Cappadocian Greek was spoken in Karaman, which were all smaller communities than the Karamanli Turkish speakers. It seems that, although with notable exceptions, the Karamanlides did not manifest the Greek national identity of the time, preferring instead to call themselves Rum, "Romans" "Christians", or "Christians of Anatolia". There were prominent members of the community, such as Papa Eftim I, who believed that the Karamanlis were of Turkish descent; some Karamanlides had Bulgarian identity. Many Karamanlides were forced to leave their homes during the 1923 population exchange between Greece and Turkey. Early estimates placed the number of Orthodox Christians expelled from central and southern Anatolia at around 100,000. However, the Karamanlides were numbered at around 400,000 at the time of the exchange; the former prime minister of Greece, Karamanlis has his roots in Karaman. The distinct culture that developed among the Karamanlides blended elements of Orthodox Christianity with an Ottoman-Turkish flavor that characterized their willingness to accept and immerse themselves in foreign customs.
From the 14th to the 19th centuries, they enjoyed an explosion in literary refinement. Karamanli authors were productive in philosophy, religious writings and historical texts. Lyrical poetry in the late 19th century describes their indifference to both Greek and Turkish governments, the confusion they felt as a Turkish-speaking people with a Greek ethos
Young Turks was a political reform movement in the early 20th century that consisted of Ottoman exiles, civil servants, army officers. They favoured the replacement of the Ottoman Empire's absolute monarchy with a constitutional government, their leaders led a rebellion against the absolute rule of Sultan Abdul Hamid II in the 1908 Young Turk Revolution. With this revolution, the Young Turks helped to establish the Second Constitutional Era in 1908, ushering in an era of multi-party democracy for the first time in the country's history. After 1908, the Young Turks' initial umbrella political party, the Committee of Union and Progress, began a series of political reforms and military modernization across the Ottoman Empire. However, the CUP soon began to splinter as many of the more liberal and pro-decentralization Young Turks left to form an opposition party in late 1911, the Freedom and Accord Party, with much of those staying in the CUP favoring a nationalist and pro-centralization policy.
In a year-long power struggle throughout 1912, Freedom and Accord and the remaining members of the CUP vied for control of the Ottoman government, the year seeing a rigged election by the CUP and a military revolt by Freedom and Accord. The struggle between the two groups of Young Turks ended in January 1913, when the top leadership of the CUP seized power from the Freedom and Accord in the Raid on the Sublime Porte; the subsequent CUP-led government was headed by Grand Vizier Talaat Pasha. Working with him were naval minister Djemal Pasha; these "Three Pashas", as they came to be known, exercised absolute control over the Ottoman Empire from 1913 to 1918, bringing the country closer to Germany, signing the Ottoman–German Alliance to enter the Empire into World War I on the side of the Central Powers, carrying out the Armenian Genocide. Following the war, the struggle between the two groups of Young Turks revived, with the Freedom and Accord Party regaining control of the Ottoman government and Three Pashas fleeing into exile.
Freedom and Accord rule was short lived and the empire soon collapsed. The term "Young Turk" is now used to denote a member of an insurgent group within an organization advocating change, sometimes radical change, in that organization. Inspired by the Young Italy political movement, like other revolutionary societies, the Young Turks had their origins in secret societies of "progressive medical university students and military cadets", namely the Young Ottomans, driven underground along with all political dissent after the Constitution of 1876 was abolished and the First Constitutional Era brought to a close by Abdul Hamid II in 1878 after only two years; the Young Turks favored a re-instatement of the Ottoman Parliament and the 1876 constitution, written by the progressive Midhat Pasha. The First Congress of Ottoman Opposition was held on 4 February 1902, at 20:00, at the house of Germain Antoin Lefevre-Pontalis, a member of the Institut de France; the opposition was performed in compliance with the French government.
