1.
Language family
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A language family is a group of languages related through descent from a common ancestral language or parental language, called the proto-language of that family. Linguists therefore describe the languages within a language family as being genetically related. Estimates of the number of living languages vary from 5,000 to 8,000, depending on the precision of ones definition of language, the 2013 edition of Ethnologue catalogs just over 7,000 living human languages. A living language is one that is used as the primary form of communication of a group of people. There are also dead and extinct languages, as well as some that are still insufficiently studied to be classified. Membership of languages in a family is established by comparative linguistics. Sister languages are said to have a genetic or genealogical relationship, speakers of a language family belong to a common speech community. The divergence of a proto-language into daughter languages typically occurs through geographical separation, individuals belonging to other speech communities may also adopt languages from a different language family through the language shift process. Genealogically related languages present shared retentions, that is, features of the proto-language that cannot be explained by chance or borrowing, for example, Germanic languages are Germanic in that they share vocabulary and grammatical features that are not believed to have been present in the Proto-Indo-European language. These features are believed to be innovations that took place in Proto-Germanic, language families can be divided into smaller phylogenetic units, conventionally referred to as branches of the family because the history of a language family is often represented as a tree diagram. A family is a unit, all its members derive from a common ancestor. Some taxonomists restrict the term family to a level. Those who affix such labels also subdivide branches into groups, a top-level family is often called a phylum or stock. The closer the branches are to other, the closer the languages will be related. For example, the Celtic, Germanic, Slavic, Romance, there is a remarkably similar pattern shown by the linguistic tree and the genetic tree of human ancestry that was verified statistically. Languages interpreted in terms of the phylogenetic tree of human languages are transmitted to a great extent vertically as opposed to horizontally. A speech variety may also be considered either a language or a dialect depending on social or political considerations, thus, different sources give sometimes wildly different accounts of the number of languages within a family. Classifications of the Japonic family, for example, range from one language to nearly twenty, most of the worlds languages are known to be related to others
2.
Indo-European languages
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The Indo-European languages are a language family of several hundred related languages and dialects. There are about 445 living Indo-European languages, according to the estimate by Ethnologue, the most widely spoken Indo-European languages by native speakers are Spanish, English, Hindustani, Portuguese, Bengali, Russian, and Punjabi, each with over 100 million speakers. Today, 46% of the population speaks an Indo-European language as a first language. The Indo-European family includes most of the languages of Europe, and parts of Western, Central. It was also predominant in ancient Anatolia, the ancient Tarim Basin and most of Central Asia until the medieval Turkic migrations, all Indo-European languages are descendants of a single prehistoric language, reconstructed as Proto-Indo-European, spoken sometime in the Neolithic era. Several disputed proposals link Indo-European to other language families. In the 16th century, European visitors to the Indian subcontinent began to notice similarities among Indo-Aryan, Iranian, in 1583, English Jesuit missionary Thomas Stephens in Goa wrote a letter to his brother in which he noted similarities between Indian languages and Greek and Latin. Another account to mention the ancient language Sanskrit came from Filippo Sassetti, a merchant born in Florence in 1540, writing in 1585, he noted some word similarities between Sanskrit and Italian. However, neither Stephens nor Sassettis observations led to further scholarly inquiry and he included in his hypothesis Dutch, Albanian, Greek, Latin, Persian, and German, later adding Slavic, Celtic, and Baltic languages. However, Van Boxhorns suggestions did not become known and did not stimulate further research. Ottoman Turkish traveler Evliya Çelebi visited Vienna in 1665–1666 as part of a diplomatic mission, gaston Coeurdoux and others made observations of the same type. Coeurdoux made a comparison of Sanskrit, Latin and Greek conjugations in the late 1760s to suggest a relationship among them. Thomas Young first used the term Indo-European in 1813, deriving from the extremes of the language family. A synonym is Indo-Germanic, specifying the familys southeasternmost and northwesternmost branches, a number of other synonymous terms have also been used. Franz Bopps Comparative Grammar appeared between 1833 and 1852 and marks the beginning of Indo-European studies as an academic discipline, the classical phase of Indo-European comparative linguistics leads from this work to August Schleichers 1861 Compendium and up to Karl Brugmanns Grundriss, published in the 1880s. Brugmanns neogrammarian reevaluation of the field and Ferdinand de Saussures development of the theory may be considered the beginning of modern Indo-European studies. This led to the laryngeal theory, a major step forward in Indo-European linguistics. Isolated terms in Luwian/Hittite mentioned in Semitic Old Assyrian texts from the 20th and 19th centuries BC, Hittite texts from about 1650 BC, Armenian, writing known from the beginning of the 5th century AD
3.
Italic languages
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The Italic languages are a subfamily of the Indo-European language family, originally spoken by Italic peoples. They include Latin and its descendants as well as a number of languages of the Italian Peninsula, including Umbrian, Oscan, Faliscan. With over 800 million native speakers, the Italic languages constitute the second most widely spoken branch of the Indo-European family, in the past, various definitions of Italic have prevailed. This article uses the classification presented by the Linguist List, Italic includes the Latin subgroup as well as the ancient Italic languages, venetic, as revealed by its inscriptions, shared some similarities with the Italic languages and is sometimes classified as Italic. However, since it shares similarities with other Western Indo-European branches. In the extreme view, Italic did not exist, but the different groups descended directly from Indo-European and this view stems in part from the difficulty in identifying a common Italic homeland in prehistory. Moreover, there are similarities between groups, although how these similarities are to be interpreted is one of the major debatable issues in the historical linguistics of Indo-European. The linguist Calvert Watkins went so far as to suggest, among ten major groups and these he considered dialectical divisions within Proto-Indo-European which go back to a period long before the speakers arrived in their historical areas of attestation. The main debate concerning the origin of the Italic languages is the same as that which preoccupied Greek studies for the last half of the 20th century, the Indo-Europeanists for Greek had hypothesized that Greek originated outside Greece and was brought in by invaders. The issue was settled in favour of the origin of Greek being that of a language which had developed from all of these elements and then also taken its recognisable form all within Greece. A proto-Italic homeland outside Italy is just as elusive as the home of the hypothetical Greek-speaking invaders, no early form of Italic is available to match Mycenaean Greek. The Italic languages are first attested in writing from Umbrian and Faliscan inscriptions dating to the 7th century BC, the alphabets used are based on the Old Italic alphabet, which is itself based on the Greek alphabet. The Italic alphabets themselves show minor influence from the Etruscan and somewhat more from the Ancient Greek alphabet, the intermediate phases between Italic and Indo-European are still in deficit, with no guarantee that they ever will be found. The question of whether Italic originated outside Italy or developed by assimilation of Indo-European and other elements within Italy, approximately on or within its current range there, remains. Silvestri says. Common Italic. is certainly not to be seen as a language that can largely be reconstructed. Bakkum defines Proto-Italic as a stage without an independent development of its own, but extending over late PIE. Meisers dates of 4000 BC to 1800 BC he describes as as good a guess as anyones, the Roman conquests eventually spread it throughout the peninsula and beyond in the Roman Empire. It is unknown whether the language spoken by the Sicels in Sicily was Italic or not, from Vulgar Latin the Romance languages emerged
4.
