James R. Schlesinger
James Rodney Schlesinger was an American economist and public servant, best known for serving as Secretary of Defense from 1973 to 1975 under Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. He became America's first Secretary of Energy under Jimmy Carter. While Secretary of Defense, he opposed amnesty for draft resisters and pressed for development of more sophisticated nuclear weapon systems. Additionally, his support for the A-10 and the lightweight fighter program helped ensure that they were carried to completion. James Rodney Schlesinger was born in New York City, the son of Jewish parents, Rhea Lillian and Julius Schlesinger, his mother was a Lithuanian emigrant from what was part of the Russian Empire and his father's family was from Austria. He converted to Lutheranism in his early 20s. Schlesinger was educated at the Horace Mann School and Harvard University, where he earned a B. A. M. A. and Ph. D. in economics. Between 1955 and 1963 he taught economics at the University of Virginia and in 1960 published The Political Economy of National Security.
In 1963, he moved to the RAND Corporation, where he worked until 1969, in the years as director of strategic studies. In 1969, Schlesinger joined the Nixon administration as assistant director of the Bureau of the Budget, devoting most of his time to Defense matters. In 1971, President Nixon appointed Schlesinger a member of the Atomic Energy Commission and designated him as chairman. Serving in this position for about a year and a half, Schlesinger instituted extensive organizational and management changes in an effort to improve the AEC's regulatory performance. On February 2, 1973, he became Director of Central Intelligence. Schlesinger left the CIA to become Secretary of Defense on July 2, aged 44; as a university professor, researcher at Rand, government official in three agencies, he had acquired an impressive resume in national security affairs. Shortly after assuming office, Schlesinger outlined the basic objectives that would guide his administration: maintain a "strong defense establishment".
E must not be forced out at sea, or in the air. Eli Whitney belongs to us, not to our competitors." In particular, Schlesinger saw a need in the post-Vietnam era to restore the morale and prestige of the military services. Analyzing strategy, Schlesinger maintained that the theory and practice of the 1950s and 1960s had been overtaken by events the rise of the Soviet Union to virtual nuclear parity with the United States and the effect this development had on the concept of deterrence. Schlesinger believed, he had grave doubts about the assured destruction strategy, which relied on massive nuclear attacks against an enemy's urban-industrial areas. Credible strategic nuclear deterrence, the secretary felt, depended on fulfilling several conditions: maintaining essential equivalence with the Soviet Union in force effectiveness. S. population or economic targets. To meet these needs, Schlesinger built on existing ideas in developing a flexible response nuclear strategy, with the President's approval, he made public by early 1974.
The United States, Schlesinger said, needed the ability, in the event of a nuclear attack, to respond so as to "limit the chances of uncontrolled escalation" and "hit meaningful targets" without causing widespread collateral damage. The nation's assured destruction force would be withheld in the hope that the enemy would not attack U. S. cities. In rejecting assured destruction, Schlesinger quoted President Nixon: "Should a President, in the event of a nuclear attack, be left with the single option of ordering the mass destruction of enemy civilians, in the face of the certainty that it would be followed by the mass slaughter of Americans?"With this approach, Schlesinger moved to a partial counterforce policy, emphasizing Soviet military targets such as ICBM missile installations, avoiding initial attacks on population centers, minimizing unintended collateral damage. He explicitly disavowed any intention to acquire a destabilizing first-strike capability against the USSR, but he wanted "an offensive capability of such size and composition that all will perceive it as in overall balance with the strategic forces of any potential opponent."Schlesinger devoted much attention to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, citing the need to strengthen its conventional capabilities.
He rejected the old assumption that NATO did not need a direct counter to Warsaw Pact conventional forces because it could rely on tactical and strategic nuclear weapons, noting that the approximate nuclear parity between the United States and the Soviets in the 1970s made this stand inappropriate. He rejected the argument that NATO could not afford a conventional counterweight to Warsaw Pact forces
Operation Sandwedge was a proposed clandestine intelligence-gathering operation against the political enemies of the Richard Nixon presidential administration. The proposals were put together by H. R. Haldeman, John Ehrlichman and Jack Caulfield in 1971. Caulfield, a former police officer, created a plan to target the Democratic Party and the anti-Vietnam War movement, inspired by what he believed to be the Democratic Party's employment of a private investigation firm; the operation was planned to help Nixon's 1972 re-election campaign. Operation Sandwedge included proposed surveillance of Nixon's enemies to gather information on their financial status and sexual activities, to be carried out through illegal black bag operations. Control of Sandwedge was passed to G. Gordon Liddy, who abandoned it in favor of a strategy of his own devising, Operation Gemstone, which detailed a plan to break into Democratic Party offices in the Watergate complex. Liddy's plan led to the downfall of Nixon's presidency, which Caulfield believed would have been avoided had Sandwedge been acted upon.
