Handkerchief
A handkerchief is a form of a kerchief or bandanna a hemmed square of thin fabric or paper which can be carried in the pocket or handbag, and, intended for personal hygiene purposes such as wiping one's hands or face, or blowing one's nose. A handkerchief is sometimes used as a purely decorative accessory in a suit pocket, it is called a pocket square, it is an important accessory in many folkdances in many regions like the Balkans and the Middle East. The material of a handkerchief can be symbolic of the socioeconomic class of the user, not only because some materials are more expensive, but because some materials are more absorbent and practical for those who use a handkerchief for more than style. Handkerchiefs can be made of cotton-synthetic blend, synthetic fabric, silk, or linen. Handkerchiefs are used as an impromptu way to carry around small items when a bag or basket is unavailable, they could serve as a substitute for a bandage over a small injury. In the United Kingdom, the habit of wearing a handkerchief with tied corners on one's head at the beach has become a seaside postcard stereotype.
Signals may be sent by handkerchief, such as the American LGBT handkerchief codes. In Spanish football or in bullfighting, it is a common sight to see supporters waving white handkerchiefs as an expression of deep emotion, it is used both positively, in admiration of an exceptional performance by a team or player, or as a negative sign of disgust at an bad performance. From the late 18th century white handkerchiefs were waved by women, to demonstrate approval at public events such as processions or political rallies. Using handkerchiefs to accentuate hand movements while dancing is a feature of both West African and African-American traditional dance, in the latter case in wedding celebrations. Handkerchiefs are traditional accoutrements in certain kinds of English folk dance, such as the Morris dance. Besides their intended use, they could be used for cleaning equipment, polishing shoes, cleaning hands and face, signalling for attention, as a sweat band, neckerchief, as protection from dust inhalation, to repair footwear, cut out pieces to patch clothes, cut up as emergency firearms cleaning patches, Molotov cocktail wick, hot cooking utensil holder, a makeshift bandage, tourniquet, or arm sling.
Before people used the word handkerchief, the word kerchief alone was common. This term came from two French words: couvrir, which means “to cover,” and chef, which means “head.” In the times of ancient Greece and Rome, handkerchiefs were used the way they are today. But in the Middle Ages, kerchiefs were used to cover the head. In the 16th century, people in Europe began to carry kerchiefs in their pockets to wipe their forehead or their nose. To distinguish this kind of kerchief from the one used to cover the head, the word "hand" was added to "kerchief". King Richard II of England, who reigned from 1377 to 1399, is believed to have invented the cloth handkerchief, as surviving documents written by his courtiers describe his use of square pieces of cloth to wipe his nose, they were in existence by Shakespeare's time, a handkerchief is an important plot device in his play Othello. In addition to carrying for practical purposes, handkerchiefs have long been displayed in the top pocket of men's jackets.
Used in this way, they are referred to as a pocket pocket square. A traditional pocket square will have the hem rolled, contrary to handkerchiefs; the trend of pocket squares as a fashion accessory started during the 1920s, continued until the 1960s. During that period, actors such as Cary Grant, Fred Astaire and Gary Cooper wore them regularly; the pocket square subsequently fell into disuse until the late 2000s when it made a comeback thanks in part to popular television shows such as Mad Men. Pocket squares are made in fabrics such as silk, linen or wool; as a visible fashion item there are a wide variety of ways to fold a pocket square, ranging from the austere to the flamboyant: The Presidential, or Flat Fold the simplest, is folded at right angles to fit in the pocket. The Winged Puff, a simple and elegant fold; the Puff or the Cooper is shaped into a round puff. The Reverse Puff, or The Crown Fold, is like the Puff, except with the puff inside and the points out, like petals; the Westo Four Point fold.