Closed to the public, there were 47 delegates present. The Armenians wanted to have the conversations held in French, but other delegates rejected this proposition; the Second Congress of Ottoman Opposition took place in Paris, France, in 1907. Opposition leaders including Ahmed Rıza, Sabahaddin Bey, Khachatur Malumian of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation were in attendance; the goal was to unite all the parties, including the Young Turks' Committee of Union and Progress, in order to bring about the revolution. The Young Turks became a organized movement with the Committee of Union and Progress as an organizational umbrella, they recruited individuals hoping for the establishment of a constitutional monarchy in the Ottoman Empire. In 1906, the Ottoman Freedom Society was established in Thessalonica by Mehmed Talaat; the OFS recruited members from the Third Army base, among them Major Ismail Enver. In September 1907, OFS announced they would be working with other organizations under the umbrella of the CUP.
In reality, the leadership of the OFS would exert significant control over the CUP. In 1908, the Macedonian Question was facing the Ottoman Empire. Tsar Nicholas II and Franz Joseph, who were both interested in the Balkans, started implementing policies, beginning in 1897, which brought on the last stages of the balkanization process. By 1903, there were discussions on establishing administrative control by Russian and Austrian advisory boards in the Macedonian provinces; the ruling House of Osman was forced to accept this idea, although for quite a while they were able to subvert its implementation. However signs were showing that this policy game was coming to an end. On May 13, 1908, the leadership of the Committee of Union and Progress, with the newly gained power of its organization, was able to communicate to Sultan Abdul Hamid II the unveiled threat that "the dynasty would be in danger" if he were not to bring back the Ottoman constitution that he had suspended since 1878. On June 12, 1908, the Third Army, in Macedonia, began its march towards the Palace in Constantinople.
Although resistant to the idea of giving up absolute power, Abdul Hamid was forced on July 24, 1908, to restore the constitution, beginning the Second Constitutional Era of the Ottoman Empire. The unity among the Young Turks that originated from the Young Turk Revolution began to splinter in face of the realities of the ongoing dissolution of the Ottoman Empire with the onset of
Eleftherios Kyriakou Venizelos was an eminent Greek leader of the Greek national liberation movement and a charismatic statesman of the early 20th century, remembered for his contribution in the expansion of Greece and promotion of liberal-democratic policies. As leader of the Liberal Party, he was elected several times, in total eight, as Prime Minister of Greece, serving from 1910 to 1920 and from 1928 to 1933. Venizelos had such profound influence on the internal and external affairs of Greece that he is credited with being "the maker of modern Greece", is still known as the "Ethnarch", his first entry into the international scene was with his significant role in the autonomy of the Cretan State and in the union of Crete with Greece. Soon, he was invited to Greece to resolve the political deadlock and became the country's Prime Minister. Not only did he initiate constitutional and economic reforms that set the basis for the modernization of Greek society, but reorganized both army and navy in preparation of future conflicts.
Before the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913, Venizelos' catalytic role helped gain Greece entrance to the Balkan League, an alliance of the Balkan states against the Ottoman Empire. Through his diplomatic acumen, Greece doubled its area and population with the liberation of Macedonia and most of the Aegean islands. In World War I, he brought Greece on the side of the Allies. However, his pro-Allied foreign policy brought him into direct conflict with Constantine I of Greece, causing the National Schism; the Schism polarized the population between the royalists and Venizelists and the struggle for power between the two groups affected the political and social life of Greece for decades. Following the Allied victory, Venizelos secured new territorial gains in Anatolia, coming close to realizing the Megali Idea. Despite his achievements, he was defeated in the 1920 General Election, which contributed to the eventual Greek defeat in the Greco-Turkish War. Venizelos, in self-imposed exile, represented Greece in the negotiations that led to the signing of the Treaty of Lausanne, the agreement of a mutual exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey.
