The Italo-Turkish or Turco-Italian War was fought between the Kingdom of Italy and the Ottoman Empire from September 29, 1911, to October 18, 1912. As a result of this conflict, Italy captured the Ottoman Tripolitania Vilayet, of which the main sub-provinces were Fezzan and Tripoli itself; these territories together formed. During the conflict, Italian forces occupied the Dodecanese islands in the Aegean Sea. Italy had agreed to return the Dodecanese to the Ottoman Empire in the Treaty of Ouchy in 1912. However, the vagueness of the text allowed a provisional Italian administration of the islands, Turkey renounced all claims on these islands in Article 15 of the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. Although minor, the war was a significant precursor of the First World War as it sparked nationalism in the Balkan states. Seeing how the Italians had defeated the weakened Ottomans, the members of the Balkan League attacked the Ottoman Empire starting the First Balkan War before the war with Italy had ended; the Italo-Turkish War saw numerous technological changes, notably the airplane.
On October 23, 1911, an Italian pilot, Captain Carlo Piazza, flew over Turkish lines on the world's first aerial reconnaissance mission, on November 1, the first aerial bomb was dropped by Sottotenente Giulio Gavotti, on Turkish troops in Libya, from an early model of Etrich Taube aircraft. The Turks, lacking anti-aircraft weapons, were the first to shoot down an aeroplane by rifle fire; the claims of Italy over Libya dated back to Turkey's defeat by Russia in the war of 1877–1878 and subsequent discussions after the Congress of Berlin in 1878, in which France and Great Britain had agreed to the occupation of Tunisia and Cyprus both parts of the declining Ottoman Empire. When Italian diplomats hinted about possible opposition by their government, the French replied that Tripoli would have been a counterpart for Italy. Italy made a secret agreement with Great Britain in February 1887 by an exchange of notes, it provided that Italy would support Great Britain and its role in Egypt while the Italians would receive British support in Libya.
In 1902, Italy and France had signed a secret treaty which accorded freedom of intervention in Tripolitania and Morocco. The agreement negotiated by Italian foreign minister Giulio Prinetti and French ambassador Camille Barrère was an endpoint in the historical rivalry between the two nations for control of northern Africa. In 1902, Great Britain promised that "any alteration in the status of Libya would be in conformity with Italian interests." These measures were intended to loosen Italian commitment to the Triple Alliance, thereby weaken Germany, which France and Britain viewed as their main rival on the continent. Following the Anglo-Russian Convention and the establishment of the Triple Entente, Tsar Nicholas II and King Victor Emmanuel III made the 1909 Racconigi Bargain in which Russia acknowledged Italy's interest in Tripoli and Cyrenaica in return for Italian support for Russian control of the Bosphorus. However, the Italian government did little to realize the opportunity and knowledge of Libyan territory and resources remained scarce in the following years.
The removal of diplomatic obstacles coincided with increasing colonial fervor. In 1908, the Italian Colonial Office was upgraded to a Central Directorate of Colonial Affairs. Nationalist Enrico Corradini led the public call for action in Libya, joined by the nationalist newspaper L'Idea Nazionale in 1911, demanded an invasion; the Italian press began a large-scale lobbying campaign in favour of an invasion of Libya at the end of March 1911. It was fancifully depicted as rich in minerals, well-watered, defended by only 4,000 Ottoman troops; the population was described as hostile to the Ottoman Empire and friendly to the Italians: the future invasion was going to be little more than a "military walk", according to them. Italy's government remained committed into 1911 to the maintenance of the Ottoman Empire, a close friend of their German ally. Prime Minister Giovanni Giolitti rejected nationalist calls for conflict over Ottoman Albania, seen as a possible colonial project, as late as the summer of 1911.
However, the Agadir Crisis, in which French military action in Morocco in April 1911 would lead to the establishment of a French protectorate, changed the political calculations. At this point, the Italian leadership decided that it could safely accede to public demands for a colonial project; the Triple Entente powers were supportive. British foreign secretary Edward Grey stated to the Italian ambassador on 28 July that they would support Italy and would not support the Turks. Meanwhile, the Russian government urged Italy to act in a "prompt and resolute manner." In contrast to their engagement with the Entente powers, Italy ignored its military allies in the Triple Alliance. Giolitti and foreign minister Antonino Paternò Castello agreed on 14 September to launch a military campaign "before the Austrian and German governments of it." At the time, Germany was attempting to mediate between Rome and Constantinople, while Austrian foreign minister Alois Lexa von Aehrenthal warned Italy that military action in Libya would threaten the integrity of the Ottoman Empire and create a crisis in the Eastern Question, thereby destabilizing the Balkan peninsula and the continent's balance of power.
