Economic liberalism is an economic system organized on individual lines, which means the greatest possible number of economic decisions are made by individuals or households rather than by collective institutions or organizations. It includes a spectrum of different economic policies, such as freedom of movement, but its basis is on strong support for a market economy and private property in the means of production. Although economic liberals can be supportive of government regulation to a certain degree, they tend to oppose government intervention in the free market when it inhibits free trade and open competition. Economic liberalism is associated with private ownership of capital assets. Economic liberalism arose in response to mercantilism and feudalism. Today, economic liberalism is considered opposed to non-capitalist economic orders, such as socialism and planned economies, it contrasts with protectionism because of its support for free trade and open markets. An economy, managed according to these precepts may be described as a liberal economy.
Arguments in favor of economic liberalism were advanced during the Enlightenment, opposing mercantilism and feudalism. It was first analyzed by Adam Smith in An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, which advocated minimal interference of government in a market economy, though it did not oppose the state's provision of basic public goods with what constitutes public goods being seen as limited in scope. Smith claimed that if everyone is left to his own economic devices instead of being controlled by the state the result would be a harmonious and more equal society of ever-increasing prosperity; this underpinned the move towards a capitalist economic system in the late 18th century and the subsequent demise of the mercantilist system. Private property and individual contracts form the basis of economic liberalism; the early theory was based on the assumption that the economic actions of individuals are based on self-interest and that allowing them to act without any restrictions will produce the best results for everyone, provided that at least minimum standards of public information and justice exist, e.g. no one should be allowed to coerce, steal, or commit fraud and there is freedom of speech and press.
The economic liberals had to contend with the supporters of feudal privileges for the wealthy, aristocratic traditions and the rights of kings to run national economies in their own personal interests. By the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th, these were defeated. Economic liberalism opposes government intervention on the grounds that the state serves dominant business interests, distorting the market to their favor and thus leading to inefficient outcomes. Ordoliberalism and various schools of social liberalism based on classical liberalism include a broader role for the state, but do not seek to replace private enterprise and the free market with public enterprise and economic planning. For example, a social market economy is a free market economy based on a free price system and private property, but is supportive of government activity to promote competitive markets and social welfare programs to address social inequalities that result from free market outcomes. Adams, Ian.
Political Ideology Today. Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-719-06020-5. Balaam, David N. Introduction to International Political Economy. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-34730-9. Turner, Rachel S.. Neo-Liberal Ideology: History and Policies. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-0-748-68868-5. Quotations related to Economic liberalism at Wikiquote
Politics of France
The politics of France take place with the framework of a semi-presidential system determined by the French Constitution of the French Fifth Republic. The nation declares itself to be an "indivisible, secular and social Republic"; the constitution provides for a separation of powers and proclaims France's "attachment to the Rights of Man and the principles of national sovereignty as defined by the Declaration of 1789." The political system of France consists of an executive branch, a legislative branch, a judicial branch. Executive power is exercised by the President of the Government; the Government consists of ministers. The Prime Minister is appointed by the President, is responsible to Parliament; the government, including the Prime Minister, can be revoked by the National Assembly, the lower house of Parliament, through a "censure motion". Parliament comprises the Senate, it passes votes on the budget. The constitutionality of the statutes is checked by the Constitutional Council, members of which are appointed by the President of the Republic, the President of the National Assembly, the President of the Senate.
Former presidents of the Republic are members of the Council. The independent judiciary is based upon civil law system, it is divided into the judicial branch and the administrative branch, each with their own independent supreme court of appeal: the Court of Cassation for the judicial courts and the Conseil d'Etat for the administrative courts. The French government includes various bodies. France is a unitary state. However, its administrative subdivisions—regions and communes—have various legal functions, the national government is prohibited from intruding into their normal operations. France was a founding member of the European Coal and Steel Community the European Union; as such, France has transferred part of its sovereignty to European institutions, as provided by its constitution. The French government therefore has to abide by European treaties and regulations; the Economist Intelligence Unit has described France as a "flawed democracy" in 2018. A popular referendum approved the constitution of the French Fifth Republic in 1958 strengthening the authority of the presidency and the executive with respect to Parliament.
