Gamal Abdel Nasser
Gamal Abdel Nasser Hussein was the second President of Egypt, serving from 1954 until his death in 1970. Nasser led the 1952 overthrow of the monarchy and introduced far-reaching land reforms the following year. Following a 1954 attempt on his life by a Muslim Brotherhood member, he cracked down on the organization, put President Mohamed Naguib under house arrest and assumed executive office, he was formally elected president in June 1956. Nasser's popularity in Egypt and the Arab world skyrocketed after his nationalization of the Suez Canal and his political victory in the subsequent Suez Crisis. Calls for pan-Arab unity under his leadership increased, culminating with the formation of the United Arab Republic with Syria from 1958 to 1961. In 1962, Nasser began a series of modernization reforms in Egypt. Despite setbacks to his pan-Arabist cause, by 1963 Nasser's supporters gained power in several Arab countries, but he became embroiled in the North Yemen Civil War and the much larger Arab Cold War.
He began his second presidential term in March 1965 after his political opponents were banned from running. Following Egypt's defeat by Israel in the 1967 Six-Day War, Nasser resigned, but he returned to office after popular demonstrations called for his reinstatement. By 1968, Nasser had appointed himself Prime Minister, launched the War of Attrition to regain lost territory, began a process of depoliticizing the military and issued a set of political liberalization reforms. After the conclusion of the 1970 Arab League summit, Nasser died, his funeral in Cairo drew an outpouring of grief across the Arab world. Nasser remains an iconic figure in the Arab world for his strides towards social justice and Arab unity, modernization policies and anti-imperialist efforts, his presidency encouraged and coincided with an Egyptian cultural boom and launched large industrial projects, including the Aswan Dam and Helwan city. Nasser's detractors criticize his authoritarianism, his human rights violations and his dominance of military over civil institutions, establishing a pattern of military and dictatorial rule in Egypt.
Nasser was born on 15 January 1918 in Bakos, Egypt. Nasser's father was Abdel Nasser Hussein and his mother was Fahima Nasser. Nasser's father was a postal worker born in Beni Mur in Upper Egypt and raised in Alexandria, his mother's family came from Mallawi, el-Minya, his parents married in 1917. Nasser has Izz al-Arab and al-Leithi. Nasser's biographers Robert Stephens and Said Aburish wrote that Nasser's family believed in the "Arab notion of glory", since the name of Nasser's brother, Izz al-Arab, translates to "Glory of the Arabs"—a rare name in Egypt. Nasser's family traveled due to his father's work. In 1921, they moved to Asyut and, in 1923, to Khatatba. Nasser attended a primary school for the children of railway employees until 1924, when he was sent to live with his paternal uncle in Cairo, to attend the Nahhasin elementary school. Nasser visited her on holidays, he stopped receiving messages at the end of April 1926. Upon returning to Khatatba, he learned that his mother had died after giving birth to his third brother and that his family had kept the news from him.
Nasser stated that "losing her this way was a shock so deep that time failed to remedy". He adored his mother and the injury of her death deepened when his father remarried before the year's end. In 1928, Nasser went to Alexandria to live with his maternal grandfather and attend the city's Attarin elementary school, he left in 1929 for a private boarding school in Helwan, returned to Alexandria to enter the Ras el-Tin secondary school and to join his father, working for the city's postal service. It was in Alexandria. After witnessing clashes between protesters and police in Manshia Square, he joined the demonstration without being aware of its purpose; the protest, organized by the ultranationalist Young Egypt Society, called for the end of colonialism in Egypt in the wake of the 1923 Egyptian constitution's annulment by Prime Minister Isma'il Sidqi. Nasser was detained for a night before his father bailed him out; when his father was transferred to Cairo in 1933, Nasser joined him and attended al-Nahda al-Masria school.