Romance languages
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Today, around 800 million people are native speakers worldwide, mainly in Europe, Africa and the Americas, but also elsewhere. Additionally, the major Romance languages have many speakers and are in widespread use as lingua francas. This is especially the case for French, which is in use throughout Central and West Africa, Madagascar, Mauritius. The five most widely spoken Romance languages by number of speakers are Spanish, Portuguese, French, Italian. Because of the difficulty of imposing boundaries on a continuum, various counts of the modern Romance languages are given, for example, Dalby lists 23 based on mutual intelligibility. Between 350 BC and 150 AD, the expansion of the Empire, together with its administrative and educational policies, Latin also exerted a strong influence in southeastern Britain, the Roman province of Africa, western Germany and the Balkans north of the Jireček Line. Despite other influences, the phonology, morphology, and lexicon of all Romance languages consist mainly of evolved forms of Vulgar Latin, however, some notable differences occur between todays Romance languages and their Roman ancestor. With only one or two exceptions, Romance languages have lost the system of Latin and, as a result, have SVO sentence structure. From this adverb the noun romance originated, which applied initially to anything written romanice, the word romance with the modern sense of romance novel or love affair has the same origin. In the medieval literature of Western Europe, serious writing was usually in Latin, while popular tales, often focusing on love, were composed in the vernacular, for example, the Portuguese word fresta is descended from Latin fenestra window, but now means skylight and slit. Cognates may exist but have become rare, such as finiestra in Spanish, the Spanish and Portuguese terms defenestrar meaning to throw through a window and fenestrado meaning replete with windows also have the same root, but are later borrowings from Latin. Galician has both fiestra and the frequently used ventá and xanela. As an alternative to lei, Italian has the pronoun ella, a cognate of the words for she. Sardinian balcone comes from Old Italian and is similar to other Romance languages such as French balcon, Portuguese balcão, Romanian balcon, Spanish balcón, Catalan balcó and Corsican balconi. Documentary evidence is limited about Vulgar Latin for the purposes of research. Many of its speakers were soldiers, slaves, displaced peoples, other scholars argue that the distinctions are more rightly viewed as indicative of sociolinguistic and register differences normally found within any language. Both were mutually intelligible as one and the language, which was true until the second half of the 7th century. Central Europe and the Balkans were occupied by the Germanic and Slavic tribes, as well as by the Huns, over the course of the fourth to eighth centuries, Vulgar Latin, by this time highly dialectalized, broke up into discrete languages that were no longer mutually intelligible
5.
Western Romance languages
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Western Romance languages are one of the two subdivisions of a proposed subdivision of the Romance languages based on the La Spezia–Rimini line. They include the Gallo-Romance and Iberian-Romance branches as well as northern Italian, there is also much higher morphological similarity between Spanish and Italian dialects than between Italian and French. Some classifications include Italo-Dalmatian, the clade is generally called Italo-Western Romance. Other classifications place Italo-Dalmatian with Eastern Romance, sardinian does not fit into either Western or Eastern Romance, and may have split off before either. Today the four most-widely spoken standardized Western Romance languages are Spanish, Portuguese, French, many of these languages have large numbers of non-native speakers, this is especially the case for French, in widespread use throughout West Africa as a lingua franca. Gallo-Romance includes, The Langues doïl, or Oïl languages and these include Standard French, Picard, Walloon, Lorrain and Norman. The Arpitan language, also known as Franco-Provençal and it shares features of both French and the Provençal dialect of Occitan. Sometimes included in the Oïl languages, Gallo-Romance can include, The Rhaeto-Romance languages. They include Romansh of Switzerland, Ladin of the Dolomites area, Rhaeto-Romance languages can be classified as Gallo-Romance, or as an independent branch of the Western Romance languages. The Occitano-Romance languages of Southern France and East Iberia, includes Occitan and Catalan, Occitano-Romance languages can be classified as Gallo-Romance, Iberian-Romance, or as an independent branch of the Western Romance languages. The Occitan language, or langue doc, has such as Provençal dialect. The Catalan language has standard forms of Catalan and Valencian, can be classified as East Iberian. They include Piedmontese, Ligurian, Lombard, Emiliano-Romagnolo, Gallo-Italic of Sicily, Gallo-Italic languages can be classified as Gallo-Romance or as Northern Italian dialects. The Oïl languages, Arpitan and Rhaeto-Romance languages are sometimes called Gallo-Rhaetian, Iberian Romance languages of the Iberian Peninsula include, The West Iberian languages, The Castilian languages, includes Spanish and Judaeo-Spanish. The Galician-Portuguese languages, includes Portuguese, Galician, Fala and Uruguayan Portuñol, the Astur-Leonese languages, they are, from east to west, Cantabrian, central-eastern Asturian and Leonese proper. Going from north to south, they are Leonese proper, Mirandese, Extremaduran, the Pyrenean–Mozarabic languages, includes Aragonese, and the extinct Mozarabic. Can be classified as West Iberian, the East Iberian language, or Catalan language, usually classified as part of Occitano-Romance, see Gallo-Romance above
6.
