For a list of former holders of the office, see List of Prime Ministers of Poland The President of the Council of Ministers, colloquially referred to as the Prime Minister, is the leader of the cabinet and the head of government of Poland. The current responsibilities and traditions of the office stem from the creation of the contemporary Polish state, the office is defined in the Constitution of 1997. According to the Constitution, the President of Poland nominates and appoints the prime minister, who will propose the composition of the cabinet. Fourteen days following their appointment, the prime minister must submit a programme outlining the government's agenda to the Sejm, requiring a vote of confidence. Conflicts stemming from both interest and powers have arisen between the offices of President and Prime Minister in the past; the current and seventeenth Prime Minister is Mateusz Morawiecki of the Justice party. Morawiecki replaced prime minister Beata Szydło, who resigned on 7 December 2017.
Near the end of the First World War, an assortment of groups contested to proclaim an independent Polish state. In early November 1918, a socialist provisional government under Ignacy Daszyński declared independence, while a separate committee in Kraków claimed to rule West Galicia. In Warsaw, the German-Austrian appointed Regency Council agreed to transfer political responsibilities to Marshal Józef Piłsudski released from Magdeburg fortress, as Chief of State of the new Polish nation. Piłsudski summoned Daszyński to the capital to form a government, where Piłsudski agreed to appoint Daszyński as the republic's first prime minister. Daszyński's premiership, remained brief, after the politician failed to form a workable coalition. Piłsudski turned instead to Jędrzej Moraczewski, who crafted a workable government for the Second Republic's first months of existence; the Small Constitution of 1919 outlined Poland's form of government, with a democratically elected Sejm, a prime minister and cabinet, an executive branch.
Despite outlining a parliamentary system, the Small Constitution vested many executive powers onto Piłsudski's position as Chief of State. The executive branch could select and organize cabinets, be responsible to the ministries for their duties, require the countersignature of ministers for all official acts. By the early 1920s, rightist nationalists within parliament Roman Dmowski and other members of the Popular National Union party and the Endecja movement, advocated reforms to the republic's structure to stem the authority of the chief of state while increasing parliamentary powers; the result was the Sejm's passage of the March Constitution of 1921. Modeled after the Third French Republic, the March Constitution entrusted decision-making within the lower-house Sejm; the newly created presidency, on the other hand, became a symbolic office devoid of any major authority, stripped of veto and wartime powers. Deriving authority from the powerful Sejm, the prime minister and the council of ministers, in theory, faced few constitutional barriers from the presidency to pass and proceed with legislation.
In reality, the premiership remained extraordinarily insecure due to the harsh political climate of the early Second Republic, marked by constant fluctuating coalitions within parliament. Fourteen governments and eleven prime ministers rose and fell between 1918 and 1926, with nine governments alone serving between the five-year March Constitution era. Frustrated with the republic's chaotic "sejmocracy" parliamentary structure, Piłsudski led rebellious Polish Army units to overthrow the government in the May Coup of 1926 ending the Second Republic's brief experiment with parliamentary democracy, as well as the prime minister's free and popular elected mandate for the next sixty years. Distrustful of parliamentary democracy, Marshal Piłsudski and his Sanation movement assumed a semi-authoritarian power behind the throne presence over the premiership and presidency. Piłsudski's August Novelization of the 1921 Constitution retained the prime minister's post and the parliamentary system, though modified the president's powers to rule by decree, dismiss the Sejm, decide budgetary matters.
By the mid-1930s, Piłsudski and fellow Sanationists further stripped parliament and the premier's powers by enacting a new constitution establishing a strong "hyper-presidency" by 1935. The new constitution allowed for the president to dismiss parliament, the right to appoint and dismiss the prime minister, members of the cabinet and the judiciary at will, promulgated the presidency as the supreme power of the state; until the outbreak of the Second World War and the resulting exiling of the Polish government, the Sanation movement remained at the helm of a government dominated by the presidency with a weak, subordinate prime minister. Under the communist Polish People's Republic, the ruling Polish United Workers' Party dominated all sections of the government, as recognized under the 1952 Constitution. Although the premiership continued to exist, the office's power and prestige relied more on the individual's stature within the governing communist party than the position's actual constitutional authority.