The TV Fold is folded diagonally with the point inside the pocket. The One-point Fold is folded diagonally with the point showing; the Two-point Fold is folded off-center so the two points do not overlap. The Three-point Fold is first folded into a triangle the corners are folded up and across to make three points; the Four-point Fold is an off-center version of the Three-point Fold. The Cagney is a backwards version of the Four-point Fold; the Astaire is a puff with a point on either side. The Straight Shell is pleated and folded over to give the appearance of nested shells; the Diagonal Shell is pleated diagonally and folded. Napkin Sachet Facial tissue Antimacassar Dudou, sometimes described as a handkerchief blouse
Carlos Menem
Carlos Saúl Menem Akil is an Argentine politician, President of Argentina from July 8, 1989 to December 10, 1999. He has been a Senator for La Rioja Province since December 10, 2005. Born in Anillaco, Menem became a Peronist during a visit to Buenos Aires, he led the party in his home province of La Rioja, was elected governor in 1973. He was deposed and detained during the 1976 Argentine coup d'état, was elected governor again in 1983, he defeated the Buenos Aires governor Antonio Cafiero in the primary elections for the 1989 presidential elections, which he won. Hyperinflation forced outgoing president Raúl Alfonsín to resign early, shortening the presidential transition. Menem supported the Washington Consensus, tackled inflation with the Convertibility plan in 1991; the plan was complemented by a series of privatizations, was a success. Argentina re-established diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom, suspended since the 1982 Falklands War, developed special relations with the United States.
The country suffered two terrorist attacks. The Peronist victory in the 1993 midterm elections allowed him to force Alfonsín to sign the Pact of Olivos for the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution; this amendment allowed Menem to run for re-election in 1995. A new economic crisis began, the opposing parties formed a political coalition that won the 1997 midterm elections and the 1999 presidential election. Menem ran for the presidency again in 2003, but faced with a defeat in a ballotage against Néstor Kirchner, he chose to pull out of the ballotage handing the presidency to Kirchner, he was elected senator for La Rioja in 2005. At 88, he is the oldest living former Argentine president. Carlos Saúl Menem was born in 1930 in Anillaco, a small town in the mountainous north of La Rioja Province, Argentina, his parents, Saúl Menem and Mohibe Akil, were Syrian nationals from Yabroud who had emigrated to Argentina. He attended elementary and high school in La Rioja, joined a basketball team during his university studies.
He visited Buenos Aires in 1951 with the team, met the president Juan Perón and his wife Eva Perón. This influenced Menem to become a Peronist, he studied law at the National University of Córdoba, graduating in 1955. After President Juan Peron's overthrow in 1955, Menem was incarcerated, he joined the successor to the Peronist Party, the Justicialist Party. He was elected president of its La Rioja Province chapter in 1973. In that capacity, he was included in the flight to Spain that brought Perón back to Argentina after his long exile. According to the Peronist politician Juan Manuel Abal Medina, Menem played no special part in the event. Menem was elected governor in 1973, he was deposed during the 1976 Argentine coup d'état that deposed the president Isabel Martínez de Perón. He was accused of corruption, having links with the guerrillas of the Dirty War, he was detained on March 25, kept for a week at a local regiment, moved to a temporary prison at the ship "33 Orientales" in Buenos Aires. He was detained alongside former ministers Antonio Cafiero, Jorge Taiana, Miguel Unamuno, José Deheza, Pedro Arrighi, the unionists Jorge Triaca, Diego Ibáñez, Lorenzo Miguel, the diplomat Jorge Vázquez, the journalist Osvaldo Papaleo, the former president Raúl Lastiri.
He shared a cell with Juan Perón's personal physician. During this time he helped the chaplain Lorenzo Lavalle, despite being a Muslim. In July he was sent to a permanent prison, his wife Zulema rejected his conversion to Christianity. His mother died during the time he was a prisoner, dictator Jorge Rafael Videla denied his request to attend her funeral, he was released on July 29, 1978, on the condition that he live in a city outside his home province without leaving it. He settled in Mar del Plata. Menem met Admiral Eduardo Massera, who intended to run for president, had public meetings with personalities such as Carlos Monzón, Susana Giménez, Alberto Olmedo; as a result, he was forced to reside in Tandil. He had to report daily to Chief of Police Hugo Zamora; this forced residence was lifted in February 1980. He returned to Buenos Aires, to La Rioja, he resumed his political activities, despite the prohibition, was detained again. His new forced residence was in Formosa Province, he was one of the last politicians to be released from prison by the National Reorganization Process.
Military rule ended in 1983, the radical Raúl Alfonsín was elected president. Menem ran for governor again, was elected by a clear margin; the province benefited from tax regulations established by the military, which allowed increased industrial growth. His party got control of the provincial legislature, he was re-elected in 1987 with 63% of the vote; the PJ was divided in two factions, the conservatives that still supported the political doctrines of Juan and Isabel Perón, those who proposed a renovation of the party. The internal disputes ceased in 1987. Menem, with his prominent victory in his district, was one of the leading figures of the party, disputed its leadership. Antonio Cafiero, elected governor of Buenos Aires Province, led the renewal of the PJ, was considered their most candidate for the presidency. Menem, on the other hand, was seen as a populist leader. Using a big tent approach, he got support from several unrelated political figures; as a result, he defeated Cafiero in the primary elections.