Ibero-Romance languages
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Originating in Iberia, the most widely spoken Iberian Romance languages are Spanish, Portuguese, Catalan and Galician. These languages also have their own regional and local dialects, like all Romance languages, the Iberian Romance languages descend from Vulgar Latin. Vulgar Latin was the form of the Latin language spoken by soldiers. With the expansion of the empire, Vulgar Latin came to be spoken by inhabitants of the various Roman-controlled territories, Latin and its descendants have been spoken in Iberia since the Punic Wars, when the Romans conquered the territory. The modern Iberian Romance languages were formed roughly through the following process, the diversification of Latin spoken in Iberia, with slight differences depending on location. Development of Old Spanish, Galician-Portuguese, Astur-Leonese and Navarro-Aragonese and early Catalan language from Latin between the eighth and tenth centuries, the genetic classification of early Catalan and Occitan is uncertain. Some scholars place it within Ibero-Romance, others place it within Gallo-Romance, further development into modern Castilian, Portuguese, Galician, Catalan, Asturian, Leonese, Mirandese, etc. between the fifteenth and twentieth centuries. Politically, there are four major officially recognised Iberian Romance languages, Spanish, sometimes known as Castilian, is the national and official language of 21 countries, Spanish is the second-most widely spoken native language in the world, and the third-most widely spoken. It has a number of dialects and varieties, Portuguese, official language in eight countries including Portugal. After Spanish, Portuguese is the second most widely spoken Romance language in the world with over 250 million speakers, various Portuguese dialects exist outside of the European standard spoken in Portugal. Catalan is the language in Andorra and co-official in the Spanish autonomous communities of Catalonia, Balearic Islands and Valencian Community. It is also spoken in the French department of Pyrénées-Orientales without official recognition, Catalan is closely related to Occitan, with the two languages having been treated as one in studies by Occitanist linguists. When not treated as one, the two languages are classified together as Occitano-Romance languages, a group which is itself sometimes grouped with the Gallo-Romance languages. Galician, co-official in Galicia and also spoken in adjacent western parts of Asturias and Castile, closely related to Portuguese, but also Spanish. It shares origins with Portuguese, from the medieval Galician-Portuguese, modern Galician is spoken by around 3.2 million people and is ranked 160th by number of speakers. Additionally, the Asturian language, although not a language, is recognised by the autonomous community of Asturias. In Portugal, Mirandese, which, like Asturian, is one of the Astur-Leonese languages, has official status in the northernmost part of the country, the Iberian Romance languages are a conventional group of Romance languages. Many authors use the term in a geographical sense although they are not necessarily a phylogenetic group
7.
West Iberian languages
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West Iberian is a branch of the Romance languages that includes Castilian, Astur-Leonese, and the modern descendants of Galician-Portuguese. Until a few centuries ago, they formed a dialect continuum covering the western, central and southern parts of the Iberian Peninsula—excepting the Basque, there is controversy over whether the members of the modern Galician-Portuguese and Astur-Leonese subgroups are languages or dialects. A common, though disputed, classification is to state that Portuguese and Galician are separate languages, as are Asturian, Leonese, cantabrian and Extremaduran are considered codialects of the Leonese language for UNESCO, whereas the latter is a Castilian dialect in the ISO codes
8.
Spanish language
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Spanish —also called Castilian —is a Romance language that originated in the Castile region of Spain, with hundreds of millions of native speakers around the world. It is usually considered the worlds second-most spoken native language after Mandarin Chinese and it is one of the few languages to use inverted question and exclamation marks. Spanish is a part of the Ibero-Romance group of languages, which evolved from several dialects of Vulgar Latin in Iberia after the collapse of the Western Roman Empire in the 5th century. Beginning in the early 16th century, Spanish was taken to the colonies of the Spanish Empire, most notably to the Americas, as well as territories in Africa, Oceania, around 75% of modern Spanish is derived from Latin. Greek has also contributed substantially to Spanish vocabulary, especially through Latin, Spanish vocabulary has been in contact from an early date with Arabic, having developed during the Al-Andalus era in the Iberian Peninsula. With around 8% of its vocabulary being Arabic in origin, this language is the second most important influence after Latin and it has also been influenced by Basque as well as by neighboring Ibero-Romance languages. It also adopted words from languages such as Gothic language from the Visigoths in which many Spanish names and surnames have a Visigothic origin. Spanish is one of the six languages of the United Nations. It is the language in the world by the number of people who speak it as a mother tongue, after Mandarin Chinese. It is estimated more than 437 million people speak Spanish as a native language. Spanish is the official or national language in Spain, Equatorial Guinea, speakers in the Americas total some 418 million. In the European Union, Spanish is the tongue of 8% of the population. Spanish is the most popular second language learned in the United States, in 2011 it was estimated by the American Community Survey that of the 55 million Hispanic United States residents who are five years of age and over,38 million speak Spanish at home. The Spanish Constitution of 1978 uses the term castellano to define the language of the whole Spanish State in contrast to las demás lenguas españolas. Article III reads as follows, El castellano es la lengua española oficial del Estado, las demás lenguas españolas serán también oficiales en las respectivas Comunidades Autónomas. Castilian is the official Spanish language of the State, the other Spanish languages as well shall be official in their respective Autonomous Communities. The Spanish Royal Academy, on the hand, currently uses the term español in its publications. Two etymologies for español have been suggested, the Spanish Royal Academy Dictionary derives the term from the Provençal word espaignol, and that in turn from the Medieval Latin word Hispaniolus, from—or pertaining to—Hispania
9.
Writing system
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A writing system is any conventional method of visually representing verbal communication. While both writing and speech are useful in conveying messages, writing differs in also being a form of information storage. The processes of encoding and decoding writing systems involve shared understanding between writers and readers of the meaning behind the sets of characters that make up a script, the general attributes of writing systems can be placed into broad categories such as alphabets, syllabaries, or logographies. Any particular system can have attributes of more than one category, in the alphabetic category, there is a standard set of letters of consonants and vowels that encode based on the general principle that the letters represent speech sounds. In a syllabary, each symbol correlates to a syllable or mora, in a logography, each character represents a word, morpheme, or other semantic units. Other categories include abjads, which differ from alphabets in that vowels are not indicated, alphabets typically use a set of 20-to-35 symbols to fully express a language, whereas syllabaries can have 80-to-100, and logographies can have several hundreds of symbols. Systems will also enable the stringing together of these groupings in order to enable a full expression of the language. The reading step can be accomplished purely in the mind as an internal process, writing systems were preceded by proto-writing, which used pictograms, ideograms and other mnemonic symbols. Proto-writing lacked the ability to capture and express a range of thoughts. Soon after, writing provided a form of long distance communication. With the advent of publishing, it provided the medium for a form of mass communication. Writing systems are distinguished from other possible symbolic communication systems in that a system is always associated with at least one spoken language. In contrast, visual representations such as drawings, paintings, and non-verbal items on maps, such as contour lines, are not language-related. Some other symbols, such as numerals and the ampersand, are not directly linked to any specific language, every human community possesses language, which many regard as an innate and defining condition of humanity. However, the development of writing systems, and the process by which they have supplanted traditional oral systems of communication, have been sporadic, uneven, once established, writing systems generally change more slowly than their spoken counterparts. Thus they often preserve features and expressions which are no current in the spoken language. One of the benefits of writing systems is that they can preserve a permanent record of information expressed in a language. In the examination of individual scripts, the study of writing systems has developed along partially independent lines, thus, the terminology employed differs somewhat from field to field
10.