Italy foresaw this result: Paternò Castello, in a July report to
Romain Rolland was a French dramatist, essayist, art historian and mystic, awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1915 "as a tribute to the lofty idealism of his literary production and to the sympathy and love of truth with which he has described different types of human beings". He is noted for his correspondence with and influence on Sigmund Freud. Rolland was born in Clamecy, Nièvre into a family that had both wealthy townspeople and farmers in its lineage. Writing introspectively in his Voyage intérieur, he sees himself as a representative of an "antique species", he would cast these ancestors in Colas Breugnon. Accepted to the École normale supérieure in 1886, he first studied philosophy, but his independence of spirit led him to abandon that so as not to submit to the dominant ideology, he received his degree in history in 1889 and spent two years in Rome, where his encounter with Malwida von Meysenbug–who had been a friend of Nietzsche and of Wagner–and his discovery of Italian masterpieces were decisive for the development of his thought.
When he returned to France in 1895, he received his doctoral degree with his thesis Les origines du théâtre lyrique moderne. Histoire de l’opéra en Europe avant Lulli et Scarlatti. For the next two decades, he taught at various lycées in Paris before directing the newly established music school École des Hautes Études Sociales from 1902–11. In 1903 he was appointed to the first chair of music history at the Sorbonne, he directed in 1911 the musical section at the French Institute in Florence, his first book was published in 1902. Through his advocacy for a'people's theatre', he made a significant contribution towards the democratization of the theatre; as a humanist, he embraced the work of the philosophers of India. Rolland was influenced by the Vedanta philosophy of India through the works of Swami Vivekananda. A demanding, yet timid, young man, he did not like teaching, he was not indifferent to youth: Jean-Christophe and their friends, the heroes of his novels, are young people. But with real-life persons, youths as well as adults, Rolland maintained only a distant relationship.
He was foremost a writer. Assured that literature would provide him with a modest income, he resigned from the university in 1912. Romain Rolland was a lifelong pacifist, he was one of the few major French writers to retain his pacifist internationalist values. He protested against the first World War in Au-dessus de la mêlée. In 1924, his book on Gandhi contributed to the Indian nonviolent leader's reputation and the two men met in 1931. In May 1922 he attended the International Congress of Progressive Artists and signed the "Founding Proclamation of the Union of Progressive International Artists". In 1928 Rolland and Hungarian scholar and natural living experimenter Edmund Bordeaux Szekely founded the International Biogenic Society to promote and expand on their ideas of the integration of mind and spirit. In 1932 Rolland was among the first members of the World Committee Against War and Fascism, organized by Willi Münzenberg. Rolland criticized the control Münzenberg assumed over the committee and was against it being based in Berlin.
Rolland moved on the shores of Lac Léman to devote himself to writing. His life was interrupted by health problems, by travels to art exhibitions, his voyage to Moscow, on the invitation of Maxim Gorky, was an opportunity to meet Joseph Stalin, whom he considered the greatest man of his time. Rolland served unofficially as ambassador of French artists to the Soviet Union. However, as a pacifist, he was uncomfortable with Stalin's brutal repression of the opposition, he attempted to discuss his concerns with Stalin, was involved in the campaign for the release of the Left Opposition activist/writer Victor Serge and wrote to Stalin begging clemency for Nikolai Bukharin. During Serge's imprisonment, Rolland had agreed to handle the publications of Serge's writings in France, despite their political disagreements. In 1937, he came back to live in Vézelay. During the occupation, he isolated himself in complete solitude. Never stopping his work, in 1940, he finished his memoirs, he placed the finishing touches on his musical research on the life of Ludwig van Beethoven.