He took up acting in school plays for a brief period and wrote articles for the school's paper, including a piece on French philosopher Voltaire titled "Voltaire, the Man of Freedom". On 13 November 1935, Nasser led a student demonstration against British rule, protesting against a statement made four days prior by UK foreign minister Samuel Hoare that rejected prospects for the 1923 Constitution's restoration. Two protesters were killed and Nasser received a graze to the head from a policeman's bullet; the incident garnered his first mention in the press: the nationalist newspaper Al Gihad reported that Nasser led the protest and was among the wounded. On 12 December, the new king, issued a decree restoring the constitution. Nasser's involvement in political activity increased throughout his school years, such that he only attended 45 days of classes during his last year of secondary school. Despite it having the unanimous backing of Egypt's political forces, Nasser objected to the 1936 Anglo-Egyptian Treaty because it stipulated the continued presence of British military bases in the country.
Nonetheless, political unrest in Egypt declined and Nasser resumed hi
Lebanese Civil War
The Lebanese Civil War was a multifaceted civil war in Lebanon, lasting from 1975 to 1990 and resulting in an estimated 120,000 fatalities. As of 2012 76,000 people remain displaced within Lebanon. There was an exodus of one million people from Lebanon as a result of the war. Before the war, Lebanon was multisectarian, with Sunni Muslims and Christians being the majorities in the coastal cities, Shia Muslims being based in the south and the Beqaa Valley to the east, with the mountain populations being Druze and Christian; the government of Lebanon had been run under a significant influence of the elites among the Maronite Christians. The link between politics and religion had been reinforced under the mandate of the French colonial powers from 1920 to 1943, the parliamentary structure favored a leading position for the Christians. However, the country had a large Muslim population and many pan-Arabist and left-wing groups opposed the pro-western government; the establishment of the state of Israel and the displacement of a hundred thousand Palestinian refugees to Lebanon during the 1948 and 1967 exoduses contributed to shifting the demographic balance in favor of the Muslim population.
The Cold War had a powerful disintegrative effect on Lebanon, linked to the polarization that preceded the 1958 political crisis, since Maronites sided with the West while leftist and pan-Arab groups sided with Soviet-aligned Arab countries. Fighting between Maronite and Palestinian forces began in 1975 Leftist, pan-Arabist and Muslim Lebanese groups formed an alliance with the Palestinians. During the course of the fighting, alliances shifted and unpredictably. Furthermore, foreign powers, such as Israel and Syria, became involved in the war and fought alongside different factions. Peace keeping forces, such as the Multinational Force in Lebanon and UNIFIL, were stationed in Lebanon; the 1989 Taif Agreement marked the beginning of the end of the fighting. In January 1989, a committee appointed by the Arab League began to formulate solutions to the conflict. In March 1991, parliament passed an amnesty law that pardoned all political crimes prior to its enactment. In May 1991, the militias were dissolved, with the exception of Hezbollah, while the Lebanese Armed Forces began to rebuild as Lebanon's only major non-sectarian institution.
Religious tensions between Sunnis and Shias remained after the war. In 1860 a civil war between Druze and Maronites erupted in the Ottoman Mutasarrifate of Mount Lebanon, divided between them in 1842; the war resulted in the massacre of at least 6,000 Druzes. The 1860 war was considered by the Druze as a political defeat. World War I was hard for the Lebanese. While the rest of the world was occupied with the World War, the people in Lebanon were suffering from a famine that would last nearly four years. With the defeat and dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, Turkish rule ended. France took control of the area under the French Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon under the League of Nations; the French created the state of Greater Lebanon as a safe haven for the Maronites, but included a large Muslim population within the borders. In 1926, Lebanon was declared a republic, a constitution was adopted. However, the constitution was suspended in 1932. Various factions sought independence from the French.