Latin script
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Latin script is used as the standard method of writing in most Western and Central European languages, as well as in many languages in other parts of the world. Latin script is the basis for the largest number of alphabets of any writing system and is the most widely adopted writing system in the world, Latin script is also the basis of the International Phonetic Alphabet. The 26 most widespread letters are the contained in the ISO basic Latin alphabet. The script is either called Roman script or Latin script, in reference to its origin in ancient Rome, in the context of transliteration, the term romanization or romanisation is often found. Unicode uses the term Latin as does the International Organization for Standardization, the numeral system is called the Roman numeral system, and the collection of the elements, Roman numerals. The numbers 1,2,3. are Latin/Roman script numbers for the Hindu–Arabic numeral system, the Latin alphabet spread, along with Latin, from the Italian Peninsula to the lands surrounding the Mediterranean Sea with the expansion of the Roman Empire. The Latin script also came into use for writing the West Slavic languages and several South Slavic languages, the speakers of East Slavic languages generally adopted Cyrillic along with Orthodox Christianity. The Serbian language uses both scripts, with Cyrillic predominating in official communication and Latin elsewhere, as determined by the Law on Official Use of the Language and Alphabet. As late as 1500, the Latin script was limited primarily to the languages spoken in Western, Northern, the Orthodox Christian Slavs of Eastern and Southeastern Europe mostly used Cyrillic, and the Greek alphabet was in use by Greek-speakers around the eastern Mediterranean. The Arabic script was widespread within Islam, both among Arabs and non-Arab nations like the Iranians, Indonesians, Malays, and Turkic peoples, most of the rest of Asia used a variety of Brahmic alphabets or the Chinese script. It is used for many Austronesian languages, including the languages of the Philippines, Latin letters served as the basis for the forms of the Cherokee syllabary developed by Sequoyah, however, the sound values are completely different. In the late 19th century, the Romanians returned to the Latin alphabet, under French rule and Portuguese missionary influence, a Latin alphabet was devised for the Vietnamese language, which had previously used Chinese characters. In 1928, as part of Mustafa Kemal Atatürks reforms, the new Republic of Turkey adopted a Latin alphabet for the Turkish language, kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Iranian-speaking Tajikistan, and the breakaway region of Transnistria kept the Cyrillic alphabet, chiefly due to their close ties with Russia. In the 1930s and 1940s, the majority of Kurds replaced the Arabic script with two Latin alphabets, although the only official Kurdish government uses an Arabic alphabet for public documents, the Latin Kurdish alphabet remains widely used throughout the region by the majority of Kurdish-speakers. In 2015, the Kazakh government announced that the Latin alphabet would replace Cyrillic as the system for the Kazakh language by 2025. In the course of its use, the Latin alphabet was adapted for use in new languages, sometimes representing phonemes not found in languages that were written with the Roman characters. These new forms are given a place in the alphabet by defining an alphabetical order or collation sequence, a digraph is a pair of letters used to write one sound or a combination of sounds that does not correspond to the written letters in sequence. Examples are ⟨ch⟩, ⟨ng⟩, ⟨rh⟩, ⟨sh⟩ in English, a trigraph is made up of three letters, like the German ⟨sch⟩, the Breton ⟨c’h⟩ or the Milanese ⟨oeu⟩
11.
Spanish orthography
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Spanish orthography is the orthography used in the Spanish language. The alphabet uses the Latin script, the punctuation is similar to that used in other Romance languages and in English. The Spanish language is written using the Spanish alphabet, which is the Latin script with one letter, eñe ñ. Although the letters k and w are part of the alphabet, they appear only in such as karate, kilo, waterpolo. Each letter has an official name according to the Real Academia Españolas new 2010 Common Orthography. The digraphs ch and ll were considered letters of the alphabet from 1754 to 2010, the digraph rr is occasionally considered a letter, but officially it was never so. ^1 The sequence ⟨ch⟩ represents the affricate /tʃ/, the digraph was formerly treated as a single letter, called che. ^2 The phonemes /θ/ and /s/ have merged in many dialects, see seseo. ^3 With the exception of loanwords, hámster, hachís, hawaiano, which have /x/. ^5 Used only in the digraph ⟨qu⟩. ^6 The digraph ⟨rr⟩. For details on Spanish pronunciation, see Spanish phonology and Wikipedia, when acute accent and diaeresis marks are used on vowels they are considered variants of the plain vowel letters, but ⟨ñ⟩ is considered a separate letter from ⟨n⟩. This makes a difference when sorting alphabetically, ⟨ñ⟩ appears in dictionaries after ⟨n⟩, for example, in a Spanish dictionary piñata comes after pinza. There are five digraphs, ⟨ch⟩, ⟨ll⟩, ⟨rr⟩, ⟨gu⟩ and ⟨qu⟩, thus, for example, in dictionaries, chico is alphabetized after centro and before ciudad, instead of being alphabetized after all words beginning with cu- as was formerly done. Despite their former status as unitary letters of the alphabet, ⟨ch⟩, thus the word chillón in a text written in all caps is CHILLÓN, not *ChILlÓN, and if it is the first word of a sentence, it is written Chillón, not *CHillón. Sometimes, one finds lifts with buttons marked LLamar, but this double capitalization has always been incorrect according to RAE rules, B and V The letters ⟨b⟩ and ⟨v⟩ were originally simply known as be and ve, which in modern Spanish are pronounced identically. In Old Spanish, they represented different sounds but the sounds merged later. Their usual names are be and uve, in some regions, some Mexicans and most Peruvians generally say be grande / chica, Argentines, Uruguayans and Chileans, be larga / corta. Some people give examples of words spelt with the letter, e. g. b de burro / v de vaca, Colombians tend to say be grande for B and ve pequeña for V. In Venezuela, they called B as b de Bolívar, and V as v de Venezuela, regardless of these regional differences, all Spanish-speaking people recognize be as the official name of B. R The digraph ⟨rr⟩ is sometimes called doble erre or erre doble. It is sometimes suggested that the name of the letter ⟨r⟩ be ere when it is single, and erre when it is double, the name ere was used when referring specifically to the alveolar tap /ɾ/ and erre referring to the alveolar trill /r/
12.