The constitution does not contain a bill of rights in itself, but its preamble mentions that France should follow the principles of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, as well as those of the preamble to the constitution of the Fourth Republic. This has been judged to imply that the principles laid forth in those texts have constitutional value, that legislation infringing on those principles should be found unconstitutional if a recourse is filed before the Constitutional Council. Recent modifications of the Constitution have added a reference in the preamble to an Environment charter that has full constitutional value, a right for citizens to contest the constitutionality of a statute before the Constitutional Council; the foundational principles of the constitution include: the equality of all citizens before law, the rejection of special class privileges such as those that existed prior to the French Revolution. France has a semi-presidential system of government, with both a Prime Minister.
The Prime Minister is responsible to the French Parliament. A presidential candidate is required to obtain a nationwide majority of non-blank votes at either the first or second round of balloting, which implies that the President is somewhat supported by at least half of the voting population; as a consequence, the President of France is the pre-eminent figure in French politics. He appoints the Prime Minister. Though the President may not de jure dismiss the prime Minister if the Prime Minister is from the same political side, he can, in practice, have him resign on demand, he appoints the ministers, ministers-delegate and secretaries. When the President's political party or supporters control parliament, the President is the dominant player in executive action, choosing whomever he wishes for the government, having it follow his political agenda. However, when the President's political opponents control parliament, the President's dominance can be limited, as he must choose a Prime Minister and government who reflect the majority in parliament, who will implement the agenda of the parliamentary majority.
When parties from opposite ends of the political spectrum control parliament and the presidency, the power-sharing arrangement is known as cohabitation. Before 2002, cohabitation occurred more because the term of the President was seven years and the term of the National Assembly was five years. With the term of the President shortened to five years, with the presidential and parliamentary elections separated by only a few months, this
1986 French legislative election
The French legislative elections took place on 16 March 1986 to elect the eighth National Assembly of the Fifth Republic. Contrary to other legislative elections of the Fifth Republic, the electoral system used was that of party-list proportional representation. Since the 1981 election of François Mitterrand, the Presidential Majority was divided. In March 1983, Prime Minister Pierre Mauroy renounced the left's radical Common Programme, agreed in the 1970s. Wages and prices were frozen; this change of economic policy was justified by the will to stay in the European Monetary System. One year the Communist ministers refused to remain in Laurent Fabius' cabinet. In opposition, the two main right-wing parties tried to forget their past quarrels, they were able to win the mid-term elections and succeeded in forcing the government to abandon its policy of limiting the financing of private schools in 1984. The Rally for the Republic, led by Jacques Chirac, abandoned the traditional dirigiste and Eurosceptic Gaullist doctrines about the economy and European integration.
It was able to sign an electoral platform with the Union for French Democracy. It proposed notably to sell the companies nationalized by Pierre Mauroy. However, France had witnessed the electoral rise of the National Front, its leader, Jean-Marie Le Pen, made xenophobic remarks. He appealed to part of the conservative electorate, notably some RPR voters; the right-wing opposition was divided on the question of an alliance with the FN. In 1985, President Mitterrand's decision to re-establish party-list proportional representation at the legislative election caused political outrage; the RPR/UDF opposition accused him of wanting to strengthen the FN in order to weaken the Republican Right, favourite to win according to the polls. Indeed, proportional representation was the only electoral system, considered to allow the election of FN deputies. While the polls indicated a win by the RPR/UDF coalition, the former UDF Prime minister Raymond Barre argued that the next parliamentary majority should refuse to govern if President Mitterrand did not resign.