In 1934, the country's first census was conducted. In 1936, the Maronite Phalange party was founded by Pierre Gemayel. World War II and the 1940s brought great change to the Middle East. Lebanon was promised independence, achieved on 22 November 1943. Free French troops, who had invaded Lebanon in 1941 to rid Beirut of the Vichy French forces, left the country in 1946; the Maronites assumed power over the economy. A parliament was created in which Christians each had a set quota of seats. Accordingly, the President was to be a Maronite, the Prime Minister a Sunni Muslim and the Speaker of Parliament a Shia Muslim; the United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine in late 1947 led to civil war in Palestine, the end of Mandatory Palestine, the Israeli Declaration of Independence on 14 May 1948. With nationhood, the ongoing civil war was transformed into a state conflict between Israel and the Arab states, the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. All this led to Palestinian refugees crossing the border into Lebanon.
Palestinians would go on to play a important role in future Lebanese civil conflicts, while the establishment of Israel radically changed the region around Lebanon. In July 1958, Lebanon was threatened by a civil war between Maronite Christians and Muslims. President Camille Chamoun had attempted to break the stranglehold on Lebanese politics exercised by traditional political families in Lebanon; these families maintained their electoral appeal by cultivating strong client-patron relations with their local communities. Although he succeeded in sponsoring alternative political candidates to enter the elections in 1957, causing the traditional families to lose their positions, these families embarked upon a war with Chamoun, referred to as the War of the Pashas. In previous years, tensions with Egypt had escalated in 1956 when the non-aligned President, Camille Chamoun, did not break off diplomatic relations with the Western powers that attacked Egypt during the Suez Crisis, angering Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser.
This was during the Cold War and Chamoun has been called pro-Western, though he had signed several trade deals with the Soviet Union. However, Nasser had a
Arabic is a Central Semitic language that first emerged in Iron Age northwestern Arabia and is now the lingua franca of the Arab world. It is named after the Arabs, a term used to describe peoples living in the area bounded by Mesopotamia in the east and the Anti-Lebanon mountains in the west, in northwestern Arabia, in the Sinai Peninsula. Arabic is classified as a macrolanguage comprising 30 modern varieties, including its standard form, Modern Standard Arabic, derived from Classical Arabic; as the modern written language, Modern Standard Arabic is taught in schools and universities, is used to varying degrees in workplaces and the media. The two formal varieties are grouped together as Literary Arabic, the official language of 26 states, the liturgical language of the religion of Islam, since the Quran and Hadith were written in Arabic. Modern Standard Arabic follows the grammatical standards of Classical Arabic, uses much of the same vocabulary. However, it has discarded some grammatical constructions and vocabulary that no longer have any counterpart in the spoken varieties, has adopted certain new constructions and vocabulary from the spoken varieties.
Much of the new vocabulary is used to denote concepts that have arisen in the post-classical era in modern times. Due to its grounding in Classical Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic is removed over a millennium from everyday speech, construed as a multitude of dialects of this language; these dialects and Modern Standard Arabic are described by some scholars as not mutually comprehensible. The former are acquired in families, while the latter is taught in formal education settings. However, there have been studies reporting some degree of comprehension of stories told in the standard variety among preschool-aged children; the relation between Modern Standard Arabic and these dialects is sometimes compared to that of Latin and vernaculars in medieval and early modern Europe. This view though does not take into account the widespread use of Modern Standard Arabic as a medium of audiovisual communication in today's mass media—a function Latin has never performed. During the Middle Ages, Literary Arabic was a major vehicle of culture in Europe in science and philosophy.
As a result, many European languages have borrowed many words from it. Arabic influence in vocabulary, is seen in European languages Spanish and to a lesser extent Portuguese, Catalan, owing to both the proximity of Christian European and Muslim Arab civilizations and 800 years of Arabic culture and language in the Iberian Peninsula, referred to in Arabic as al-Andalus. Sicilian has about 500 Arabic words as result of Sicily being progressively conquered by Arabs from North Africa, from the mid-9th to mid-10th centuries. Many of these words relate to related activities; the Balkan languages, including Greek and Bulgarian, have acquired a significant number of Arabic words through contact with Ottoman Turkish. Arabic has influenced many languages around the globe throughout its history; some of the most influenced languages are Persian, Spanish, Kashmiri, Bosnian, Bengali, Malay, Indonesian, Punjabi, Assamese, Sindhi and Hausa, some languages in parts of Africa. Conversely, Arabic has borrowed words from other languages, including Greek and Persian in medieval times, contemporary European languages such as English and French in modern times.