International Phonetic Alphabet
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The International Phonetic Alphabet is an alphabetic system of phonetic notation based primarily on the Latin alphabet. It was devised by the International Phonetic Association as a representation of the sounds of spoken language. The IPA is used by lexicographers, foreign students and teachers, linguists, speech-language pathologists, singers, actors, constructed language creators. The IPA is designed to represent only those qualities of speech that are part of language, phones, phonemes, intonation. IPA symbols are composed of one or more elements of two types, letters and diacritics. For example, the sound of the English letter ⟨t⟩ may be transcribed in IPA with a letter, or with a letter plus diacritics. Often, slashes are used to signal broad or phonemic transcription, thus, /t/ is less specific than, occasionally letters or diacritics are added, removed, or modified by the International Phonetic Association. As of the most recent change in 2005, there are 107 letters,52 diacritics and these are shown in the current IPA chart, posted below in this article and at the website of the IPA. In 1886, a group of French and British language teachers, led by the French linguist Paul Passy, for example, the sound was originally represented with the letter ⟨c⟩ in English, but with the digraph ⟨ch⟩ in French. However, in 1888, the alphabet was revised so as to be uniform across languages, the idea of making the IPA was first suggested by Otto Jespersen in a letter to Paul Passy. It was developed by Alexander John Ellis, Henry Sweet, Daniel Jones, since its creation, the IPA has undergone a number of revisions. After major revisions and expansions in 1900 and 1932, the IPA remained unchanged until the International Phonetic Association Kiel Convention in 1989, a minor revision took place in 1993 with the addition of four letters for mid central vowels and the removal of letters for voiceless implosives. The alphabet was last revised in May 2005 with the addition of a letter for a labiodental flap, apart from the addition and removal of symbols, changes to the IPA have consisted largely in renaming symbols and categories and in modifying typefaces. Extensions to the International Phonetic Alphabet for speech pathology were created in 1990, the general principle of the IPA is to provide one letter for each distinctive sound, although this practice is not followed if the sound itself is complex. There are no letters that have context-dependent sound values, as do hard, finally, the IPA does not usually have separate letters for two sounds if no known language makes a distinction between them, a property known as selectiveness. These are organized into a chart, the chart displayed here is the chart as posted at the website of the IPA. The letters chosen for the IPA are meant to harmonize with the Latin alphabet, for this reason, most letters are either Latin or Greek, or modifications thereof. Some letters are neither, for example, the letter denoting the glottal stop, ⟨ʔ⟩, has the form of a question mark
13.
Specials (Unicode block)
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Specials is a short Unicode block allocated at the very end of the Basic Multilingual Plane, at U+FFF0–FFFF. Of these 16 codepoints, five are assigned as of Unicode 9, U+FFFD � REPLACEMENT CHARACTER used to replace an unknown, unrecognized or unrepresentable character U+FFFE <noncharacter-FFFE> not a character. FFFE and FFFF are not unassigned in the sense. They can be used to guess a texts encoding scheme, since any text containing these is by not a correctly encoded Unicode text. The replacement character � is a found in the Unicode standard at codepoint U+FFFD in the Specials table. It is used to indicate problems when a system is unable to render a stream of data to a correct symbol and it is usually seen when the data is invalid and does not match any character, Consider a text file containing the German word für in the ISO-8859-1 encoding. This file is now opened with an editor that assumes the input is UTF-8. The first and last byte are valid UTF-8 encodings of ASCII, therefore, a text editor could replace this byte with the replacement character symbol to produce a valid string of Unicode code points. The whole string now displays like this, f�r, a poorly implemented text editor might save the replacement in UTF-8 form, the text file data will then look like this, 0x66 0xEF 0xBF 0xBD 0x72, which will be displayed in ISO-8859-1 as f�r. Since the replacement is the same for all errors this makes it impossible to recover the original character, a better design is to preserve the original bytes, including the error, and only convert to the replacement when displaying the text. This will allow the text editor to save the original byte sequence and it has become increasingly common for software to interpret invalid UTF-8 by guessing the bytes are in another byte-based encoding such as ISO-8859-1. This allows correct display of both valid and invalid UTF-8 pasted together, Unicode control characters UTF-8 Mojibake Unicodes Specials table Decodeunicodes entry for the replacement character
14.