Advised by Edouard Balladur, Jacques Chirac noted, that impeachment did not exist in the French Constitution. Instead, the next majority would "cohabit" with Mitterrand; the right-wing cabinet would enforce its domestic policy programme and Mitterrand would keep control of foreign and military affairs. The RPR/UDF coalition obtained only a two-seat majority. For the first time of the history of the Fifth Republic, the parliamentary majority was opposed to the President; the Socialist Party held more seats than the polls had indicated. The FN was able to form a parliamentary group with its 35 elected members; the decline of the French Communist Party continued. Mitterrand nominated Chirac as Prime Minister; the first "cohabitation" of the Fifth Republic started. The new cabinet abolished proportional representation for the next legislative elections; the "cohabitation" ended with the 1988 legislative election
French Fifth Republic
The Fifth Republic, France's current republican system of government, was established by Charles de Gaulle under the Constitution of the Fifth Republic on 4 October 1958. The Fifth Republic emerged from the collapse of the Fourth Republic, replacing the former parliamentary republic with a semi-presidential, or dual-executive, system that split powers between a Prime Minister as head of government and a President as head of state. De Gaulle, the first French President elected under the Fifth Republic in December 1958, believed in a strong head of state, which he described as embodying l'esprit de la nation; the Fifth Republic is France's third-longest political regime, after the hereditary and feudal monarchies of the Ancien Régime and the parliamentary Third Republic. The trigger for the collapse of the French Fourth Republic was the Algiers crisis of 1958. France was still a colonial power, although conflict and revolt had begun the process of decolonization. French West Africa, French Indochina, French Algeria still sent representatives to the French parliament under systems of limited suffrage in the French Union.
Algeria in particular, despite being the colony with the largest French population, saw rising pressure for separation from the Metropole. The situation was complicated by those in Algeria, such as European settlers and many native Jews, who wanted to stay part of France; the Algerian War was not just a separatist movement. Further complications came when a section of the French Army rebelled and backed the "Algérie française" movement to defeat separation. Charles de Gaulle, who had retired from politics a decade before, placed himself in the midst of the crisis, calling on the nation to suspend the government and create a new constitutional system. De Gaulle was carried to power by the inability of the parliament to choose a government, popular protest, the last parliament of the Fourth Republic voting for their dissolution and the convening of a constitutional convention; the Fourth Republic suffered from a lack of political consensus, a weak executive, governments forming and falling in quick succession since 1946.
With no party or coalition able to sustain a parliamentary majority, Prime Ministers found themselves unable to risk their political position with unpopular reforms. De Gaulle and his supporters proposed a system of strong presidents elected for seven-year terms; the President, under the proposed constitution, would have executive powers to run the country in consultation with a prime minister whom he would appoint. On 1 June 1958, Charles de Gaulle was appointed head of the government; these plans were approved by more than 80% of those who voted in the referendum of 28 September 1958. The new constitution was signed into law on 4 October 1958. Since each new constitution established a new republic, France moved from the Fourth to the Fifth Republic; the new constitution contained transitional clauses extending the period of rule by decree until the new institutions were operating. René Coty remained President of the Republic. On 21 December 1958, Charles de Gaulle was elected President of France by an electoral college.
The provisional constitutional commission, acting in lieu of the Constitutional Council, proclaimed the results of the election on 9 January 1959. The new president began his office on that date; the 1958 constitution replaced the French Union with the French Community, which allowed fourteen member territories to assert their independence. 1960 became known as the "Year of Africa" because of this wave of newly independent states. Algeria became independent on 5 July 1962; the president was elected by an electoral college, but in 1962 de Gaulle proposed that the president be directly elected by the citizens, held a referendum on the change. Although the method and intent of de Gaulle in that referendum were contested by most political groups except for the Gaullists, the change was approved by the French electorate; the Constitutional Council declined to rule on the constitutionality of the referendum. The president is now elected every five years, changed from seven by a constitutional referendum in 2000, to reduce the probability of cohabitation due to former differences in the length of terms for the National Assembly and Presidency.
