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Plantation complexes in the Southern United States

Plantation complexes in the Southern United States refers to the built environment, common on agricultural plantations in the American South from the 17th into the 20th century. The complex included everything from the main residence down to the pens for livestock. A plantation denoted a settlement in which settlers were "planted" to establish a colonial base. Southern plantations were self-sufficient settlements that relied on the forced labor of slaves, similar to the way that a medieval manorial estate relied upon the forced labor of serfs. Plantations are an important aspect of the history of the American South the antebellum era; the mild subtropical climate, plentiful rainfall, fertile soils of the southeastern United States, Native American genocide allowed the flourishing of large plantations, where large numbers of enslaved Africans were held captive as slave labor and forced to produce crops to create wealth for a white elite. Today, as was true in the past, there is a wide range of opinion as to what differentiated a plantation from a farm.

The focus of a farm was subsistence agriculture. In contrast, the primary focus of a plantation was the production of cash crops, with enough staple food crops produced to feed the population of the estate and the livestock. A common definition of what constituted a plantation is that it had 500 to 1,000 acres or more of land and produced one or two cash crops for sale. Other scholars have attempted to define it by the number of slaves; the vast majority of plantations did not have grand mansions centered on a huge acreage. These large estates did exist, but represented only a small percentage of the plantations that once existed in the South. Although many Southern farmers did own slaves prior to emancipation, few owned more than five; these farmers tended to work the fields alongside their slaves. Of the estimated 46,200 plantations known to exist in 1860, 20,700 had 20 to 30 slaves and only 2,300 had a workforce of a hundred or more, with the rest somewhere in between. Many plantations were operated by absentee-landowners and never had a main house on site.

Just as vital and arguably more important to the complex were the many structures built for the processing and storage of crops, food preparation and storage, sheltering equipment and animals, various other domestic and agricultural purposes. The value of the plantation came from its land and the slaves who toiled on it to produce crops for sale; these same people produced the built environment: the main house for the plantation owner, the slave cabins and other structures of the complex. The materials for a plantation's buildings, for the most part, came from the lands of the estate. Lumber was obtained from the forested areas of the property. Depending on its intended use, it was either split, hewn, or sawn. Bricks were most produced onsite from sand and clay, molded and fired in a kiln. If a suitable stone was available, it was used. Tabby was used on the southern Sea Islands. Few plantation structures have survived into the modern era, with the vast majority destroyed through natural disaster, neglect, or fire over the centuries.

With the collapse of the plantation economy and subsequent Southern transition from a agrarian to an industrial society and their building complexes became obsolete. Although the majority have been destroyed, the most common structures to have survived are the plantation houses; as is true of buildings in general, the more built and architecturally interesting buildings have tended to be the ones that survived into the modern age and are better documented than many of the smaller and simpler ones. Several plantation homes of important persons, including Mount Vernon and The Hermitage have been preserved. Less common are intact examples of slave housing; the rarest survivors of all are the agricultural and lesser domestic structures those dating from the pre-Civil War era. Most historical research has focused on the main houses of plantations because they were the most to survive and the most elaborate structures in the complex; until recent times and local historians focused on the life of the plantation owner, that is, the planter, his or her family rather than the people they held as slaves.

All romanticized notions aside, the plantation house was, at its most basic, a functioning farmhouse. Although some plantation houses were planned as grand mansions and were built all at once from the ground up, many more began as rudimentary structures that either stayed that way, were replaced, or were enlarged and improved over time as fortunes improved. In most areas of the South the earliest settlers constructed houses to provide basic shelter suited to their local climate, not to establish permanence or demonstrate wealth or power. In colonial Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, the earliest plantation houses tended to follow British-derived folk forms such as the hall and parlor house-type and central-passage house-type. Grander structures during the colonial period conformed to the neoclassically-influenced Georgian and Palladian styles, although some early and rare Jacobean structures survive in Virginia. Following the Revolutionary War and Jeffersonian-type neoclassicism became dominant in formal plantation architecture.

Large portions of the South outside of the original British colonies, such as in Kentucky and Tennessee, did not see extensive settlement until the early 1800s. Although large portions of Alabama and Mississippi were settled at the same

2013 Giro della Toscana Int. Femminile – Memorial Michela Fanini

The 2013 Giro della Toscana Int. Femminile – Memorial Michela Fanini will be the 19th edition of the Giro della Toscana Int. Femminile – Memorial Michela Fanini, a women's cycling stage race in Italy, it was rated by the UCI as a category 2. HC race and will be held between 11 and 15 September 2013. Germany US National Team Slovenia France Italy During the 4th and final stage 63 riders abandoned the race or did not take the start, in protest of the lack of security measures during the stage race. 11 September 2013 – Campi Bisenzio to Campi Bisenzio, 2.2 km 12 September 2013 – Bottegone to Massa e Cozzile, 126.15 km 13 September 2013 – Porcari to Pontederao, 110.05 km 14 September 2013 – Segromigno to Capannori, 124 km 15 September 2013 – Lucca to Firenze, 98.8 km