In 1968, Richard Nixon, the United States Republican Party nominee, won the presidential election, defeating Democrat Hubert Humphrey by seven-tenths of a percent of the popular vote. Nixon appointed H. R. Haldeman as his Chief of Staff. Haldeman had first worked for Nixon in 1956, during Nixon's successful bid for the vice-presidency under Dwight D. Eisenhower. By 1971, Nixon's staff were receiving a cursory intelligence report from Haldeman's assistant, Gordon C. Strachan. Prior to this, Nixon's initial election bid had involved the planting of rumors and false information about his opponents as a dedicated strategy. In August 1971, Strachan had convinced Jeb Stuart Magruder, a member of the Committee for the Re-Election of the President —the campaign group for Nixon's re-election bid—to infiltrate the office of Edmund Muskie. Muskie was a Democratic senator, Humphrey's 1968 vice-presidential candidate, was a front-runner for his party's presidential bid for the 1972 campaign. In late 1971, John Dean, the White House Counsel, pushed to expand the existing intelligence program ahead of the 1972 re-election campaign.
Dean delegated the task to Jack Caulfield, a member of his staff, a former New York police officer. According to Dean, Caulfield himself was interested in work outside of politics. Fred Emery, a journalist for The Times and BBC, refutes this, claiming in his book Watergate: The Corruption & Fall of Richard Nixon that the idea of a private sector security firm was a front for a committed campaign of surveillance working Nixon and the Republican Party, with political donations to the re-election campaign able to be diverted through the company as though they were unrelated transactions. John Ehrlichman, a long-time friend of Haldeman, who had served as White House Counsel, had been part of the operation's inception. Ehrlichman was the one who had hired Caulfield in 1969. Caulfield's work to this end had resulted in two wiretaps on phone lines—one on Nixon's brother Donald, another on journalist Joseph Kraft. Caulfield prepared a twelve-page draft proposal detailing an intelligence-gathering strategy, aimed at the opposition Democratic Party.
The proposal, dubbed "Operation Sandwedge", called for a budget of $500,000 to cover private investigative work and security for the Republican National Convention, however Caulfield intimated that it would include electronic surveillance. The investigations and surveillance would, in part, assess how the anti-Vietnam War movement could damage Nixon's campaign. Nixon's staff anticipated that the Democratic campaign would employ the services of Intertel, a private investigation firm led by former Department of Justice officials who had served under Robert F. Kennedy, a Democrat and former Attorney General. Caulfield noted that this firm had the potential to employ "formidable and sophisticated" intelligence-gathering techniques, Sandwedge was his attempt to create a Republican counterpart to it; the plan would involve black bag operations. Electronic surveillance was an element of the proposal, with plans to scrutinize the private lives of the targets, including their tax records and sexual habits.
The Sandwedge proposal included a list of people willing to work with Caulfield on the project. Herb Kalmbach, Nixon's own attorney, transferred $50,000 to Caulfield at the request of John N. Mitchell. Mitchell had served as Attorney General under Nixon's first term, directed the 1972 re-election campaign. Caulfield was given responsibility for the salary of Tony Ulasewicz, an operative he planned to use for Sandwedge activities. However, Strachan and other staff members were frustra
John Wesley Dean III is a former attorney who served as White House Counsel for United States President Richard Nixon from July 1970 until April 1973, where he became involved in events leading up to the Watergate burglaries and the subsequent Watergate scandal cover-up. He was referred to as the "master manipulator of the cover-up" by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, he pleaded guilty to a single felony count, in exchange for becoming a key witness for the prosecution. This resulted in a reduced prison sentence, which he served at Fort Holabird outside Baltimore, Maryland. Shortly after the Watergate hearings, Dean wrote about his experiences in a series of books and traveled around the United States to lecture. Dean is a commentator on contemporary politics, authoring books, writing a column for FindLaw's Writ online magazine, he is critical of neoconservatism and the Republican Party, is a registered independent. He has been critical of Presidents George W. Bush and Donald Trump. Dean was born in Akron and lived in Marion, the hometown of the 29th President of the United States, Warren Harding, whose biographer he became.