The President is elected in one or two rounds of voting: if one candidate gets a majority of votes in the first round that person is president-elect. Two major changes balances. Traditionally, France operated according to parliamentary supremacy: no authority was empowered to rule on whether statutes passed by Parliament respected the constitutional rights of the citizens. In 1971, the Constitutional Council, arguing that the preamble of the Constitution referenced the rights defined in the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen and the preamble of the 1946 Constitution, concluded that statutes must respect these rights and declared unconstitutional a statute because it violated freedom of association. However, only the President of the Republic, the Prime Minister, the President of each house of Parliament could ask for a constitutional rev
Jacques René Chirac is a French politician who served as President of France and ex officio Co-Prince of Andorra from 1995 to 2007. Chirac was Prime Minister of France from 1974 to 1976 and from 1986 to 1988, as well as Mayor of Paris from 1977 to 1995. After completing his degree at Sciences Po, a term at Harvard University, the École nationale d'administration, Chirac began his career as a high-level civil servant, entered politics shortly after. Chirac occupied various senior positions, including Minister of Agriculture and Minister of the Interior. Chirac's internal policies included lower tax rates, the removal of price controls, strong punishment for crime and terrorism, business privatisation. After pursuing these policies in his second term as Prime Minister, he changed his views, he argued for more responsible economic policies, was elected President in the 1995 presidential election with 52.6% of the vote in the second round, beating Socialist Lionel Jospin, after campaigning on a platform of healing the "social rift".
Chirac's economic policies, based on dirigisme, allowing for state-directed investment, stood in opposition to the laissez-faire policies of the United Kingdom under the ministries of Margaret Thatcher and John Major, which Chirac famously described as "Anglo-Saxon ultraliberalism". He is known for his stand against the American-led assault on Iraq, his recognition of the collaborationist French Government's role in deporting Jews, his reduction of the presidential term from 7 years to 5 through a referendum in 2000. At the 2002 French presidential election, he won 82.2% of the vote in the second round against the far-right candidate, Jean-Marie Le Pen. During his second term, however, he had a low approval rating, was considered one of the least popular presidents in modern French history. On 15 December 2011, the Paris court declared Chirac guilty of diverting public funds and abusing public confidence, gave him a two-year suspended prison sentence. Chirac, born in the Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire clinic, is the son of Abel François Marie Chirac, a successful executive for an aircraft company, Marie-Louise Valette, a housewife.
His great grandparents on both sides were peasants, but his two grandfathers were teachers from Sainte-Féréole in Corrèze. According to Chirac, his name "originates from the langue d'oc, that of the troubadours, therefore that of poetry", he is a Roman Catholic. Chirac was an only child, he was educated in Paris at a private school. He attended the Lycée Carnot and the Lycée Louis-le-Grand. After his baccalauréat, he served for three months as a sailor on a coal-transporter. Chirac played rugby union for Brive's youth team, played at university level, he played second row. In 1956, he married Bernadette Chodron de Courcel, with whom he had two daughters: Laurence and Claude. Claude has long worked as a public relations assistant and personal adviser, while Laurence, who suffered from anorexia nervosa in her youth, did not participate in the political activities of her father. Chirac is the grandfather of Martin Rey-Chirac by the relationship of Claude with French judoka Thierry Rey. Jacques and Bernadette Chirac have a foster daughter, Anh Dao Traxel.
Inspired by General Charles de Gaulle, Chirac started to pursue a civil service career in the 1950s. During this period, he joined the French Communist Party, sold copies of L'Humanité, took part in meetings of a communist cell. In 1950, he signed the Soviet-inspired Stockholm Appeal for the abolition of nuclear weapons – which led him to be questioned when he applied for his first visa to the United States. In 1953, after graduating from the Paris Institute of Political Studies, he attended Harvard University's summer school, before entering the ENA, the Grande école National School of Administration, which trains France's top civil servants, in 1957. Chirac trained as a reserve military officer in armoured cavalry at Saumur, where he was ranked first in his year, he volunteered to fight in the Algerian War, using personal connections to be sent despite the reservations of his superiors. His superiors did not want to make him an officer. After leaving the ENA in 1959, he became a civil servant in the Court of Auditors.