Unicode
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Unicode is a computing industry standard for the consistent encoding, representation, and handling of text expressed in most of the worlds writing systems. As of June 2016, the most recent version is Unicode 9.0, the standard is maintained by the Unicode Consortium. Unicodes success at unifying character sets has led to its widespread, the standard has been implemented in many recent technologies, including modern operating systems, XML, Java, and the. NET Framework. Unicode can be implemented by different character encodings, the most commonly used encodings are UTF-8, UTF-16 and the now-obsolete UCS-2. UTF-8 uses one byte for any ASCII character, all of which have the same values in both UTF-8 and ASCII encoding, and up to four bytes for other characters. UCS-2 uses a 16-bit code unit for each character but cannot encode every character in the current Unicode standard, UTF-16 extends UCS-2, using one 16-bit unit for the characters that were representable in UCS-2 and two 16-bit units to handle each of the additional characters. Many traditional character encodings share a common problem in that they allow bilingual computer processing, Unicode, in intent, encodes the underlying characters—graphemes and grapheme-like units—rather than the variant glyphs for such characters. In the case of Chinese characters, this leads to controversies over distinguishing the underlying character from its variant glyphs. In text processing, Unicode takes the role of providing a unique code point—a number, in other words, Unicode represents a character in an abstract way and leaves the visual rendering to other software, such as a web browser or word processor. This simple aim becomes complicated, however, because of concessions made by Unicodes designers in the hope of encouraging a more rapid adoption of Unicode, the first 256 code points were made identical to the content of ISO-8859-1 so as to make it trivial to convert existing western text. For other examples, see duplicate characters in Unicode and he explained that he name Unicode is intended to suggest a unique, unified, universal encoding. In this document, entitled Unicode 88, Becker outlined a 16-bit character model, Unicode could be roughly described as wide-body ASCII that has been stretched to 16 bits to encompass the characters of all the worlds living languages. In a properly engineered design,16 bits per character are more than sufficient for this purpose, Unicode aims in the first instance at the characters published in modern text, whose number is undoubtedly far below 214 =16,384. By the end of 1990, most of the work on mapping existing character encoding standards had been completed, the Unicode Consortium was incorporated in California on January 3,1991, and in October 1991, the first volume of the Unicode standard was published. The second volume, covering Han ideographs, was published in June 1992, in 1996, a surrogate character mechanism was implemented in Unicode 2.0, so that Unicode was no longer restricted to 16 bits. The Microsoft TrueType specification version 1.0 from 1992 used the name Apple Unicode instead of Unicode for the Platform ID in the naming table, Unicode defines a codespace of 1,114,112 code points in the range 0hex to 10FFFFhex. Normally a Unicode code point is referred to by writing U+ followed by its hexadecimal number, for code points in the Basic Multilingual Plane, four digits are used, for code points outside the BMP, five or six digits are used, as required. Code points in Planes 1 through 16 are accessed as surrogate pairs in UTF-16, within each plane, characters are allocated within named blocks of related characters
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Spanish phonology
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This article is about the phonology and phonetics of the Spanish language. Unless otherwise noted, statements refer to Castilian Spanish, the dialect used in Spain on radio. For historical development of the system see History of Spanish. For details of geographical variation see Spanish dialects and varieties, Spanish has many allophones, so it is important here to distinguish phonemes and corresponding allophones. The phoneme /ʝ/ is realized as an approximant in all contexts except after a pause, in these environments, it may be realized as an affricate. The two also overlap in distribution after /l/ and /n/, enyesar aniego, although there is dialectal and ideolectal variation, speakers may also exhibit other near-minimal pairs like abyecto vs abierto. There are some alternations between the two, prompting scholars like Alarcos Llorach to postulate an archiphoneme /I/, so that ley would be transcribed phonemically as /ˈleI/ and leyes as /ˈleIes/. In a number of varieties, including some American ones, a parallel to the one distinguishing non-syllabic /i/ from consonantal /ʝ/ occurs for non-syllabic /u/. Near-minimal pairs include deshuesar vs. desuello, son huevos vs son nuevos, the phoneme /ʎ/ is found in some areas in Spain and some areas of South America. Most speakers in Spain, including the variety prevalent on radio, however, speakers in Latin America and those parts of southern Spain have only /s/. Some speakers in southernmost Spain have only and not /s/ and this ceceo is not entirely unknown in the Americas, especially in coastal Peru. The phoneme /s/ has three different pronunciations depending on dialect, the phonemes /t/ and /d/ are laminal denti-alveolars. The phoneme /s/ becomes dental before denti-alveolar consonants, while /θ/ remains interdental in all contexts, before front vowels /i, e/, the velar consonants /k, ɡ, x/ are realized as post-palatal. According to some authors, /x/ is post-velar or uvular in the Spanish of northern, others describe /x/ as velar in European Spanish, with a uvular allophone appearing before /u/. A common pronunciation of /f/ in nonstandard speech is the bilabial fricative. /ʃ/ is a phoneme that occurs only in loanwords, many speakers have difficulty with this sound. In a number of dialects occurs, as a deaffricated /tʃ/, some of the phonemic contrasts between consonants in Spanish are lost in certain phonological environments, and especially in syllable-final position. In these cases the phonemic contrast is said to be neutralized, nasals and laterals The three nasal phonemes—/m/, /n/, and /ɲ/—maintain their contrast when in syllable-initial position
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Names given to the Spanish language
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There are two names given in Spanish to the Spanish language, español and castellano. Generally speaking, both terms can refer to the Spanish language as a whole, with a preference for one over the other depends on the context or the speakers origin. Soon after that there begin to appear discursive texts in Castilian and this early Romance language was derived from Latin and evolved into modern Spanish. However, the term Spanish is a recent term that first referred to Spain as a country. The actual legal unification date is disputed, but commonly agreed to have occurred not earlier than the eighteenth century, only then did the Castilian language begin to be commonly called Spanish. In 1492, the arrival of Christopher Columbus on a Castilian-paid expedition paved the way for the Spanish colonization of the Americas, as a result of this process, most countries in South America now speak the same language as Castile. Until about the eighteenth century, the Kingdom of Castile, and not Spain as a whole, was the power. In English, the term Spanish relates both to the language and to the nation, the noun used for a person from Spain is Spaniard, with the collective noun the Spanish. The term Castilian is much less widespread amongst English speakers than the term Spanish, both Latin ancestor words are based on the place name Hispania, and both are marked with an asterisk to indicate that they are reconstructed, not directly attested. The dissimilation hypothesis, advanced by Ramón Menéndez Pidal, presumes that Latin Hispania was lengthened by the derivational suffix -ōne, the Old Spanish form españon is documented in works of the 13th and 14th centuries. It is suggested that the final /n/ of this changed to /l/ by dissimilation from the previous nasal consonant. This sporadic sound change is observed in other words, Menéndez Pidal cites Barcelona and delante, Lathrop adds ingle. According to the Occitan scenario, advanced by Rafael Lapesa, the Spanish borrowed the Occitan name for themselves, the Occitan influence is inferred because in Castilian the same Latin suffix would have produced *españuelo rather than español. Lapesa counters the dissimilation hypothesis by citing other words with -ñón in which dissimilation did not take place, cañón, borgoñón, riñón, penny, in discussing loans from French and Occitan, calls this the most remarkable loan of all, español Spanish, replacing native españón. The name Hispania was applied to the Iberian Peninsula by the Romans when they discovered, one theory about this name is that it comes from Canaanite אי שפנים, meaning island of hyraxes, named by Canaanite-speaking Phoenicians who mistook Spains large rabbit population for hyraxes. Several other theories about the name have been advanced as well, the Romans called the inhabitants of Hispania hispani, and the relevant adjective was hispanicus. As the branches of Vulgar Latin began to evolve into separate Romance languages and it was at first a general term that embraced the various dialects of Iberian Romance spoken in the area, including the forebears of modern Portuguese, Galician, Castilian and Catalan. With this, the break with the Roman concept of Hispania was complete, similarly, español came to be used to refer to the common language of this new country, Castilian