Shortly before his death, he wrote Péguy, in which he examines religion and socialism through the context of his memories. He died on 30 December 1944 in Vézelay. In 1921, his close friend, the Austrian writer Stefan Zweig, published his biography. Zweig profoundly admired Rolland, whom he once described as "the moral consciousness of Europe" during the years of turmoil and War in Europe. Zweig wrote at length about his friendship with Rolland in his own autobiography. Hermann Hesse dedicated Siddhartha to Romain Rolland "my dear friend". Rolland's most significant contribution to the theatre lies in his advocacy for a "popular theatre" in his essay The People's Theatre. "There is only one necessary condition for the emergence of a new theatre", he wrote, "that the stage and auditorium should be open to the masses, should be able to contain a people and the actions of a people". The book was not published until 1913, but most of its contents had appeared in the Revue d'Art Dramatique between 1900 and 1903.
Rolland attempted to put his theory int
Giuseppe Saragat was an Italian politician, the fifth President of the Italian Republic from 1964 to 1971. Born to Sardinian parents, he was of the Unitary Socialist Party from 1922, he moved to Vienna in 1926 and to France in 1929. He joined the Italian Socialist Party in 1930, he was a reformist democratic socialist who split from the Italian Socialist Party in 1947 out of concern over its then-close alliance with the Italian Communist Party. He founded the Socialist Party of Italian Workers, which would soon become the Italian Democratic Socialist Party, he would be the latter's paramount leader for the rest of his life. He had been minister without portfolio for the Italian Socialist Party of Proletarian Unity in 1944 and ambassador in Paris from 1945 to 1946, Saragat was appointed President of the Constituent Assembly of Italy, he was as Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1963 to 1964, when he was chosen President of the Italian Republic. His election was the result of one of the rare instances of unity in the Italian left and followed rumours of a possible neo-fascist coup during Antonio Segni's presidency.
He is said to have been an atheist, but after that he became a catholic and he had religious funerals. Newspaper clippings about Giuseppe Saragat in the 20th Century Press Archives of the German National Library of Economics
Emilia-Romagna is an administrative region of Northeast Italy comprising the historical regions of Emilia and Romagna. Its capital is Bologna, it has an area of 22,446 km2, about 4.4 million inhabitants. Emilia-Romagna is one of the wealthiest and most developed regions in Europe, with the third highest GDP per capita in Italy. Bologna, its capital, has one of Italy's highest quality of life indices and advanced social services. Emilia-Romagna is a cultural and tourist centre, being the home of the University of Bologna, the oldest university in the world, containing Romanesque and Renaissance cities, a former Eastern Roman Empire capital such as Ravenna, encompassing eleven UNESCO heritage sites, being a centre for food and automobile production and having popular coastal resorts such as Cervia, Cesenatico and Riccione. In 2018, the Lonely Planet guide named Emilia Romagna as the best place to see in Europe; the name Emilia-Romagna is a legacy of Ancient Rome. Emilia derives from the via Aemilia, the Roman road connecting Piacenza to Rimini, completed in 187 BC and named after the consul Marcus Aemilius Lepidus.
Romagna derives from Romània, the name of the Eastern Roman Empire applied to Ravenna by the Lombards when the western Empire had ceased to exist and Ravenna was an outpost of the east. Before the Romans took control of present-day Emilia-Romagna, it had been part of the Etruscan world and that of the Gauls. During the first thousand years of Christianity trade flourished, as did culture and religion, thanks to the region's monasteries. Afterwards the University of Bologna—arguably the oldest university in Europe—and its bustling towns kept trade and intellectual life alive, its unstable political history is exemplified in such figures as Matilda of Canossa and contending seigniories such as the Este of Ferrara, the Malatesta of Rimini, the Popes of Rome, the Farnese of Parma and Piacenza, the Duchy of Modena and Reggio. In the 16th century, most of these were seized by the Papal States, but the territories of Parma and Modena remained independent until Emilia-Romagna became part of the Italian kingdom between 1859 and 1861.
After the referendum of 2006, seven municipalities of Montefeltro were detached from the Province of Pesaro and Urbino to join that of Rimini on 15 August 2009. The municipalities are Casteldelci, Novafeltria, San Leo, Sant'Agata Feltria and Talamello. On 20 and 29 May 2012 two powerful earthquakes hit the area, they caused churches and factories to collapse. 200 were injured. The 5.8 magnitude quake left 14,000 people homeless. The region of Emilia-Romagna consists of nine provinces and covers an area of 22,446 km², ranking sixth in Italy. Nearly half of the region consists of plains while 27 % is 25 % mountainous; the region's section of the Apennines is marked by areas of badland erosion and caves. The mountains stretch for more than 300 km from the north to the south-east, with only three peaks above 2,000 m – Monte Cimone, Monte Cusna and Alpe di Succiso; the plain was formed by the gradual retreat of the sea from the Po basin and by the detritus deposited by the rivers. Marshland in ancient times, its history is characterised by the hard work of its people to reclaim and reshape the land in order to achieve a better standard of living.