In April 1962, Chirac was appointed head of the personal staff of Prime Minister Georges Pompidou. This appointment launched Chirac's political career. Pompidou considered Chirac his protégé, referred to him as "my bulldozer" for his skill at getting things done; the nickname "Le Bulldozer" caught on in French political circles, where it referred to his abrasive manner. As late as the 1988 presidential election, Chirac maintained this reputation. In 1995 an anonymous British diplomat said Chirac "cuts through the crap and comes straight to the point... It's refreshing, although you have to put your seat belt on when you work with him". At Pompidou's suggestion, Chirac ran as a Gaullist for a seat in the National Assembly in 1967, he was elected deputy for a stronghold of the left. This surprising victory in the context of a Gaullist ebb permitted him to enter the government as Minister of Social Affairs. Although Chirac was well-situated in de Gaulle's entourage, being related by marriage to the general's sole companion at the time of the Appeal of 18 June 1940, he was more of a "Pompidolian" than a "Gaullist".
When student and worker unrest rocked France in May 1968, Chirac played a central role in negotiating a truce. As state secr
Right-wing politics hold that certain social orders and hierarchies are inevitable, normal, or desirable supporting this position on the basis of natural law, economics, or tradition. Hierarchy and inequality may be viewed as natural results of traditional social differences or the competition in market economies; the term right-wing can refer to "the conservative or reactionary section of a political party or system". The political terms "Left" and "Right" were first used during the French Revolution and referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament: those who sat to the right of the chair of the parliamentary president were broadly supportive of the institutions of the monarchist Old Regime; the original Right in France was formed as a reaction against the "Left" and comprised those politicians supporting hierarchy and clericalism. The use of the expression la droite became prominent in France after the restoration of the monarchy in 1815, when it was applied to the Ultra-royalists.
The people of English-speaking countries did not apply the terms "right" and "left" to their own politics until the 20th century. Although the right-wing originated with traditional conservatives and reactionaries, the term extreme right-wing has been applied to movements including fascism and racial supremacy. From the 1830s to the 1880s, there was a shift in the Western world of social class structure and the economy, moving away from nobility and aristocracy towards capitalism; this general economic shift toward capitalism affected centre-right movements such as the British Conservative Party, which responded by becoming supportive of capitalism. In the United States, the Right includes both social conservatives. In Europe, economic conservatives are considered liberal and the Right includes nationalists, nativist opposition to immigration, religious conservatives, a significant presence of right-wing movements with anti-capitalist sentiments including conservatives and fascists who opposed what they saw as the selfishness and excessive materialism inherent in contemporary capitalism.
The political term right-wing was first used during the French Revolution, when liberal deputies of the Third Estate sat to the left of the president's chair, a custom that began in the Estates General of 1789. The nobility, members of the Second Estate sat to the right. In the successive legislative assemblies, monarchists who supported the Old Regime were referred to as rightists because they sat on the right side. A major figure on the right was Joseph de Maistre, who argued for an authoritarian form of conservatism. Throughout the 19th century, the main line dividing Left and Right in France was between supporters of the republic and supporters of the monarchy. On the right, the Legitimists and Ultra-royalists held counter-revolutionary views, while the Orléanists hoped to create a constitutional monarchy under their preferred branch of the royal family, a brief reality after the 1830 July Revolution; the centre-right Gaullists in post-World War II France advocated considerable social spending on education and infrastructure development as well as extensive economic regulation, but limited the wealth redistribution measures characteristic of social democracy.
In British politics, the terms "right" and "left" came into common use for the first time in the late 1930s in debates over the Spanish Civil War. The Right has gone through five distinct historical stages: the reactionary right sought a return to aristocracy and established religion; the meaning of right-wing "varies across societies, historical epochs, political systems and ideologies". According to The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics, in liberal democracies, the political right opposes socialism and social democracy. Right-wing parties include conservatives, Christian democrats, classical liberals, nationalists and on the far-right. Roger Eatwell and Neal O'Sullivan divide the right into five types: reactionary, radical and new. Chip Berlet argues that each of these "styles of thought" are "responses to the left", including liberalism and socialism, which have arisen since the 1789 French Revolution; the reactionary right looks toward the past and is "aristocratic and authoritarian".