Classical Arabic is the liturgical language of 1.8 billion Muslims, Modern Standard Arabic is one of six official languages of the United Nations. All varieties of Arabic combined are spoken by as many as 422 million speakers in the Arab world, making it the fifth most spoken language in the world. Arabic is written with the Arabic alphabet, an abjad script and is written from right to left, although the spoken varieties are sometimes written in ASCII Latin from left to right with no standardized orthography. Arabic is a Central Semitic language related to the Northwest Semitic languages, the Ancient South Arabian languages, various other Semitic languages of Arabia such as Dadanitic; the Semitic languages changed a great deal between Proto-Semitic and the establishment of the Central Semitic languages in grammar. Innovations of the Central Semitic languages—all maintained in Arabic—include: The conversion of the suffix-conjugated stative formation into a past tense; the conversion of the prefix-conjugated preterite-tense formation into a present tense.
The elimination of other prefix-conjugated mood/aspect forms in favor of new moods formed by endings attached to the prefix-conjugation forms. The development of an internal passive. There are several features which Classical Arabic, the modern Arabic varieties, as well as the Safaitic and Hismaic inscriptions share which are unattested in any other Central Semitic language variety, including the Dadanitic and Taymanitic languages of the northern Hejaz; these features are evidence of common descent from Proto-Arabic. The following features can be reconstructed with confidence for Proto-Arabic: negative particles m *mā.
"Yafi" redirects here. For the Arab village in Israel, see Yafa an-Naseriyye. Abdallah El-Yafi was the Prime Minister of Lebanon serving 7 times between 1938 and 1969. Known for his rigorous integrity and his political impartiality, Abdallah Yafi is considered to be one of the most popular politicians in Lebanese 20th century history, his ethical behavior in public service is cited as an example in the official civic education high-school textbooks as well as in the graduation of law students. El-Yafi was at the forefront of the struggle to give women the right to vote, which he was able to achieve with his cabinet in power in 1952. Abdallah El-Yafi was born in Beirut, Lebanon on 7 September 1901 into a Sunni Muslim family to parents Aref El-Yafi and Jamila Ostwani, a Damascene. Raised with two brothers, he first attended Sheikh Abbas School, a Muslim elementary school "Pères Jésuites", a Roman Catholic school, went on to earn his French Baccalaureate Degree, he earned a Juris Doctor. In 1923, Abdallah El-Yafi enrolled in a PhD program at La Sorbonne University in Paris, France from which he graduated in 1926.
El-Yafi's political involvement lasted throughout his school years. He was President of the Arab Students Association, was militating in France against the French Mandate, in place in Lebanon, he was known for organizing political demonstrations and giving fiery speeches, which once led to his arrest by the French Authorities only to be released a couple of days later. Abdallah El-Yafi is the first Arab to receive a PhD from the Sorbonne University, where he wrote his thesis about women’s rights in Islam; the thesis subject was "The Legal Status of Women in the Law of Islam". Drawing from Quranic decrees and Islamic principles, he made a case about how women are supposed to be allotted more rights in society. Abdallah El-Yafi was known to be a man of strong and correct principles, who believed that the empowerment of women was crucial for building a stronger society, equality providing a steadier base; these thoughts, when expressed in the 1920s, had quite an ‘avant-garde’ ring to conservative Muslim ears: they were not always welcome with wide open arms or minds.