The geology varies, with lagoons and saline areas in the north and many thermal springs throughout the rest of the region as a result of groundwater rising towards the surface at different periods of history. All the rivers rise locally in the Apennines except for the Po, which has its source in the Alps in Piedmont; the northern border of Emilia-Romagna follows the path of the river for 263 km. The region has a temperate broadleaved and mixed forests and the vegetation may be divided into belts: the Common oak-European hornbeam belt, now covered with fruit orchards and fields of wheat and sugar beet, the Pubescent oak-European hop-hornbeam belt on the lower slopes up to 900 m, the European beech-Silver fir belt between 1,000 and 1,500 m and the final mountain heath belt. Emilia-Romagna has two Italian National Parks, the Foreste Casentinesi National Park and the Appennino Tosco-Emiliano National Park. Emilia-Romagna has been a populated area since ancient times. Inhabitants over the centuries have radically altered the landscape, building cities, reclaiming wetlands, establishing large agricultural areas.
All these transformations in past centuries changed the aspect of the region, converting large natural areas to cultivation, up until the 1960s. The trend changed, agricultural lands began giving way to residential and industrial areas; the increase of urban-industrial areas continued at high rates until the end of the 2010s. In the same period and mountainous areas saw an increase in the registration of semi-natural areas, because of the abandonment of agricultural lands. Land use changes can have strong effects on ecological functions. Human interactions such as agriculture and deforestation affect soil function, e.g. food and other biomass production, storing and transformation, habitat and gene pool. In the Emilia-Romagna plain, which represents half of the region and where three quarters of the population of the region live, the agricultural land area has been reduced by 157 km2 while urban and industrial areas
Giacomo Matteotti was an Italian socialist politician. On 30 May 1924, he spoke in the Italian Parliament alleging the Fascists committed fraud in the held elections, denounced the violence they used to gain votes. Eleven days he was kidnapped and killed by Fascists. Matteotti was born a son of a wealthy family, in Fratta Polesine, Province of Rovigo in Veneto, he graduated in law at the University of Bologna. An atheist and from early on an activist in the socialist movement and the Italian Socialist Party, he opposed Italy's entry into World War I, he was elected deputy three times: in 1919, 1921 and 1924. As a follower of Filippo Turati, Matteotti became the leader of the Unitary Socialist Party in the Italian Chamber of Deputies after the scission of the Socialist Party, he spoke out against Fascism and Benito Mussolini, for a time was leader of the opposition to the National Fascist Party. From 1921 he denounced fascist violence in a pamphlet titled Inchiesta socialista sulle gesta dei fascisti in Italia.
In 1924 his book The Fascisti Exposed: A Year of Fascist Domination was published and he made two impassioned and lengthy speeches in the Chamber of Deputies denouncing Fascism and declaring that the last election, marked by intimidation and militia violence, was "invalid." On 10 June 1924 Matteotti was bundled into a car and stabbed several times with a carpenter's file as he was struggling to escape. His corpse was found after an extensive search near Riano, 23 kilometers north of Rome, on 16 August 1924. Five men were arrested a few days after the kidnapping. Another suspect, Filippo Panzeri, fled from arrest. Only three were convicted and shortly after released under amnesty by King Victor Emmanuel III. Before the trial against the murderers, the High Court of the Senate started a trial against general Emilio De Bono, commander of the Fascist paramilitary Blackshirts, but he was discharged. After the Second World War, in 1947, the trial against Francesco Giunta, Cesare Rossi, Viola, Malacria and Panzeri was re-opened.