The moderate right, typified by the writings of Edmund Burke, is tolerant of change, provided it is gradual and accepts some aspects of liberalism, including the rule of law and capitalism, although it sees radical laissez-faire and individualism as harmful to society. The moderate right promotes nationalism and social welfare policies. Radical right is a term developed after World War II to describe groups and ideologies such as McCarthyism, the John Birch Society and the Republikaner Party. Eatwell stresses that this use has "major typological problems" and that the term "has been applied to democratic developments"; the radical right includes various other subtypes. Eatwell argues that the extreme right' has four traits: "1) anti-democracy; the New Right consists of the liberal conservatives, who stress small government, free markets and individual initiative. Other authors make a distinction between the cent
A political spectrum is a system of classifying different political positions upon one or more geometric axes that represent independent political dimensions. Most long-standing spectra include a left wing, which referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament after the Revolution. On a left–right spectrum and socialism are regarded internationally as being on the left, Liberalism can mean different things in different contexts: sometimes on the left; those with an intermediate outlook are sometimes classified as centrists. That said and neoliberals are called centrists too. Politics that rejects the conventional left–right spectrum is known as syncretic politics, though the label tends to mischaracterize positions that have a logical location on a two-axis spectrum because they seem randomly brought together on a one-axis left-right spectrum. Political scientists have noted that a single left–right axis is insufficient for describing the existing variation in political beliefs and include other axes.
Though the descriptive words at polar opposites may vary in popular biaxial spectra the axes are split between socio-cultural issues and economic issues, each scaling from some form of individualism to some form of communitarianism. The terms right and left refer to political affiliations originating early in the French Revolutionary era of 1789–1799 and referred to the seating arrangements in the various legislative bodies of France; as seen from the Speaker's seat at the front of the Assembly, the aristocracy sat on the right and the commoners sat on the left, hence the terms right-wing politics and left-wing politics. The defining point on the ideological spectrum was the Ancien Régime. "The Right" thus implied support for aristocratic or royal interests and the church, while "The Left" implied support for republicanism and civil liberties. Because the political franchise at the start of the revolution was narrow, the original "Left" represented the interests of the bourgeoisie, the rising capitalist class.
Support for laissez-faire commerce and free markets were expressed by politicians sitting on the left because these represented policies favorable to capitalists rather than to the aristocracy, but outside parliamentary politics these views are characterized as being on the Right. The reason for this apparent contradiction lies in the fact that those "to the left" of the parliamentary left, outside official parliamentary structures represent much of the working class, poor peasantry and the unemployed, their political interests in the French Revolution lay with opposition to the aristocracy and so they found themselves allied with the early capitalists. However, this did not mean that their economic interests lay with the laissez-faire policies of those representing them politically; as capitalist economies developed, the aristocracy became less relevant and were replaced by capitalist representatives. The size of the working class increased as capitalism expanded and began to find expression through trade unionist, socialist and communist politics rather than being confined to the capitalist policies expressed by the original "left".
This evolution has pulled parliamentary politicians away from laissez-faire economic policies, although this has happened to different degrees in different countries those with a history of issues with more authoritarian-left countries, such as the Soviet Union or China under Mao Zedong. Thus the word "Left" in American political parlance may refer to "liberalism" and be identified with the Democratic Party, whereas in a country such as France these positions would be regarded as more right-wing, or centrist overall, "left" is more to refer to "socialist" or "social-democratic" positions rather than "liberal" ones. For a century, social scientists have considered the problem of how best to describe political variation. In 1950, Leonard W. Ferguson analyzed political values using ten scales measuring attitudes toward: birth control, capital punishment, communism, law, theism, treatment of criminals and war. Submitting the results to factor analysis, he was able to identify three factors, which he named religionism and nationalism.
He defined religionism as belief in God and negative attitudes toward birth control. This system was derived empirically, as rather than devising a political model on purely theoretical grounds and testing it, Ferguson's research was exploratory; as a result of this method, care must be taken in the interpretation of Ferguson's three factors, as factor analysis will output an abstract factor whether an objectively real factor exists or not. Although replication of the nationalism factor was inconsistent, the finding of religionism and humanitarianism had a number of replications by Ferguson and others. Shortly afterward, Hans Eysenck began researching political attitudes in Great Britain, he believed that there was something similar about the National Socialists on the one hand and the communists on the other, despite their opposite positions on the left–right axis. As Hans Eysenck described in his 1956 book Sense and