He sought alliances with Bunge and Born, union leaders, former members of Montoneros, the AAA, people from the church, "Carapintadas", etc. He promise
Secretariat of Intelligence
Secretariat of Intelligence was the premier intelligence agency of the Argentine Republic and head of its National Intelligence System. Chaired by the Secretary of State Intelligence, a special member of the Cabinet of Ministers, the Secretariat of Intelligence was a technical and operational service charged with the collection and production of intelligence and counterintelligence in internal and foreign areas, as well as the analysis and formation of a national intelligence strategy in order to handle state affairs; the Secretariat was charged with the duty of producing a complete intelligence cycle for the government. Structurally, S. I. had the biggest intelligence gathering capabilities in Argentina, as it counts with numerous delegations within Argentina as well as foreign operational bases and delegations. Under the law, the Secretariat was subordinated to the Presidency and is ruled by secret decrees and laws. Though the official acronym was renamed to S. I. as the new intelligence system became active, during most of its history it was called Secretaría de Inteligencia de Estado and it still is referred to as SIDE by the public.
On January 26, 2015, after the case of the prosecutor Alberto Nisman's death, President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner announced she was proposing legislation that would dissolve the and opening a new intelligence agency called the Federal Intelligence Agency. The Secretariat of Intelligence was created in 1946 when Juan Perón's first presidency established it by Executive Decree 337/46 under the denomination of Coordinación de Informaciones de Estado, its mission was to act as a national intelligence agency to be run by civilian personnel and to handle foreign and domestic intelligence operations for the federal government. Before CIDE was established, national intelligence was jointly handled by the División de Informaciones of the Presidency, the military intelligence services such as the Servicio de Inteligencia del Ejército and the Servicio de Inteligencia Naval. Though throughout Argentina's history military intelligence organs have been involved in handling both internal and external intelligence, reforms enacted in the last few decades have given them a role alongside civilian managed services in the National Intelligence System.
The Secretariat had its first structural and functional reform in 1956, under the Pedro Aramburu government when by Executive Decree 776/56 of January 20, CIDE adopted the name Secretaría de Informaciones de Estado, the subsequent famous acronym "SIDE". The newly restructured agency was modeled on the British intelligence system. During Juan Carlos Onganía's government, SIDE was under the administration of Gral. Señorans, one of the most well regarded Secretaries of Intelligence of all time. During those years, SIDE started to orchestrate its first complex foreign espionage missions, the staff was increased to about 1,200, the knowledge and operational capabilities were improved. During Señorans administration, many Argentine women began participating in what was a male-only field; the Secretariat began appreciating certain advantages of the female sex when operations required the exploitation of human weaknesses. However, in 1966, Señorans restructured the Secretariat, expelling 900 employees, including all of the female intelligence operatives contracted at the time.
It has been noted that Señorans had a phobia of females, would not tolerate women working in administrative positions. In that same year, a failed kidnapping attempt of the Soviet Consul in Buenos Aires, led the USSR to enact a formal protest, threatening to take the matters to international organizations. Onganía, against his will, had no other choice but to ask Señorans to resign, the Secretary in his final statement exposed that "Consul Petrov commands a group of spies of the KGB in Argentina". After Señorans departure, women regained their positions in the civil intelligence community, but it was at that time, with the onset of the Cold War, that the CIA began taking special interest in SIDE; the growth of communist groups and guerrillas in Latin America, backed by Fidel Castro's regime, as well as the special interest the Soviet Union began to take in Latin America, made the American intelligence community influence what was thought as an area of minor concern to American interests in the war.
The Secretariat of Intelligence was no exception, the'communist problem' was made a priority, surveillance of foreign embassies and delegations of communist countries became common. Secret law Nº 20.195/73 came into effect on February 28, 1973 during the government of Gral. Lanusse establishing the mission, functions and other important aspects of the agency. During the de facto government of Jorge Rafael Videla, on May 13, 1976, by Executive Decree 416 it adopted the name Secretaría de Inteligencia de Estado. Under the National Reorganization Process, SIDE transformed itself into a secret police conducting espionage on guerrilla organizations, labor unions, or any other organization or person considered subversive, or a supporter of subversive activities. SIDE took part in coordinating Operation Condor with other Latin American intelligence services. After the return of democracy in 1983, during Raúl Alfonsín's government, SIDE began renewing its staff, thus becoming a civilian intelligence agency focusing its activities on national interests.