Thereafter, his family moved to Flossmoor, where he attended grade school through the eighth grade. For high school, he attended Staunton Military Academy in Virginia, he attended Colgate University, The College of Wooster in Ohio, where he obtained his B. A. in 1961. He received a Juris Doctor from the Georgetown University Law Center in 1965. Dean married Karla Ann Hennings on February 4, 1962. Dean married Maureen Kane on October 13, 1972. After graduation, he joined Welch & Morgan, a law firm in Washington, D. C. where he was soon fired. He was alleged to have started negotiating his own private deal for a TV station broadcast license, after his firm had assigned him to do the same exact thing for a client of theirs. Dean was a student at Staunton Military Academy with Barry Goldwater Jr. the son of then-U. S. Senator Barry Goldwater, was a close friend of the family. Dean was subsequently employed as the chief minority counsel to the Republican members of the United States House Committee on the Judiciary from 1966 to 1967.
Dean served as associate director of the National Commission on Reform of Federal Criminal Laws for two years. Dean volunteered to write position papers on crime for Richard Nixon's presidential campaign in 1968; the following year, he became an associate deputy in the office of the Attorney General of the United States, serving under Attorney General John N. Mitchell, with whom he was on friendly terms. In July 1970, he accepted an appointment to become counsel to the president, after the previous holder of this post, John Ehrlichman, became the president's chief domestic adviser. On January 27, 1972, Dean White House Counsel, met with Jeb Magruder and John N. Mitchell, in Mitchell's office, for a presentation by G. Gordon Liddy. At that time, Liddy presented a preliminary plan for intelligence-gathering operations during the campaign year 1972. Reaction to Liddy's plan was unfavorable. Liddy was ordered to scale down his ideas, he presented a revised plan to the same group on February 4, which was, left unapproved at that stage.
In late March of that year, in Florida, a scaled-down plan would be approved by Mitchell. This scaled-down Liddy plan would lead to attempts to eavesdrop on the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate complex in Washington, D. C. and to the Watergate scandal. The burglars' first break-in attempt in late May 1972 had been successful, but several problems had arisen with poor-quality information from their bugs, they wanted to photograph more documents; the burglars were interested in information they thought was held by Lawrence F. O'Brien, head of the DNC. On their second attempt to break in, on the night of June 16–17, 1972, the burglars were discovered by hotel security. After the arrests of the burglars, Dean took custody of evidence and money from the White House safe of E. Howard Hunt, Jr., supervising the Watergate burglaries, destroyed some of the evidence before it could be found by investigators. On February 28, 1973, Acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee during his nomination to replace J. Edgar Hoover as Director of the FBI.
Armed with newspaper articles indicating the White House had possession of FBI Watergate files, the committee chairman, Sam Ervin, questioned Gray as to what he knew about the White House obtaining the files. Gray stated he had given FBI reports to Dean, had discussed the FBI investigation with Dean on many occasions, it came out that Gray had destroyed important evidence entrusted to him by Dean. Gray's nomination failed and now Dean was directly linked to the Watergate cover-up. White House Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman would claim that Dean was appointed by Nixon to take the lead role in coordinating the Watergate cover-up from an early stage, that this cover-up was working well for many months. Certain aspects of the scandal had come to light before the 1972 elections, but Nixon was re-elected to a second presidential term by a significant margin. On March 22, 1973, Nixon requested that Dean put together a report with everything he knew about the Watergate matter, invited him to take a retreat to Camp David to do so.
Dean did go to Camp David
1972 United States presidential election
The 1972 United States presidential election was the 47th quadrennial presidential election. It was held on Tuesday, November 7, 1972. Incumbent Republican President Richard Nixon defeated Democratic Senator George McGovern of South Dakota. Nixon swept aside challenges from two Republican congressmen in the 1972 Republican primaries to win re-nomination. McGovern, who had played a significant role in reforming the Democratic nomination system after the 1968 election, mobilized the anti-war movement and other liberal supporters to win his party's nomination. Among the candidates he defeated were early front-runner Edmund Muskie, 1968 nominee Hubert Humphrey, Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm, the first African-American to run for a major party's presidential nomination. Nixon emphasized the strong economy and his success in foreign affairs, while McGovern ran on a platform calling for an immediate end to the Vietnam War, the institution of a guaranteed minimum income. Nixon maintained a consistent lead in polling.