Dominic Perri

Dominic Perri is a politician in Montreal, Canada. He has served on the Montreal city council since January 1, 2002, was a member of the Saint-Leonard city council and chair of the Commission scolaire Jérôme-Le Royer. Perri holds a master's degree, he is a high-school science teacher in private life. Perri was elected for Saint Leonard's sixth council district in the 1982 municipal election as a candidate of mayor Antonio di Ciocco's Équipe du renouveau de la cité de Saint-Léonard; the party fragmented after Di Ciocco's death in 1984, Perri joined the Ralliement de Saint-Léonard under successor mayor Raymond Renaud. He considered running for mayor of Saint Leonard in 1986, saying that he had been approached by local politicians such as Michel Bissonnet; when Renaud announced that he would seek another term, Perri decided against challenging him and was instead re-elected to council. In 1988, Perri joined with Frank Zampino and six other Saint Leonard councillors in resigning from Renaud's party.

Charging that Renaud's administration was undemocratic, the rebels established new municipal committees to oversee policy and increase civic participation in government. The group coalesced as the Parti municipal, Perri was re-elected under its banner in 1990, 1994, 1998. Perri was elected to the Commission scolaire Jérôme-Le Royer in 1980 and re-elected in 1983, he became chair of the board in 1984, succeeding Alfonso Gagliano, elected to the House of Commons of Canada. Language issuesPerri welcomed the creation of an English-language educational services department in early 1985, saying that it would permit the board's anglophone students to access a full range of services. A single department had overseen both French and English services. In the year, Perri announced that his board would start providing recreational and crafts services in English. Perri supported measures to increase bilingualism among his board's students, he promoted a voluntary pilot project for francophone students to receive English-language instruction as early as the first grade.

He oversaw an expansion in French-language education for anglophone students, saying, "I'd like our kids coming out of English school bilingual."Perri opposed efforts to replace Quebec's denominational school system with a language-based system, arguing that the shift would be detrimental to English schools. Other issuesIn 1985, Perri supported a plan to shift 450 French-sector seventh grade students to a local comprehensive school in order to create space for an equal number of younger students; some parents opposed this plan, arguing that the comprehensive school was too large and that the seventh graders would be exposed to the bad habits of older students. As a compromise, the board proposed constructing a wall that would divide the comprehensive school into two units; the student transfer did not take place. After 1987When running for re-election in 1987, Perri called for an increased focus on English, French and sciences, a reduction in the number of elective courses, his political partnership with fellow commissioner Joe Morselli dissolved during the election, although Perri was himself re-elected, only one other member of his governing alliance was returned to the board.

The new board chose Morselli to succeed Perri as chair and discontinued Perri's pilot project of teaching English to first-grade francophone students. Perri was re-elected to the board in 1990 and 1994. Saint-Leonard was amalgamated into the City of Montreal in 2001. Perri was elected to the Montreal city council in that year's municipal election as a candidate of Gérald Tremblay's Montreal Island Citizens' Union and was re-elected in 2005 and 2009, he has served on the board of the Montreal Transit Corporation and has chaired its subsidiary, Transgesco LP, since its creation. By virtue of serving on the Montreal city council, Perri serves on the Saint-Leonard borough council, he chaired the borough's planning advisory committee from 2002 until 2010. In 2005, he introduced a motion for Saint-Leonard to ban pit bull dogs, he initiated a ban on wood burning in Montreal which led to a municipal bylaw forbidding wood burning in new constructions. On July 3, 2012, at the Saint-Leonard borough meeting, Perri said that he was not convinced that Saint-Leonard was getting its fair budget share from the City of Montreal as it was promised before the merger with Montreal.

He added. Following the departure of Gerald Tremblay as mayor of Montreal, Perri did not support Michael Applebaum as interim mayor principally because he saw him as a centralizer, someone who does not best represent the interests of Saint Leonard borough. On May 8, 2013, Perri resigned from Union Montreal to sit as an independent Montreal city councillor, he continues promoting the extension of the metro blue line towards Saint Leonard. In addition, Perri favors bilingual status for Montreal, he joined Équipe Denis Coderre in August 2013. Perri campaigned with Liberal Party candidate Nicola Di Iorio in 2015 federal election, he did the same with Conservative candidate Ilario Maiolo in 2019 despite his colleague Patricia Lattanzio running for the Liberal Party. Union Montreal biography