In his subsequent periods in office, Venizelos succeeded in restoring normal relations with Greece's neighbors and expanded his constitutional and economical reforms. In 1935 he resurfaced from retirement to support a military coup, its failure weakened the Second Hellenic Republic. In the 18th century, the ancestors of Venizelos, named Cravvatas, lived in Mystras, in southern Peloponnese. During the Ottoman raids in the peninsula in 1770, a member of the Cravvatas family, Venizelos Cravvatas, the youngest of several brothers, managed to escape to Crete where he established himself, his sons called themselves Venizelos. The family was of Laconic and Cretan origin. Eleftherios was born in Mournies, near Chania in then-Ottoman Crete to Kyriakos Venizelos, a Cretan merchant and revolutionary, Styliani Ploumidaki; when the Cretan revolution of 1866 broke out, Venizelos' family fled to the island of Syros, due to the participation of his father in the revolution. They were not allowed to return to Crete, stayed in Syros until 1872, when Abdülaziz granted an amnesty.
He spent his final year of secondary education at a school in Ermoupolis in Syros from which he received his Certificate in 1880. In 1881 he enrolled at the University of Athens Law School and got his degree in Law with excellent grades, he worked as a lawyer in Chania. Throughout his life he maintained a passion for reading and was improving his skills in English, Italian and French; the situation in Crete during Venizelos' early years was fluid. The Ottoman empire was undermining the reforms, which were made under international pressure, while the Cretans desired to see the Sultan, Abdul Hamid II, abandon "the ungrateful infidels". Under these unstable conditions Venizelos entered into politics in the elections of 2 April 1889 as a member of the island's liberal party; as a deputy he was distinguished for his radical opinions. The numerous revolutions in Crete and after the Greek War of Independence were the result of the Cretans' desire for Enosis — Union with Greece. In the Cretan revolution of 1866, the two sides, under the pressure of the Great Powers, came to an agreement, finalized in the Pact of Chalepa.
The Pact was included in the provisions of the Treaty of Berlin, supplementing previous concessions granted to the Cretans — e.g. the Organic Law Constitution designed by William James Stillman. In summary the Pact was granting a large degree of self-government to Greeks in Crete as a means of limiting their desire to rise up against their Ottoman overlords; however the Muslims of Crete, who identified with Ottoman Empire, were not satisfied with these reforms, as in their view the administration of the island was delivered to the hands of the Christian Greek population. In practice, the Ottoman Empire failed to enforce the provisions of the Pact, thus fueling the existing tensions between the two communities. Throughout that period, the Cretan Question was a major issue of friction in the relations of independent Greece with the Ottoman Empire. In January 1897 violence and disorder were escalating on the island, thus polari
Committee of Union and Progress
The Committee of Union and Progress the Party of Union and Progress, began as a secret society established as the Committee of the Ottoman Union in Istanbul on 6 February 1889 by medical students Ibrahim Temo, Mehmed Reshid, Abdullah Cevdet, İshak Sükuti, Ali Hüseyinzade, Kerim Sebatî, Mekkeli Sabri Bey, Nazım Bey, Şerafettin Mağmumi, Cevdet Osman and Giritli Şefik. It was transformed into a political organisation by Behaeddin Shakir, aligning itself with the Young Turks in 1906 during the period of the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. In the West, members of the CUP were called Young Turks while in the Ottoman Empire its members were known as Unionists. Begun as a liberal reform movement in the Ottoman Empire, the party was persecuted by the Ottoman imperial government for its calls for democratisation and reform in the empire. A major influence on the committee was Meiji-era Japan, a backward state that modernised itself without sacrificing its identity; the CUP intended to copy the Japanese example and modernise the Ottoman Empire to end its status as the perpetual "sick man of Europe".