Separately, Nixon's reelection committee broke into the Watergate Hotel to wiretap the Democratic National Committee's headquarters, a scandal that would be known as "Watergate". McGovern's campaign was further damaged by the revelation that his running mate, Thomas Eagleton, had undergone psychiatric electroshock therapy as a treatment for depression. Eagleton was replaced on the ballot by Sargent Shriver. Nixon won the election in a landslide, taking 60.7% of the popular vote and carrying 49 states, he was the first Republican to sweep the South. McGovern took just 37.5% of the popular vote, while John G. Schmitz of the American Independent Party won 1.4% of the vote. Nixon received 18 million more votes than McGovern, he holds the record for the widest popular vote margin in any United States presidential election; the 1972 presidential election was the first since the ratification of the 26th Amendment, which lowered the voting age from 21 to 18. Within two years of the election, both Nixon and Vice President Spiro Agnew resigned from office, the former due to Watergate and the latter to a separate corruption charge, Nixon was succeeded by Gerald Ford.
Overall, fifteen people declared their candidacy for the Democratic Party nomination. They were: George McGovern, Senator from South Dakota Hubert Humphrey, Senator from Minnesota and former Vice President, presidential nominee in 1968 George Wallace, Governor of Alabama Edmund Muskie, Senator from Maine, vice presidential nominee in 1968 Eugene J. McCarthy, former Senator from Minnesota Henry M. Jackson, Senator from Washington Shirley Chisholm, Representative of New York's 12th congressional district Terry Sanford, former Governor of North Carolina John Lindsay, Mayor of New York City, New York Wilbur Mills, Representative of Arkansas's 2nd congressional district Vance Hartke, Senator from Indiana Fred Harris, Senator from Oklahoma Sam Yorty, Mayor of Los Angeles, California Patsy Mink, Representative of Hawaii's 2nd congressional district Walter Fauntroy, Delegate from Washington, D. C. Reubin Askew, former Governor of Florida Senate Majority Whip Ted Kennedy, the youngest brother of late President John F. Kennedy and late United States Senator Robert F. Kennedy, was the favorite to win the 1972 nomination, but he announced he would not be a candidate.
The favorite for the Democratic nomination became Senator Ed Muskie, the 1968 vice-presidential nominee. Muskie's momentum collapsed just prior to the New Hampshire primary, when the so-called "Canuck letter" was published in the Manchester Union-Leader; the letter a forgery from Nixon's "dirty tricks" unit, claimed that Muskie had made disparaging remarks about French-Canadians – a remark to injure Muskie's support among the French-American population in northern New England. Subsequently, the paper published an attack on the character of Muskie's wife Jane, reporting that she drank and used off-color language during the campaign. Muskie made an emotional defense of his wife in a speech outside the newspaper's offices during a snowstorm. Though Muskie stated that what had appeared to the press as tears were melted snowflakes, the press reported that Muskie broke down and cried, shattering the candidate's image as calm and reasoned. Nearly two years before the election, South Dakota Senator George McGovern entered the race as an anti-war, progressive candidate.
McGovern was able to pull together support from the anti-war movement and other grassroots support to win the nomination in a primary system he had played a significant part in designing. On January 25, 1972, New York Representative Shirley Chisholm announced she would run, became the first African-American woman to run for the Democratic or Republican presidential nomination. Hawaii Representative Patsy Mink announced she would run and became the first Asian American to run for the Democratic presidential nomination. On April 25, George McGovern won the Massachusetts primary. Two days journalist Robert Novak quoted a "Democratic senator" revealed to be Thomas Eagleton as saying: "The people don't know McGovern is for amnesty and legalization of pot. Once middle America – Catholic middle America, in particular – finds this out, he's dead." The label stuck and McGovern became known as the candidate of "amnesty and acid". It became Humphrey's battle cry to stop McGovern—especially in the Nebraska primary.
Alabama Governor George Wallace, an anti-integrationist, did well in the South and among alienated and dissatisfied voters in the North. What might have become a forceful campaign was cut short when Wallace was shot in an assassination attempt by Arthur Bremer on May 15. Wallace was left paralyzed from the waist down; the day
The Watergate complex is a group of six buildings in the Foggy Bottom neighborhood of Washington, D. C. in the United States. Covering a total of 10 acres adjacent to the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, the buildings include: Watergate West, cooperative apartments Watergate 600, office building not involved in the Watergate scandal Watergate Hotel Watergate East, cooperative apartments Watergate South, cooperative apartments Watergate Office Building, the office building where the Watergate burglary happenedBuilt between 1963 and 1971, the Watergate was considered one of Washington's most desirable living spaces, popular with members of Congress and political appointees in the executive branch; the complex has been sold several times since the 1980s. In the 1990s, it was split up and its component buildings and parts of buildings were sold to various owners. In 1972, the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee located on the sixth floor of the Watergate Office Building, was burglarized with documents photographed and telephones wiretapped.