On in his political life, Abdallah El-Yafi’s political opponents brandished his thesis as a weapon of defamation to tarnish his reputation. According to them, he was not a “righteous Muslim” but a French minion who had given in to the French authorities—the colonial mandate authority in Lebanon at the time—in blaspheming the Islamic religion in reward of a “Doctorat d’État”; these were aimed at ruining the honest image that he so cultivated throughout his life. On August 1, 1937, in Damascus, Abdallah El-Yafi married Hind El-Azm, a Damascene from one of the most prominent political families in Syria, her uncle was Prime Minister of Syria himself. They have five children: Ghada El-Yafi, a physician hematologist, who ran for Lebanese Parliament in year 2000, she has one daughter: Hind Kaddoura fathered by Mohammad Kaddoura. Nahila El-Yafi is a physician ophthalmologist. Children: Tarek and Zeinab fathered by Hani Al Hassan. Aref El-Yafi, the eldest son, is an entrepreneur. Spouse: Joumana El-Yafi.
Children: Abdallah El-Yafi, Ghaith El-Yafi, Sara El-Yafi and Firas El-Yafi. Wassek El-Yafi is a physician cardiologist. Children: Jamil El-Yafi and Walid El-Yafi Ghias El-Yafi is an entrepreneur. Spouse: Leila El-Yafi. Children: Khaled Yafi and Tarek Yafi. In 1933, for the first time, Abdallah El-Yafi ran for parliamentary elections in Beirut, he waded through the process because a good friend of his, Khayreddin al-Ahdab, was aiming for the same position. As the tension rose, Abdallah El-Yafi decided to step down famously stating "I will not sacrifice my friend for a parliamentary position". Abdallah El-Yafi went on to become Prime Minister of Lebanon seven times, he was appointed Prime Minister in the government of every Lebanese President with the exception of Fouad Chehab because Abdallah El-Yafi was opposed to the idea of appointing a military general to the post of Presidency. In 1947, Abdallah El-Yafi was appointed, alongside future President of the Republic Camille Chamoun, to the Lebanese delegation to the UN that voted against the division of Palestine.
The last term he served as Prime Minister was in 1969. In 1974, President of Lebanon Suleiman Frangieh asked Abdallah El-Yafi to be the Prime Minister, he refused; the struggle to achieve equal rights for women was one of Abdallah El-Yafi's principal political goals. In fact, Abdallah El-Yafi was the main politician. Despite a growing voice of dissent among his political adversaries, El-Yafi was able to extend the ballot to women during one of his terms. In 1952, the cabinet of Abdallah El-Yafi voted for a new policy that allowed voting rights to women with an elementary education and a minimum voting age of 21; the law is still in effect today. In the civic education classes in Lebanese schools, students are taught a lesson on honesty and honor through the story of Abdallah El-Yafi whose integrity was cited as an example for all young people in Lebanon: Abdallah El-Yafi was a young lawyer in October 1938, when Lebanese President Emile Edde asked him to form a new government. During his tenure, he closed his law cabinet because he wanted to separate public serv
Nasserism is a socialist Arab nationalist political ideology based on the thinking of Gamal Abdel Nasser, one of the two principal leaders of the Egyptian revolution of 1952 and Egypt's second President. Spanning the domestic and international spheres, it combines elements of Arab socialism, nationalism, anti-imperialism, developing world solidarity and international non-alignment. In the 1950s and 1960s, Nasserism was amongst the most potent political ideologies in the Arab world; this was true following the Suez Crisis of 1956, the political outcome of, seen as a validation of Nasserism and a tremendous defeat for Western imperial powers. During the Cold War, its influence was felt in other parts of Africa and the developing world with regard to anti-imperialism and non-alignment; the scale of the Arab defeat in the Six-Day War of 1967 damaged the standing of Nasser and the ideology associated with him. Though it survived Nasser's death in 1970, certain important tenets of Nasserism were revised or abandoned by his successor Anwar Sadat during what he termed the Corrective Revolution and his Infitah economic policies.