Dumini and Poveromo were sentenced to life imprisonment. In none of these three trials was evidence found of Mussolini's involvement; the involvement of Mussolini in the assassination is much debated. Historians suggest some different theories; the main biographer of Mussolini, Renzo De Felice, was convinced. Aurelio Lepre and Emilio Gentile thought that Mussolini wanted the death of Matteotti; the former socialist and anti-fascist journalist Carlo Silvestri in 1924 was a harsh accuser of Mussolini. Silvestri became a strong defender of Mussolini's innocence in Matteotti's murder, suggested that the socialist was killed by a plot, in order both to damage Mussolini's attempt to raise a leftist government and to cover some scandals in which the Crown was involved. De Felice argued that maybe Mussolini himself was a political victim of a plot, surely he was damaged by the crisis that followed the murder. Many fascists left the Party, his government was about to collapse. Moreover, his secret attempt to bring Socialists and Populars into a new reformist government was ruined.
John Gunther wrote in 1940 that "Most critics nowadays do not think that the Duce directly ordered the assassination... but his moral responsibility is indisputable" with underlings believing they were carrying out Mussolini's desire performing the kidnapping and murder on their own. Other historians, including Justin Pollard and Denis Mack Smith, thought Mussolini was aware of the assassination plot but that it was ordered and organized by someone else. Mauro Canali suggests that Mussolini did order the murder, as Matteotti uncovered and wanted to make public incriminating documents proving that Mussolini and his associates sold to Sinclair Oil exclusive rights to all Italian oil reserves; the death of Matteotti sparked widespread criticism of Fascism. A general strike was threatened in retaliation. Since Mussolini's government did not collapse and the King refused to dismiss him, all the anti-fascists started to abandon the Chamber of Deputies, they retired like ancient Roman plebeians. They thought to force the Crown to act against Mussolini, but on the contrary this strengthened Mussolini.
After a few weeks of confusion, Mussolini gained a favourable vote by the Senate of the Kingdom, tried to defuse the tension with a speech. Despite pressure from the opposition, Victor Emmanuel III refused to dismiss Mussolini, since the Government was supported by a large majority of the Chamber of Deputies and all the Senate of the Kingdom. Moreover, he feared that compelling Mussolini to resign could be considered a coup d'état, that could lead to a civil war between the Army and the Blackshirts, but during the summer, the trial against Matteotti's alleged murderers and the discovery of the corpse of Matteotti once again spread rage against Mussolini: newspapers launched fierce attacks against him and the fascist movement. On 13 September, a right-wing fascist deputy, Armando Casalini, was killed on a tramway in retaliation for Matteotti's mur
Francisco Franco Bahamonde was a Spanish general and politician who ruled over Spain as a military dictator from 1939, after the nationalist victory in the Spanish Civil War, until his death in 1975. This period in Spanish history is known as Francoist Spain. During the 1924–1930 dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera, Franco was promoted general at age 33, the youngest in Europe; as a conservative and a monarchist, Franco opposed the abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of a democratic secular republic in 1931. With the 1936 elections, the conservative Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Right-wing Groups lost by a narrow margin, the leftist Popular Front came to power. Intending to overthrow the republic, Franco followed other generals in launching a coup that failed to take control of most of the country and precipitated the Spanish Civil War. With the death of the other generals, Franco became his faction's only leader. Franco gained military support from various authoritarian regimes and groups Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, while the Republican side was supported by Spanish communists and anarchists as well as the Soviet Union and the International Brigades.
In 1939, Franco won the war. He established a military dictatorship and proclaimed himself Head of State and Government under the title El caudillo. In April 1937, Franco merged the fascist and traditionalist political parties in the rebel zone, as well as other conservative and monarchist elements, into FET y de las JONS. At the same time, he outlawed all other political parties, thus Spain became a one-party state. Upon his rise to power, Franco implemented policies that repressed political opponents and dissenters, as many as 400,000 of whom died through the use of forced labor and executions in the concentration camps his regime operated. During World War II, he espoused neutrality as Spain's official wartime policy. However, he provided military support to the Axis in numerous ways: he allowed German and Italian ships and submarines to use Spanish harbors and ports, the Abwehr operated in Spain, the Blue Division fought alongside the Axis against the Soviet Union until 1944. Scholars consider it as conservative and authoritarian, rather than fascist.