The investigation into the burglary revealed that high officials in the administration of President Richard Nixon had ordered the break-in and tried to cover up their involvement. Additional crimes were uncovered; the ensuing Watergate scandal, named for the complex, led to Nixon's resignation on August 9, 1974. The name "Watergate" and the suffix "-gate" have since become synonymous with controversial topics in the United States and elsewhere; the Watergate superblock is bounded on the north by Virginia Avenue, on the east by New Hampshire Avenue, on the south by F Street, on the west by the Rock Creek and Potomac Parkway. It is in the Foggy Bottom neighborhood overlooking the Potomac River, next to the Kennedy Center and the embassy of Saudi Arabia; the nearest Metro station, 0.4 miles distant, is Foggy Bottom-GWU. For more than a century, the land now occupied by the Watergate complex belonged to the Gas Works of the Washington Gas Light Company, which produced "manufactured gas" for heating and lighting throughout the city.
Gas production ceased at the site in 1947, the plant was demolished shortly thereafter. In the 1950s, the World Bank considered building its international headquarters here and on the adjacent site, but rejected the site for unspecified reasons in favor of its current location at 1818 H Street NW in Washington, D. C; the name "Watergate" relates to numerous aspects of its physical and historical context. The complex sits near the eastern terminus of the Chesapeake & Ohio Canal, which operated from 1831 to 1924 and is now a National Historical Park; the remains of the gravity dam across Rock Creek, as well as Waste Weir #1 are at this site. Land once owned by the canal company was part of the 10-acre site purchased in 1960 by the project's developer, Rome-based Società Generale Immobiliare. In his 2018 book The Watergate: Inside America’s Most Infamous Address, author Joseph Rodota gave three accounts of the origin of the name, based on sources inside the development team: Author and playwright Warren Adler, while working as a publicist for the developers, came up with the name.
According to Rodota, the earliest use of the name Watergate in the surviving files of Societa Generale Immobiliare is a June 8, 1961 memorandum authored by Giuseppe Cecchi, summarizing an early meeting with officials of the future John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts about the proposed project. In his 2009 book Presidential Power on Trial: From Watergate to All the President's Men, William Noble wrote that the Watergate "got its name from overlooking the'gate' that regulated the flow of water from the Potomac River into the Tidal Basin at flood tide." That gate is about 1½ miles downriver from the Watergate complex. Another namesake is the noted restaurant, the "Water Gate Inn", that operated on the site before the Watergate complex was built. In 2004, Washington Post writer John Kelly argued that the name was most directly linked to the "Water Steps" or "Water Gate," a set of ceremonial stairs west of the Lincoln Memorial that led down to the Potomac; the steps had been planned as a ceremonial gateway to the city and an official reception area for dignitaries arriving in Washington, D.
C. via water taxi from Virginia, though they never served this function. Instead, beginning in 1935, the steps faced a floating performance stage on the Potomac River on which open-air concerts were held. Up to 12,000 people would sit on the steps and surrounding grass and listen to symphonies, military bands, operas; the music venue was Born Yesterday. The barge concerts ended in 1965 when jet airliner service began at National Airport and the noise impaired the venue's viability; the Watergate complex was developed by the Italian firm SGI. The company purchased the 10 acres that belonged to the defunct Chesapeake and Ohio Canal in February 1960 for $10 million; the project was announced on October 21, 1960. Luigi Moretti of the University of R
Jeb Stuart Magruder
Jeb Stuart Magruder was an American businessman and high-level political operative in the Republican Party who served time in prison for his role in the Watergate scandal. He served President Richard Nixon in various capacities, including acting as deputy director of the president's 1972 re-election campaign, Committee for the Re-Election of the President. In August 1973, Magruder pleaded guilty to one count of conspiracy to wiretap, obstruct justice and defraud the United States, he served seven months in federal prison. Magruder attended Princeton Theological Seminary and was ordained as a Presbyterian minister, he spoke publicly about his role in the Watergate scandal. In the 1990s and early 2000s, he gave interviews in which he changed his accounts of actions by various participants in the Watergate coverup, including claiming that President Richard Nixon ordered the break-ins. Jeb Stuart Magruder grew up on Staten Island, New York, his father, a Civil War buff, named him for Confederate general J.