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Poverty
Poverty is the scarcity or the lack of a certain amount of material possessions or money. Poverty is a multifaceted concept, which may include social and political elements. Absolute poverty, extreme poverty, or destitution refers to the complete lack of the means necessary to meet basic personal needs such as food and shelter; the threshold at which absolute poverty is defined is considered to be about the same, independent of the person's permanent location or era. On the other hand, relative poverty occurs when a person who lives in a given country does not enjoy a certain minimum level of "living standards" as compared to the rest of the population of that country. Therefore, the threshold at which relative poverty is defined varies from country to another, or from one society to another. Providing basic needs can be restricted by constraints on government's ability to deliver services, such as corruption, tax avoidance and loan conditionalities and by the brain drain of health care and educational professionals.
Strategies of increasing income to make basic needs more affordable include welfare, economic freedoms and providing financial services. Poverty reduction is still a major issue for many international organizations such as the United Nations, the World Bank, United States Agency for International Development, Oxfam, CARE, World Vision International, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the Red Cross among a plethora of others. In 2012 it was estimated that, using a poverty line of $1.25 a day, 1.2 billion people lived in poverty. Given the current economic model, built on GDP, it would take 100 years to bring the world's poorest up to the poverty line of $1.25 a day. UNICEF estimates; the World Bank forecasted in 2015 that 702.1 million people were living in extreme poverty, down from 1.75 billion in 1990. Extreme poverty is observed in all parts including developed economies. Of the 2015 population, about 347.1 million people lived in Sub-Saharan Africa and 231.3 million lived in South Asia.
According to the World Bank, between 1990 and 2015, the percentage of the world's population living in extreme poverty fell from 37.1% to 9.6%, falling below 10% for the first time. The People's Republic of China accounts for over three quarters of global poverty reduction from 1990 to 2005. Though, as noted, China accounted for nearly half of all extreme poverty in 1990. In public opinion around the world people surveyed tend to incorrectly think extreme poverty hasn't decreased. During the 2013 to 2015 period The World Bank reported that extreme poverty fell from 11% to 10%, however they noted that the rate of decline had slowed by nearly half from the 25 year average with parts of sub-saharan Africa returning to early 2000 levels; the World Bank attributed this to increasing violence following the Arab Spring, population increases in Sub-Saharan Africa, general African inflationary pressures and economic malaise were the primary drivers for this slow down. There is disagreement among experts as to what would be considered a realistic poverty rate with one considering it "an inaccurately measured and arbitrary cut off".
Some contend that a higher poverty line is needed, such as a minimum of $7.40 or $10 to $15 a day. They argue that these levels would better reflect the cost of basic needs and normal life expectancy. One estimate places the true scale of poverty much higher than the World Bank, with an estimated 4.3 billion people living with less than $5 a day and unable to meet basic needs adequately. It has been argued by some academics that the neoliberal policies promoted by global financial institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank are exacerbating both inequality and poverty. Poverty is the lack of a certain amount of material possessions or money; the word poverty comes from Latin paupertās from pauper. There are several definitions of poverty depending on the context of the situation it is placed in, the views of the person giving the definition. Income Poverty: a family's income fails to meet a federally established threshold that differs across countries. United Nations: Fundamentally, poverty is the inability of having choices and opportunities, a violation of human dignity.
It means lack of basic capacity to participate in society. It means not having enough to feed and clothe a family, not having a school or clinic to go to, not having the land on which to grow one's food or a job to earn one's living, not having access to credit, it means insecurity and exclusion of individuals and communities. It means susceptibility to violence, it implies living in marginal or fragile environments, without access to clean water or sanitation. World Bank: Poverty is pronounced deprivation in well-being, comprises many dimensions, it includes low incomes and the inability to acquire the basic goods and services necessary for survival with dignity. Poverty encompasses low levels of health and education, poor access to clean water and sanitation, inadequate physical security, lack of voice, insufficient capacity and opportunity to better one's life. Poverty is measured as either absolute or relative. In the United Kingdom, the second Cameron ministry came under attack for their redefinition of poverty.