Under the three decade rule of Sadat's successor Hosni Mubarak, most of the remaining socialist infrastructure of Egypt was replaced by neoliberal policies at odds with Nasserist principles. In the international arena, Mubarak departed entirely from traditional Egyptian policy, becoming a steadfast ally of both the United States government and Israel, the latter still viewed by most Egyptians with enmity and distrust, derived from the five wars that Egypt fought against Israel between 1948 and 1973. During Nasser's lifetime, Nasserist groups were encouraged and supported financially by Egypt to the extent that many became seen as willing agents of the Egyptian government in its efforts to spread revolutionary nationalism in the Arab world. In the 1970s, as a younger generation of Arab revolutionaries came to the fore Nasserism outside Egypt metamorphosed into other Arab nationalist and pan-Arabist movements, including component groups of the Lebanese National Movement during the Lebanese Civil War.
The main Nasserite movements that continued to be active until today on the Lebanese scene are represented by the organization in Sidon of populist Nasserist partisans that are led by Oussama Saad and in Beirut as represented by the Al-Mourabitoun movement. Both groups have been active since the early 1950s among Sunni Muslims and they are associated politically with the March 8 coalitions in Lebanese politics. Nasserism continues to have significant resonance throughout the Arab world to this day and informs much of the public dialogue on politics in Egypt and the wider region. Prominent Nasserist Hamdeen Sabahi competed in the first round of the 2012 Egyptian Presidential election and only narrowly avoided securing a position in the run-off against eventual winner Mohamed Morsi. "Nasserism", the broad term used in literature to describe the aspects of Nasser's rule and his legacy, can be interpreted in many ways. Granted that there is a multitude of ways in which the term is read and used, P. J. Vatikiotis in his book Nasser and his Generation argues that Nasserism had the limited political connotation of a phenomenon of "personal charismatic leadership, not to a movement or ideology".
Vatikiotis elaborates upon Nasser's use of speech as a political tool to sway his constituents despite their deprivation of any participation in their leader's policies. To this end, Nasser addressed masses on both radio and television as well as in huge rallies, with a "repeated hypnotic incantation of "imperialism" and "agents of imperialism", "reactionaries", "revenge", "dignity and self-respect", "Zionism" and "Arabism". Crowds were galvanized to hysteria as Nasser excited them with hopes and aspirations of strong leadership and Arab unity. In Rethinking Nasserism and Winckler discuss another interpretation of Nasserism. According to them, "Western social scientists in the 1950s and 1960s, perceived Nasserism as a modernization movement and Nasser as a modernizing leader…Egypt was seen as a typical Third World country undergoing a process of decolonization and, under new revolutionary leadership, aspiring to national prosperity through modernization. Thus, Nasserism was perceived as an attempt to transform Egyptian traditional society through the modernization of its economy and society".
Yet another insight into Nasserism is provided in Political Trends in the Fertile Crescent by Walid Khalidi, who discusses it as not an ideological movement, rather an "attitude of mind", "eclectic, empirical and yet conservative". According to Walidi, Nasserism was able to attract support in the Arab world because it "transferred, if only to the Arab world itself, the center of decisions concerning the future of that world". Khalidi asserts that this change inspired self-confidence in the Arab community, welcome after the recent shock over the loss of Palestine. Nasserism is an Arab nationalist and pan-Arabist ideology, combined with a vaguely defined socialism distinguished from Eastern Bloc or Western socialist thought by the label "Arab socialism". Though opposed ideologically to Western capitalism, Arab socialism developed as a rejection of communism, seen as incompatible with Arab traditions and the religious underpinnings of Arab society; as a consequence, Nasserists from the 1950s to the 1980s sought to prevent the rise of communism in the Arab world and advocated harsh penalties for individuals and organizations identified as attempting
Alma mater is an allegorical Latin phrase for a university, school, or college that one attended. In US usage it can mean the school from which one graduated; the phrase is variously translated as "nourishing mother", "nursing mother", or "fostering mother", suggesting that a school provides intellectual nourishment to its students. Fine arts will depict educational institutions using a robed woman as a visual metaphor. Before its current usage, alma mater was an honorific title for various Latin mother goddesses Ceres or Cybele, in Catholicism for the Virgin Mary, it entered academic usage when the University of Bologna adopted the motto Alma Mater Studiorum, which describes its heritage as the oldest operating university in the Western world. It is related to alumnus, a term used for a university graduate that means a "nursling" or "one, nourished". Although alma was a common epithet for Ceres, Cybele and other mother goddesses, it was not used in conjunction with mater in classical Latin. In the Oxford Latin Dictionary, the phrase is attributed to Lucretius' De rerum natura, where it is used as an epithet to describe an earth goddess: After the fall of Rome, the term came into Christian liturgical usage in association with the Virgin Mary.