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Spanish dialects and varieties
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Some of the regional varieties of the Spanish language are quite divergent from one another, especially in pronunciation and vocabulary, and less so in grammar. While all Spanish dialects use the written standard, all spoken varieties differ from the written variety. There are differences between European Spanish and the Spanish of the Americas, as well as many different dialect areas both within Spain and within Hispanic America, among grammatical features, the most prominent variation among dialects is in the use of the second-person pronouns. For the second-person singular familiar pronoun, some Hispanic America dialects use tú, in a broad sense, Hispanic American Spanish can be grouped into, Mexican Central American Caribbean. The Spanish spoken in Gibraltar is essentially not different from the areas in Spain. The maintenance of phonemic contrast is called distinción in Spanish, the merged phoneme is typically realized as, though in parts of southern Andalusia the realization is closer to, in Spain this latter variation is called ceceo and the former one seseo. In dialects with seseo the words casa and caza are pronounced as homophones, the symbol stands for a voiceless sibilant like the s of English sick, while represents a voiceless interdental fricative like the th of English thick. In some cases where the merger would render words homophonic in Hispanic America. Caza replaced by cacería, or cocer, homophonic with coser, for more on seseo, see González-Bueno. Traditionally Spanish had a distinction between /ʎ/ and /ʝ/. But for most speakers in Spain and the Americas, these two phonemes have merged in the phoneme /ʝ/. This merger results in the words calló and cayó being pronounced the same, the use of the merged phoneme is called yeísmo. The phoneme /ʝ/ can be pronounced in a variety of ways, in most of the area where yeísmo is present, the merged phoneme /ʎ ~ ʝ/ is pronounced as the fricative or approximant or as the glide, and also, in word-initial positions, glide, affricates and. In the area around the Río de la Plata, this phoneme is pronounced as a sibilant fricative, either as voiced or, especially by young speakers. One of the most distinctive features of the Spanish variants is the pronunciation of /s/ when it is not aspirated to or elided. However, in most of Andalusia, in a few areas in southern Spain. /s/ is allophonized as or before voiced consonants when it is not aspirated to or elided, is a transitional between and. In some varieties of Hispanic American Spanish this may also occur intervocalically within an individual word, for instance, todos los cisnes son blancos, can be pronounced, or even
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Peninsular Spanish
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The related term Castilian Spanish is often applied to formal varieties of Spanish as spoken in Spain. This is usually called distinción in Spanish, while the merger of phonemes is called seseo. However, many Andalusian dialects and the Spanish spoken in the Canary Islands do not use distinción as a general rule, in morphology, the most notable distinguishing feature of Peninsular Spanish is the use of the pronoun vosotros and its corresponding verb forms for the second person plural familiar. In virtually all varieties of Modern Spanish, for the second person plural, the familiar. Again, the use of vosotros is uncommon in the Canary Islands and only partially introduced in Western Andalusia
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Spanish language in the Americas
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The Spanish language spoken in the Americas is distinct from Peninsular Spanish and Spanish spoken elsewhere, such as in Africa and Asia. Of the more than 469 million people who speak Spanish as their language, more than 418 million are in Latin America. There are numerous regional particularities and idiomatic expressions within Spanish, in Latin American Spanish, loanwords directly from English are relatively more frequent, and often foreign spellings are left intact. One notable trend is the abundance of loan words taken from English in Latin America as well as words derived from English. The Latin American Spanish word for computer is la computadora, whereas the word used in Spain is el ordenador, pronunciation varies from country to country and from region to region, just as English pronunciation varies from one place to another. In general terms, the speech of the Americas shows many features akin to southern Spanish variants, especially to western Andalusia. Most Spaniards pronounce ⟨z⟩ and ⟨c⟩ as, conversely, most Hispanic Americans have seseo, lacking a distinction between this phoneme acc /s/. However, seseo is also typical of the speech of many Andalusians, most of Spain, particularly the regions that have a distinctive /θ/ phoneme, realize /s/ with the tip of tongue against the alveolar ridge. Phonetically this is an apico-alveolar grave sibilant, with a weak hushing sound reminiscent of retroflex fricatives, to a Hispanic American speaker, the /s/ in Spanish dialects from northern Spain might sound close to like English ⟨sh⟩ as in she. As mentioned, Anglicisms are far more common in Hispanic America than in Spain, due to the stronger, equally, indigenous languages have left their mark on Hispanic American Spanish, a fact which is particularly evident in vocabulary to do with flora, fauna and cultural habits. Doublets of Arabic-Latinate synonyms with the Arabic form are common in Hispanic American Spanish being influenced by Andalusian Spanish like Andalusian, in this sense Hispanic American Spanish is closer to the dialects spoken in the south of Spain. Examples include the previously mentioned alcoba along with standard cuarto, recámara, habitación, dormitorio, aposento or pieza, see List of words having different meanings in Spain and Hispanic America. Most Hispanic American Spanish usually features yeísmo, there is no distinction between ⟨ll⟩ and ⟨y⟩, and both are, speakers of Rioplatense Spanish pronounce both ⟨ll⟩ and ⟨y⟩ as or. Most speakers of coastal dialects may debuccalize or aspirate syllable-final /s/ to, or drop it entirely, so that sounds like or. ⟨g⟩ and ⟨j⟩ are usually aspirated to in Caribbean and other coastal language vernaculars, as well as in all Colombia, in other American dialects the sound is closer to, and often firmly strong in Peruvian Spanish dialect. Very often, especially in Argentina and Chile, becomes fronter when preceding high vowels /e, i/ and this happens at a reduced level in Ecuador and Chile as well. It is a feature brought from Extremadura and westernmost Andalusia, in many Andean regions the alveolar trill of rata and carro is realized as an alveolar approximant or even as a voiced apico-alveolar. A notable exception is the Department of Nariño and most Costeño speech which feature the soft, word-final /n/ is velar in much Latin American Spanish speech, this means a word like pan is often articulated
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Phonological history of Spanish coronal fricatives