Considering that two-thirds of people who found work were accepting wages that are below the living wage t
Cutral Có
Cutral Có is a city in the Confluencia Department of Neuquén Province in Argentina. It is part of the statistical area formed with neighboring Plaza Huincul; the settlement is located in the desert, it was founded in 1933 after the discovery of oil. The majority of the economy is based on the petrochemical industry. Cutral-Có is home to several multinational corporations such as Petrobras. Following the 1992 privatization of YPF, thousands of people lost their jobs in the city's important industrial action. There are plans to transport water from the Río Neuquén in order to introduce agriculture to the region; the city used to have its own airport. Federal website Municipal website
Right-wing politics
Right-wing politics hold that certain social orders and hierarchies are inevitable, normal, or desirable supporting this position on the basis of natural law, economics, or tradition. Hierarchy and inequality may be viewed as natural results of traditional social differences or the competition in market economies; the term right-wing can refer to "the conservative or reactionary section of a political party or system". The political terms "Left" and "Right" were first used during the French Revolution and referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament: those who sat to the right of the chair of the parliamentary president were broadly supportive of the institutions of the monarchist Old Regime; the original Right in France was formed as a reaction against the "Left" and comprised those politicians supporting hierarchy and clericalism. The use of the expression la droite became prominent in France after the restoration of the monarchy in 1815, when it was applied to the Ultra-royalists.
The people of English-speaking countries did not apply the terms "right" and "left" to their own politics until the 20th century. Although the right-wing originated with traditional conservatives and reactionaries, the term extreme right-wing has been applied to movements including fascism and racial supremacy. From the 1830s to the 1880s, there was a shift in the Western world of social class structure and the economy, moving away from nobility and aristocracy towards capitalism; this general economic shift toward capitalism affected centre-right movements such as the British Conservative Party, which responded by becoming supportive of capitalism. In the United States, the Right includes both social conservatives. In Europe, economic conservatives are considered liberal and the Right includes nationalists, nativist opposition to immigration, religious conservatives, a significant presence of right-wing movements with anti-capitalist sentiments including conservatives and fascists who opposed what they saw as the selfishness and excessive materialism inherent in contemporary capitalism.
The political term right-wing was first used during the French Revolution, when liberal deputies of the Third Estate sat to the left of the president's chair, a custom that began in the Estates General of 1789. The nobility, members of the Second Estate sat to the right. In the successive legislative assemblies, monarchists who supported the Old Regime were referred to as rightists because they sat on the right side. A major figure on the right was Joseph de Maistre, who argued for an authoritarian form of conservatism. Throughout the 19th century, the main line dividing Left and Right in France was between supporters of the republic and supporters of the monarchy. On the right, the Legitimists and Ultra-royalists held counter-revolutionary views, while the Orléanists hoped to create a constitutional monarchy under their preferred branch of the royal family, a brief reality after the 1830 July Revolution; the centre-right Gaullists in post-World War II France advocated considerable social spending on education and infrastructure development as well as extensive economic regulation, but limited the wealth redistribution measures characteristic of social democracy.
In British politics, the terms "right" and "left" came into common use for the first time in the late 1930s in debates over the Spanish Civil War. The Right has gone through five distinct historical stages: the reactionary right sought a return to aristocracy and established religion; the meaning of right-wing "varies across societies, historical epochs, political systems and ideologies". According to The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics, in liberal democracies, the political right opposes socialism and social democracy. Right-wing parties include conservatives, Christian democrats, classical liberals, nationalists and on the far-right. Roger Eatwell and Neal O'Sullivan divide the right into five types: reactionary, radical and new. Chip Berlet argues that each of these "styles of thought" are "responses to the left", including liberalism and socialism, which have arisen since the 1789 French Revolution; the reactionary right looks toward the past and is "aristocratic and authoritarian".