The office acted as an administrative agent for policies carried out by the PZPR's Politburo, rather than relying on the support of the rubber stamp Sejm. In face of growing protests from the Solidarity movement for much of the 1980s, the PZPR entered into the Round Table Talks in early 1989 with leading members of the anti-communist opposition; the conclusion of the talks, along with the resulting April Novelization of the constitution, provided various pow
The Battle of Atapuerca was fought on 1 September 1054 at the site of Piedrahita in the valley of Atapuerca between two brothers, King García Sánchez III of Navarre and King Ferdinand I of Castile. The Castilians won and King García and his favourite Fortún Sánchez were killed in battle. Ferdinand reannexed Navarrese territory he conceded to García 17 years earlier after his brother's assistance at Pisuerga. After the death of Sancho III of Navarre, his empire was divided. García, the eldest son, received the Kingdom of Navarre, while younger son Ferdinand controlled what was the County of Castile, owing fealty to his brother-in-law, Bermudo III of León. In 1037, with Garcia's help, Ferdinand defeated and killed the childless Bermudo at the battle of Tamarón, claimed the crown of León in right of his wife, Bermudo's sister, being crowned in 1038, he rewarded García by ceding to him Castilian territories from Oca to the gates of Burgos, from Briviesca to the valley of Urbel, from Castrobarto to Bricia, from the Nervión River to Santander.
The monk of Silos wrote several decades that an envious García attacked Ferdinand, visiting him at Nájera during his illness. After recovering, García paid a return visit to Ferdinand to make peace. King Ferdinand locked him in a tower in Cea. However, the Navarrese declared war, rejecting the Castilian embassies. García was buried in the nearby village of Agés and his tomb was discovered in the church there; the hosts of Castile and León were in Atapuerca, three leagues eastwards from Burgos in Navarre. García had with him Moorish auxiliary troops and maybe his brother king Ramiro I of Aragon; the Annales compostellani attribute the death of García to one knight of his, Sancho Fortún, "whom he, had offended with his wife". Several in the Navarrese retinue preferred death in combat, the murderer, lord of Funes, died in battle; the Crónica Najerense mentions relatives of Vermudo, who furiously engaged García, disobeying Ferdinand's instructions to take him alive. The Navarrese took the corpse to bury him in Nájera.
The proclaimed on the spot an adolescent Sancho de Peñalén. Ferdinand is in this version the reckless brother and covets the "Asturias of Santander", Old Castile and Rioja. Ferdinand visited his ill brother. García visited an ill Ferdinand wishing to dispel his suspicions, but was locked in Cea. Upon escaping, he took some Moors into Castile. In Atapuerca the peace talks failed. Two traitor soldiers, wounded him lethally. Ferdinand conceded the transport of the corpse to Nájera, took Briviesca, Montes de Oca and part of Rioja; the border of Navarre was set by the Ebro, the new king Sancho IV of Navarre became Ferdinand's vassal. Some sources mention El Cid as one of the battlers, but being born on 1043 or 1048 he would be too young. In 1940 a commemorative inscription was carved on a 6,000-year-old menhir at the site. Since 1996, the people of Atapuerca and neighbour towns reenact the battle on the last or previous Sunday of August. Martínez Díez, Gonzalo. El Condado de Castilla. La historia frente a la leyenda.
Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León. ISBN 84-9718-276-6. Asociación Amigos de Atapuerca. "ASÍ FUE LA BATALLA DE ATAPUERCA". AGALSA. Retrieved 13 October 2014. Huidobro y Serna, Luciano. "Tristes remembranzas - La Batalla de Atapuerca". Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra. ISSN 0032-8472. Corral Lafuente, Jose Luis. El Cid. Barcelona: Edhasa. ISBN 978-84-350-4506-3
Avondale is a suburb of Christchurch in the South Island of New Zealand. It is located 6 kilometres northeast of the city center, is close to the Avon River, four kilometers to the northwest of its estuary; the suburb is centered on Avondale Road and so named due to its proximity to the Avon River. It has a good sized park on Mervyn Drive called Avondale Park; this park has a kids playground, a tennis court, basketball court, a football field in winter. There is ample vacant red zone land in Avondale for activities such as dog walking. Chisnallwood Intermediate is the main Intermediate school in the eastern suburbs, is located in Avondale. During the 2010–2011 Christchurch earthquakes, Avondale was hit hard by damage to land and buildings due to soil liquefaction, part of Avondale was declared by the government as a residential red zone; this meant that the government considers rebuilding the infrastructure in such zone uneconomic, the residents' properties were purchased by the government under what has been called a voluntary yet coercive scheme – while residents were free to refuse the government's buyout of their homes, the government cautioned that remaining in place would entail a lack of insurance and city services.
The government's red zone declaration was ruled as unlawful by the High Court in August 2013 on the grounds that it was not pursuant to the Canterbury Earthquake Recovery Act. Many roads remain damaged in Avondale as of 2014, posing a problem for residents, the Avon river's banks had to be built up in the suburb to avoid flooding. Portaloos were present on some streets due to destroyed sewers. Building and road reparations are underway in the suburb