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Ceceo is found in some dialects of Spain, in the southernmost part of Andalusia. In many other Spanish-speaking regions and countries, however, the distinction between /s/ and /θ/ has been neutralized or merged. These varieties of Spanish are sometimes said to exhibit neutralización as opposed to distinción, in this case, their pronunciation may or may not coincide with the English pronunciation. Ceceo is a found in a few dialects of southern Spain in which the historical phonemes /s/. Ceceo is found primarily in some varieties of Andalusian Spanish, although Hualde reports that there is evidence of it in parts of Central America. A publication of the University of Oviedo also notes that the ceceo can be found in Argentina, other linguists have noticed the use of ceceo in parts of Puerto Rico, Honduras, and Venezuela. It is a largely rural pronunciation and is often stigmatized, seseo is the merger in the opposite direction, the original phonemes /s/ and /θ/ are both pronounced as. For example, the words casa and caza would be pronounced with the same sound and this rentention of the can result in ambiguity but can usually be interpreted depending on the context of which the sentence is spoken. Seseo is the most widespread pronunciation among Spanish speakers worldwide and occurs in all speakers in Hispanic America. While it is a minority pronunciation in Spain itself, seseo is considered standard in all varieties of Latin American Spanish and it coexists with distinción and ceceo in parts of Spain. Traditional dialect atlases show one variant or another used in adjacent regions, in Spain, seseo is considered more socially acceptable or perhaps less substandard than ceceo. The following table gives an example of the three pronunciation patterns discussed so far, Many speakers of ceceo and seseo dialects in Spain show sociolinguistic variation in usage. In some cases, this variation may arise when a ceceo or seseo speaker more or less consciously attempts to use distinción in response to sociolinguistic pressure. However, as, for instance, in the case of the variation between the velar nasal and alveolar pronunciation of the nasal in -ing in English, the switching may be entirely unconscious. It is perhaps evidence of the saliency of three-way ceceo-seseo-distinción variation that inconsistent use has elicited evaluative comments by some traditional Spanish dialectologists, for instance, Dalbor discussed it as sporadic or chaotic switching and the use of intermediate sounds impossible to determine with precision. In fact, sociolinguistic variation is highly structured in terms of how often each variant will appear given various social. This myth has been discredited by scholars for lack of evidence, Lundeberg traces the origins of the legend back to a chronicle of Pero López de Ayala stating that Peter of Castile lisped a little. The timeline is incorrect, however, he reigned in the 14th century
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Voseo
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Voseo is the use of vos as a second person singular pronoun, including its conjugational verb forms in many dialects of Spanish. In dialects that have it, it is used instead of tú. Use of tú is known as tuteo, Vos is used extensively as the primary form of the second person singular in Rioplatense Spanish, Eastern Bolivia, and Paraguayan Spanish. Central American Spanish also exhibits an extensive use of vos. Vos had not been used in formal writing except in Argentina. Nowadays it is common to see billboards and other advertising media using voseo. In the dialect of Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay, vos is also the form for use in television media. In Peru, voseo is present in some Andean regions and Cajamarca and it is also present in Ladino, where it replaces usted. In the United States, Salvadoran Americans are by far the largest voseo users followed by other Central Americans, Hondurans, Nicaraguans, and Costa Ricans. Voseo can also be found in the context of using verb conjugations for vos with tú as the pronoun, as in the case of Chilean Spanish. Originally a second-person plural, Vos came to be used as a more polite second-person singular pronoun to be used among ones familiar friends. O Dios, sois vos mi Padre verdadéro, O God, thou art my true Father, Tú eres un buen amígo, Thou art a good friend. The standard formal way to address a person one was not on terms with was to address such a person as vuestra merced in the singular. Because of the meaning of these forms, they were accompanied by the corresponding third-person verb forms. Other formal forms of address included vuestra excelencia and vuestra señoria, today, both vos and tú are considered to be informal pronouns, with vos being somewhat synonymous with tú in regions where both are used. This was the situation when Castilian was brought to the Río de la Plata area, note that the term vosotros is a combined form of vos otros, while the term nosotros comes from nos otros. In the first half of the 19th century the use of vos was as prevalent in Chile as it was in Argentina, the current limitation of the use of vos in Chile is attributed to a campaign to eradicate it by the Chilean education system. The campaign was initiated by Andrés Bello who considered the use of vos a manifestation of lack of education, the independent disjunctive pronoun ti is also replaced by vos. That is, vos is both nominative and the form to use after prepositions, therefore, para ti for you becomes para vos, etc
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Spanglish
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Most varieties of Spanglish are not usually considered a language itself, but instead a blend of Spanish and English lexical items and grammar. Spanglish is not a pidgin, because unlike pidgin languages, Spanglish can be the primary form for some individuals. Spanglish can be considered a variety of Spanish with heavy use of English or a variety of English with heavy use of Spanish and it can be more related either to Spanish or to English, depending on the circumstances. Since Spanglish arises independently in each region, it reflects the spoken varieties of English and Spanish. In general different varieties of Spanglish are not necessarily mutually intelligible, the term was introduced by the Puerto Rican poet Salvador Tió in the late 1940s, when he called it Espanglish or Inglañol. Some of these creoles have become recognized languages in their own right, including the Llanito language of Gibraltar and San Andrés–Providencia Creole of Colombia. In the late 1940s, the Puerto Rican journalist, poet, and essayist Salvador Tió coined the terms Espanglish for Spanish spoken with some English terms, between 1902 and 1948, the main language of instruction in public schools was English. Currently Puerto Rico is nearly unique in having both English and Spanish as its official languages, consequently, many American English words are now found in the vocabulary of Puerto Rican Spanish. Spanglish may also be known by different regional names, Spanglish does not have one unified dialect—specifically, the varieties of Spanglish spoken in New York, Florida, Texas, and California differ. It is common in Panama, where the 96-year U. S. control of the Panama Canal influenced much of society, especially among the former residents of the Panama Canal Zone. The same applies to the large Puerto Rican-descended populations of New York City, Spanglish is spoken commonly in the modern United States, reflecting the growth of the Hispanic-American population due to immigration. According to the U. S. Census Bureau, the population of Hispanics grew from 35.3 million to 53 million between 2000 and 2012, Hispanics have become the largest minority ethnic group in the US. More than 80% are of Mexican descent, Mexican Americans form one of the fastest-growing groups, increasing from 20.6 million to 34.5 million between 2000 and 2012. Around 58% of this community chose California, especially Southern California, Spanglish is widely used throughout the heavily Mexican-American and other Hispanic communities of Southern California. The use of Spanglish has become important to Hispanic communities throughout the United States in areas such as Miami, New York City, Texas, in Miami a Spanglish familiarly known as Cubonics is spoken. Spanglish is known as bilingualism/ semi-lingual ism, the acquisition of the first language is interrupted or unstructured language input follows from the second language. This can also happen in reverse, many Mexican-Americans, immigrants and bilinguals express themselves in various Spanglishes. For many, Spanglish serves as a basis for self-identity, however, many others believe that Spanglish should not exist and should be prohibited