The ultimate aim of the CUP was to return the Ottoman Empire to its former status as one of the world's great powers. Once the party gained power in the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 and consolidated its power in the 1912 "Election of Clubs" and the 1913 Raid on the Sublime Porte, it grew more splintered and volatile as its three leaders, Enver Pasha, Talaat Pasha and Cemal Pasha, formed the triumvirate known as the Three Pashas and gained de facto rule over the Ottoman Empire and the party itself. At the end of World War I, most of its members were court-martialled by the sultan Mehmed VI and imprisoned. In 1926, a few members of the organisation were executed in Turkey after trial for the attempted assassination of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Members who survived continued their political careers in Turkey as members of the Republican People's Party - founded by Atatürk - and other political parties in Turkey; the Committee of Union and Progress was an umbrella name for different underground factions, some of which were referred to as the Young Turks.
The name was sanctioned to a specific group in 1906 by Behaeddin Shakir. The organisation was based upon the revolutionary Italian Carbonari. In 1902, there occurred a party congress in Paris. One led by Prince Sabahaddin favoured a policy of Ottomanism, where all the people of the multi-ethnic, multi-religious empire would be united by a common loyalty to the empire regardless of one's ethnicity or religion, where power would be devolved down to the provinces. Prince Saabahaddin believed that the only reason why separatist movements existed amongst such peoples as the Armenians was due to the oppressive policies of Abdulhamid II, if only the empire would treat its Armenian minority better the Armenians would become loyal Ottomans. Another faction, which proved to be the dominant one, was led by Ahmet Rıza, who while not being opposed to Ottomanism outright insisted upon a centralised, unitary state in which Turks would be the dominant group, arguing that devolving power down to the groups like the Armenians would be only the first step towards the establishment of an Armenian state.
Prince Sabahaddin and his followers ended leaving the CUP over disagreements over what sort of state the empire should be after the planned revolution against Sultan Abdul Hamid II. The CUP, which always admired Japan for modernising itself after the so-called Meiji Restoration of 1867–68, were much impressed by Japan's victory over Russia in 1905, after the Russo-Japanese War, the CUP was obsessed with the idea of copying the Japanese; the Young Turks were impressed with the way the Japanese had been able to embrace western science and technology without losing their "Eastern spiritual essence", an example, inspiring to them because many in the Ottoman Empire believed that the embrace of western science and technology were diametrically opposed to Islam. To the CUP, for whom science was something of a religion, the Japanese example seemed to show how the Ottoman Empire could embrace the science of the west without losing its Islamic identity; the CUP had an obsession with science, above all the natural sciences, the Unionists described themselves as "societal doctors" who would apply modern scientific ideas and methods to solve all social problems.
Alongside the unbounded faith in science, the CUP embraced social Darwinism and the völkisch, scientific racism, so popular at German universities in the first half of the 20th century. In the words of the sociologist Ziya Gökalp, the CUP's chief thinker, the German racial approach to defining a nation was the "one that happened to more match the condition of'Turkishness', struggling to constitute its own historical and national identity"; the French racist Arthur de Gobineau whose theories had such a profound impact upon the German völkisch thinkers in the 19th century was a major influence upon the CUP. The Turkish historian Taner Akçam wrote that the CUP were quite flexible about mixing pan-Islamic, pan-Turkic and Ottomanist ideas as it suited their purposes, the Unionists at various times would emphasise one at the expense of the others depending upon the exigencies of the si
Ottoman Greeks were ethnic Greeks who lived in the Ottoman Empire, the Republic of Turkey's predecessor. Ottoman Greeks, who were Greek Orthodox Christians, belonged to the Rum Millet, they were concentrated in what is today modern Greece, eastern Thrace, western Asia Minor, central Anatolia, northeastern Anatolia. There were sizeable Greek communities elsewhere in the Ottoman Balkans, Ottoman Armenia, the Ottoman Caucasus, including in what, between 1878 and 1917, made up the Russian Caucasus province of Kars Oblast, in which Pontic Greeks, northeastern Anatolian Greeks, Caucasus Greeks who had collaborated with the Russian Imperial Army in the Russo-Turkish War of 1828-1829 were settled in over 70 villages, as part of official Russian policy to re-populate with Orthodox Christians an area, traditionally made up of Ottoman Muslims and Armenians. In the Ottoman Empire, in accordance with the Muslim dhimmi system, Greek Christians were guaranteed limited freedoms, but were treated as second-class citizens.