"Alma Redemptoris Mater" is a well-known 11th century antiphon devoted to Mary. The earliest documented use of the term to refer to a university in an English-speaking country is in 1600, when the University of Cambridge printer, John Legate, began using an emblem for the university's press; the device's first-known appearance is on the title-page of William Perkins' A Golden Chain, where the Latin phrase Alma Mater Cantabrigia is inscribed on a pedestal bearing a nude, lactating woman wearing a mural crown. In English etymological reference works, the first university-related usage is cited in 1710, when an academic mother figure is mentioned in a remembrance of Henry More by Richard Ward. Many historic European universities have adopted Alma Mater as part of the Latin translation of their official name; the University of Bologna Latin name, Alma Mater Studiorum, refers to its status as the oldest continuously operating university in the world. Other European universities, such as the Alma Mater Lipsiensis in Leipzig, Germany, or Alma Mater Jagiellonica, have used the expression in conjunction with geographical or foundational characteristics.
At least one, the Alma Mater Europaea in Salzburg, Austria, an international university founded by the European Academy of Sciences and Arts in 2010, uses the term as its official name. In the United States, the College of William & Mary in Williamsburg, has been called the "Alma Mater of the Nation" because of its ties to the country's founding. At Queen's University in Kingston and the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, British Columbia, the main student government is known as the Alma Mater Society; the ancient Roman world had many statues of the Alma Mater, some still extant. Modern sculptures are found in prominent locations on several American university campuses. For example, in the United States: there is a well-known bronze statue of Alma Mater by Daniel Chester French situated on the steps of Columbia University's Low Library. An altarpiece mural in Yale University's Sterling Memorial Library, painted in 1932 by Eugene Savage, depicts the Alma Mater as a bearer of light and truth, standing in the midst of the personified arts and sciences.
Outside the United States, there is an Alma Mater sculpture on the steps of the monumental entrance to the Universidad de La Habana, in Havana, Cuba. The statue was cast in 1919 by Mario Korbel, with Feliciana Villalón Wilson as the inspiration for Alma Mater, it was installed in its current location in 1927, at the direction of architect Raul Otero. Media related to Alma mater at Wikimedia Commons The dictionary definition of alma mater at Wiktionary Alma Mater Europaea website
United Arab Republic
The United Arab Republic was a sovereign state in the Middle East from 1958 to 1971. It was a political union between Egypt and Syria from 1958 until Syria seceded from the union after the 1961 Syrian coup d'état, leaving a rump state. Egypt continued to be known as the United Arab Republic until 1971; the republic was led by President of Egypt Gamal Abdel Nasser. The UAR was a member of the United Arab States, a loose confederation with the Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen, dissolved in 1961. Established on 1 February 1958, as the first step towards a larger pan-Arab state, the UAR was created when a group of political and military leaders in Syria proposed a merger of the two states to Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. Pan-Arab sentiment traditionally was strong in Syria, Nasser was a popular hero-figure throughout the Arab world following the Suez War of 1956. There was thus considerable popular support in Syria for union with Nasser's Egypt; the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party was the leading advocate of such a union.