The moderate right, typified by the writings of Edmund Burke, is tolerant of change, provided it is gradual and accepts some aspects of liberalism, including the rule of law and capitalism, although it sees radical laissez-faire and individualism as harmful to society. The moderate right promotes nationalism and social welfare policies. Radical right is a term developed after World War II to describe groups and ideologies such as McCarthyism, the John Birch Society and the Republikaner Party. Eatwell stresses that this use has "major typological problems" and that the term "has been applied to democratic developments"; the radical right includes various other subtypes. Eatwell argues that the extreme right' has four traits: "1) anti-democracy; the New Right consists of the liberal conservatives, who stress small government, free markets and individual initiative. Other authors make a distinction between the cent
Left-wing politics
Left-wing politics supports social equality and egalitarianism in opposition to social hierarchy. It involves a concern for those in society whom its adherents perceive as disadvantaged relative to others as well as a belief that there are unjustified inequalities that need to be reduced or abolished; the term left-wing can refer to "the radical, reforming, or socialist section of a political party or system". The political terms "Left" and "Right" were coined during the French Revolution, referring to the seating arrangement in the French Estates General: those who sat on the left opposed the monarchy and supported the revolution, including the creation of a republic and secularization, while those on the right were supportive of the traditional institutions of the Old Regime. Use of the term "Left" became more prominent after the restoration of the French monarchy in 1815 when it was applied to the "Independents"; the word "wing" was appended to Left and Right in the late 19th century with disparaging intent and "left-wing" was applied to those who were unorthodox in their religious or political views.
The term was applied to a number of movements republicanism during the French Revolution in the 18th century, followed by socialism, communism and social democracy in the 19th and 20th centuries. Since the term left-wing has been applied to a broad range of movements including civil rights movements, feminist movements, anti-war movements and environmental movements, as well as a wide range of parties. According to former professor of economics Barry Clark, " claim that human development flourishes when individuals engage in cooperative, mutually respectful relations that can thrive only when excessive differences in status and wealth are eliminated". In politics, the term "Left" derives from the French Revolution, as the anti-monarchist Montagnard and Jacobin deputies from the Third Estate sat to the left of the presiding member's chair in parliament, a habit which began in the French Estates General of 1789. Throughout the 19th century in France, the main line dividing Left and Right was between supporters of the French Republic and those of the monarchy.
The June Days Uprising during the Second Republic was an attempt by the Left to assert itself after the 1848 Revolution, but only a small portion of the population supported this. In the mid-19th century, socialism and anti-clericalism became features of the French Left. After Napoleon III's 1851 coup and the subsequent establishment of the Second Empire, Marxism began to rival radical republicanism and utopian socialism as a force within left-wing politics; the influential Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, published in 1848, asserted that all human history is the history of class struggle. They predicted that a proletarian revolution would overthrow bourgeois capitalism and create a classless, post-monetary communist society, it was in this period that the word "wing" was appended to both Right. In the United States, many leftists, social liberals and trade unionists were influenced by the works of Thomas Paine, who introduced the concept of asset-based egalitarianism, which theorises that social equality is possible by a redistribution of resources.
The International Workingmen's Association, sometimes called the First International, brought together delegates from many different countries, with many different views about how to reach a classless and stateless society. Following a split between supporters of Marx and Mikhail Bakunin, anarchists formed the International Workers' Association; the Second International became divided over the issue of World War I. Those who opposed the war, such as Vladimir Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg, saw themselves as further to the left. In the United States after Reconstruction, the phrase "the Left" was used to describe those who supported trade unions, the civil rights movement and the anti-war movement. More in the United States, left-wing and right-wing have been used as synonyms for Democratic and Republican, or as synonyms for liberalism and conservatism respectively. Since the Right was populist, both in the Western and the Eastern Bloc anything viewed as avant-garde art was called leftist in all Europe, thus the identification of Picasso's Guernica as "leftist" in Europe and the condemnation of the Russian composer Shostakovich's opera in Pravda as follows: "Here we have'leftist' confusion instead of natural, human music".
The following positions are associated with left-wing politics. Leftist economic beliefs range from Keynesian economics and the welfare state through industrial democracy and the social market to nationalization of the economy and central planning, to the anarcho-syndicalist advocacy of a council- and assembly-based self-managed anarchist communism. During the industrial revolution, leftists supported trade unions. At the beginning of the 20th century, many leftists advocated strong government intervention in the economy. Leftists continue to criticize what they perceive as the exploitative nature of globalization, the "race to the bottom" and unjust lay-offs. In the last quarter of the 20th century, the belief that government ought to be directly involved in the day-to-day workings of an economy declined in popularity amongst the center-left social democrats who became influenced by "Third Way" ideology. Other leftists believe in Marxian economics; some distinguish Marx's economic theories from his political philos