Historian Stanley G. Payne states, "scarcely any of the serious historians and analysts of Franco consider the Generalissimo to have been a core fascist."Spain was isolated by many other countries for nearly a decade after World War II. By the 1950s, the nature of his regime changed from being totalitarian and using severe repression to an authoritarian system with limited pluralism. During the Cold War, Franco was one of the world's foremost anti-Communist figures: his regime was assisted by the West, it was asked to join NATO. After chronic economic depression in the late 1940s and early 1950s, Franco presided over the Spanish miracle, abandoning autarky and pursuing economic liberalization, delegating authority to liberal ministers. Franco died in 1975 at the age of 82, he restored the monarchy before his death, which made King Juan Carlos I his successor, who led the Spanish transition to democracy. Franco was born on 4 December 1892 at 108 Calle Frutos Saavedra in Galicia, he was baptised thirteen days at the military church of San Francisco, with the baptismal name Francisco Paulino Hermenegildo Teódulo.
His father was of Andalusian ancestry. After relocating to Galicia, the family was involved in the Spanish Navy, over the span of two centuries produced naval officers for six uninterrupted generations, down to Franco's father Nicolás Franco y Salgado Araújo, his mother was María del Pilar Bahamonde y Pardo de Andrade and she was an upper middle-class Roman Catholic. His parents married in 1890; the young Franco spent much of his childhood with his two brothers, Nicolás and Ramón, his two sisters, María del Pilar, María de la Paz. The latter died in infancy. Nicolás was a naval officer and diplomat who in time married María Isabel Pascual del Pobil y Ravello. Ramón was a pioneer aviator, a Freemason with leftist political leanings, killed in an air accident on a military mission in 1938. María del Pilar married Alonso Jaráiz y Jeréz. Francisco was to follow his father into the Navy, but as a result of the Spanish–American War the country lost much of its navy as well as most of its colonies. Not needing any more officers, the Naval Academy admitted no new entrants from 1906 to 1913.
To his father's chagrin, Francisco decided to try the Spanish Army. In 1907, he entered the Infantry Academy in Toledo. At 19, Franco was promoted to the rank of first lieutenant in June 1912. Two years he obtained a commission to Morocco. Spanish efforts to occupy their new African protectorate provoked the protracted Rif War with native Moroccans, their tactics resulted in heavy losses among Spanish military officers, provided an opportunity to earn promotion through merit. It was said. Franco gained a reputation as a good officer. In 1913, Franco transferred into the newly formed regulares: Moroccan colonial troops with Spanish officers, who acted as shock troops; this transfer into a perilous role m
Lenin Peace Prize
The International Lenin Peace Prize was a Soviet Union award named in honor of Vladimir Lenin. It was awarded by a panel appointed by the Soviet government, to notable individuals whom the panel indicated had "strengthened peace among comrades", it was founded as the International Stalin Prize for Strengthening Peace Among Peoples, but was renamed the International Lenin Prize for Strengthening Peace Among Peoples as a result of de-Stalinization. Unlike the Nobel Prize, the Lenin Peace Prize was awarded to several people a year rather than to just one individual; the prize was awarded to prominent Communists and supporters of the Soviet Union who were not Soviet citizens. Notable recipients include: W. E. B. Du Bois, Fidel Castro, Salvador Allende, Mikis Theodorakis, Seán MacBride, Angela Davis, Pablo Picasso, Oscar Niemeyer, Faiz Ahmad Faiz, Abdul Sattar Edhi and Nelson Mandela; the prize was created as the International Stalin Prize for Strengthening Peace Among Peoples on December 21, 1949 by executive order of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet in honor of Joseph Stalin's seventieth birthday.
Following Nikita Khrushchev's denunciation of Stalin in 1956 during the Twentieth Party Congress, the prize was renamed on September 6 as the International Lenin Prize for Strengthening Peace Among Peoples. All previous recipients were asked to return their Stalin Prizes so they could be replaced by the renamed Lenin Prize. By a decision of Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of December 11, 1989, the prize was renamed the International Lenin Peace Prize. Two years after the collapse of USSR in 1991, the Russian government, as the successor state to the defunct Soviet Union, ended the award program; the Lenin Peace Prize is regarded as a counterpart to the existing Nobel Peace Prize. The International Lenin Prize should not be confused with the International Peace Prize, awarded by the World Peace Council. In 1941 the Soviet Union created the Stalin Prize, awarded annually to accomplished Soviet writers, composers and scientists. Atoms for Peace Award Thoughts on winning the Stalin Peace Prize by Paul Robeson On Receiving the Stalin Peace Award by Howard Fast Soviet Prize Medals pictures of the medals and accompanying certificates PDF-version of issue of Pravda with ukaz about creation of prize