In mid-1957 western powers began to worry. This caused the Syrian Crisis of 1957 after which Syrians intensified their efforts to unite with Egypt. Nasser told a Syrian delegation, including President Shukri al-Quwatli and Prime Minister Khaled al-Azem, that they needed to rid their government of Communists, but the delegation countered and warned him that only total union with Egypt would end the "Communist threat". According to Abdel Latif Boghdadi, Nasser resisted a total union with Syria, favoring instead a federal union. However, Nasser was "more afraid of a Communist takeover" and agreed on a total merger; the increasing strength of the Syrian Communist Party, under the leadership of Khalid Bakdash, worried the Syrian Ba'ath Party, suffering from an internal crisis from which prominent members were anxious to find an escape. Syria had had a democratic government since the overthrow of Adib al-Shishakli's military regime in 1954, popular pressure for Arab unity was reflected in the composition of parliament.
When on 11 January 1958 al-Bizri led a Syrian delegation composed of military officers to Cairo, encouraged Syrian-Egyptian unity, Nasser opted for a quick merger. Only Syrian advocates of unity, including Salah al-Din Bitar and Akram El-Hourani had prior knowledge of this delegation. Nasser's final terms for the union were decisive and non-negotiable: "a plebiscite, the dissolution of parties, the withdrawal of the army from politics". While the plebiscite seemed reasonable to most Syrian elites, the latter two conditions were worrisome, they believed. Despite these concerns, the Syrian officials knew; the members of the elite in Syria viewed the merger with Egypt as the lesser of two evils. They believed that Nasser's terms were unfair, but given the intense pressure that their government was undergoing, they believed that they had no other choice. Egyptian and Syrian leaders signed the protocols. Nasser became the republic's president and soon carried out a crackdown against the Syrian Communists and opponents of the union which included dismissing Bizri and Azem from their posts.
Advocates of the union believed. For the Ba'athists, it was never Nasser's intention to share an equal measure of power. Nasser established a new provisional constitution proclaiming a 600-member National Assembly with 400 members from Egypt and 200 from Syria, the disbanding of all political parties, including the Ba'ath. Nasser gave each of the provinces two vice-presidents, assigning Boghdadi and Abdel Hakim Amer to Egypt and Sabri al-Assali and Akram El-Hourani—a leader of the Ba'ath—to Syria; the new constitution of 1958 was adopted. Though Nasser allowed former Ba'ath Party members to hold prominent political positions, they never reached positions as high in the government as did the Egyptian officials. During the winter and the spring of 1959–60, Nasser squeezed prominent Syrians out of positions of influence. In the Syrian Ministry of Industry, for example, seven of the top thirteen positions were filled by Egyptians. In the General Petroleum Authority, four of the top six officials were Egyptian.
In the fall of 1958, Nasser formed a tripartite committee, consisting of Zakaria Mohieddine, al-Hawrani, Bitar to oversee the affairs in Syria. By moving the latter two, both Ba'athists, to Cairo, he neutralized important political figures who had their own ideas about how Syria should be run within the UAR. In Syria, opposition to union with Egypt mounted. Syrian Army officers resented being subordinate to Egyptian officers, Syrian Bedouin tribes received money from Saudi Arabia to prevent them from becoming loyal to Nasser. Egyptian-style land reform was resented for damaging Syrian agriculture, the Communists began to gain influence, the intellectuals of the Ba'ath Party who supported the union rejected the one-party system. Mustafa al-Barudi, the Syrian Minister of Propaganda, stated that'the smallest member of the retinue thought that he had inherited our country. Spread "like octopuses" everywhere.' Nasser was not able to address problems in Syria because they were new to him, instead of appointing Syrians to run Syria, he assigned this position to Amer and