Christians and Jews were not considered equals to Muslims: testimony against Muslims by Christians and Jews was inadmissible in courts of law. They were forbidden to carry weapons or ride atop horses, their houses could not overlook those of Muslims, their religious practices would have to defer to those of Muslims, in addition to various other legal limitations. Violation of these statutes could result in punishments ranging from the levying of fines to execution; the Ecumenical Patriarch was recognized as the highest religious and political leader of all Orthodox Christian subjects of the Sultan, though in certain periods some major powers, such as Russia, or Great Britain claimed the rights of protection over the Ottoman Empire's Orthodox subjects. The three major European powers, Great Britain and Russia, took issue with the Ottoman Empire's treatment of its Christian population and pressured the Ottoman government to extend equal rights to all its citizens. Beginning in 1839, the Ottoman government implemented the Tanzimat reforms to improve the situation of non-muslims, although these would prove ineffective.
In 1856, the Hatt-ı Hümayun promised equality for all Ottoman citizens irrespective of their ethnicity and confession, widening the scope of the 1839 Hatt-ı Şerif of Gülhane. The reformist period peaked with the Constitution, promulgated on November 23, 1876, it established freedom of equality of all citizens before the law. On July 24, 1908, Greeks' hopes for equality in the Ottoman Empire brightened with the removal of Sultan Abd-ul-Hamid II from power and restored the country back to a constitutional monarchy; the Committee of Union and Progress, a political party opposed to the absolute rule of Sultan Abd-ul-Hamid II, had led a rebellion against their ruler. The pro-reform Young Turks deposed the Sultan and replaced him with the ineffective Sultan Mehmed V. Before World War I, there were an estimated 1.8 million Greeks living in the Ottoman Empire. Some prominent Ottoman Greeks served as Ottoman Parliamentary Deputies. In the 1908 Parliament, there were twenty-six Ottoman Greek deputies but their number dropped to eighteen by 1914.
It is estimated that the Greek population of the Ottoman Empire in Asia Minor had 2,300 community schools, 200,000 students, 5,000 teachers, 2,000 Greek Orthodox churches, 3,000 Greek Orthodox priests. From 1914 until 1923, Greeks in Thrace and Asia Minor were subject to a campaign including massacres and internal deportations involving death marches; the International Association of Genocide Scholars recognizes it as genocide and refers to the campaign as the Greek Genocide. After the fall of Constantinople in 1453, when the Sultan replaced the Byzantine emperor among subjugated Christians, the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople was recognized by the Sultan as the religious and national leader of Greeks and the other ethnicities that were included in the Greek Orthodox Millet; the Patriarchate earned a primary importance and occupied this key role among the Christians of the Ottoman Empire because the Ottomans did not distinguish between nationality and religion, thus regarded all the Orthodox Christians of the Empire as a single entity.
The position of the Patriarchate in the Ottoman state encouraged projects of Greek renaissance, centered on the resurrection and revitalization of the Byzantine Empire. The Patriarch and those church dignitaries around him constituted the first centre of power for the Greeks inside the Ottoman state, one which succeeded in infiltrating the structures of the Ottoman Empire, while attracting the former Byzantine nobility; the Greeks were a self-conscious group within the larger Christian Orthodox religious community established by the Ottoman Empire. They distinguished themselves from their Orthodox co-religionists by retaining their Greek culture, customs and tradition of education. Throughout the post-Byzantine and Ottoman periods, Greeks, as members of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, declared themselves as Graikoi and Romaioi or Romioi. Aleksandro Karatodori. Basil Zaharoff, arm