E. B. Stuart, he was an honor student at Curtis High School. Magruder was an excellent junior tennis player and swimmer, among the best in the greater New York area, he earned a Bachelor of Arts in political science in 1958 from Williams College, where he competed on the varsity swimming team and set several regional records. During an intermission from college, he served in the U. S. Army for 21 months, was stationed in South Korea, he earned a Master of Business Administration degree from the University of Chicago. Magruder worked for IBM after college, he moved to San Francisco to take a position with the Crown Zellerbach firm, where he worked in its sales and marketing department. He started his own consumer products company, he married Gail Barnes Nicholas on October 17, 1959, in California. The couple had four children, they were divorced in 1984. Magruder married Patricia Newton on February 28, 1987, in Ohio, they were divorced in May 2003. In the late 1950s, Magruder moved to Kansas City in a transfer for work.
He became involved there as a campaign manager for the Republican Party during the 1960 election campaign, working as chairman of an urban ward. Magruder moved to Chicago for his MBA studies. Afterward he shifted from IBM to the consulting firm Booz Allen Hamilton. In Chicago he remained involved with the Republican Party, his first major political job was managing the successful 1962 primary campaign of Donald Rumsfeld for the Republican nomination to the United States House of Representatives, preparing for the election in Illinois' 13th congressional district. Rumsfeld won the primary and the seat in Congress, in a major upset in a ward traditionally dominated by Democrats and unions; the win catapulted Magruder into the early ranks of young political technocrats who used data and analytics to engineer campaigns, it caught the attention of the Republican party machine. In 1962 Magruder moved from Booz Allen Hamilton to a regional grocery firm. During his nearly four years with them, he was promoted to merchandise manager.
Magruder became involved with the Illinois organization of the Barry Goldwater presidential campaign in late 1963, but became disillusioned with Goldwater's political views. He worked as campaign manager for Richard Ogilvie's 1966 campaign for president of the Cook County Board of Supervisors; the political workload, combined with work pressures, caused Magruder to end employment with Jewel. He relocated to California in mid-1966, to begin a higher level job with the Broadway Stores company. Magruder's next political involvement started in mid-1967, when he served as Southern California coordinator for the Richard Nixon presidential campaign, he left early in 1968 due to internal organizational problems. Magruder entered partnership during early 1969 with two other entrepreneurs to start two new businesses, became president and chief executive officer of these firms. Magruder, while working in Los Angeles as a business executive, was approached through Republican acquaintances and asked to interview to join the White House staff.
He was appointed to the White House staff in 1969 as Special Assistant to the President. Like some other private sector executives, he took, he moved with his family to Washington, D. C, he worked for Nixon operatives H. R. Haldeman and Herbert G. Klein, Communications Director for the Executive Branch. Magruder's formal title was Deputy Director of White House Communications. Magruder served in the White House until the spring of 1971, when he left to manage the Committee for the Re-Election of the President, first as Director. By early 1972 in the election year, Attorney General John N. Mitchell took over as director of CREEP and Magruder acted as his deputy; as Mitchell became preoccupied with a scandal involving the ITT Corporation and by his efforts to restrain his outspoken wife Martha, Magruder took on more of the management of the CREEP. The campaign to re-elect the President was extraordinarily successful; the final tally of Nixon's victory was 520 to 17 electoral votes, the second largest Electoral College margin in history up until after Franklin D. Roosevelt's 1936 victory over Alf Landon.
Magruder worked as Inaugural Director from October 1972 to arrange Richard Nixon's United States presidential inauguration ceremony and celebration in January 1973. In March 1973, he began a job as Director of Policy Planning with the United States Department of Commerce, he resigned soon afterward, as the Watergate scandal began to heat up and become scrutinized again by media following Jam
Nixon's Enemies List
"Nixon's Enemies List" is the informal name of what started as a list of President of the United States Richard Nixon's major political opponents compiled by Charles Colson, written by George T. Bell, sent in memorandum form to John Dean on September 9, 1971; the list was part of a campaign known as "Opponents List" and "Political Enemies Project". The list became public knowledge on June 27, 1973, when Dean mentioned during hearings with the Senate Watergate Committee that a list existed containing those whom the president did not like. Journalist Daniel Schorr, who happened to be on the list, managed to obtain a copy of it that day. A longer second list was made public by Dean on December 20, 1973, during a hearing with the Congressional Joint Committee on Internal Revenue Taxation; the official purpose, as described by the White House Counsel's Office, was to "screw" Nixon's political enemies, by means of tax audits from the Internal Revenue Service, by manipulating "grant availability, federal contracts, prosecution, etc."
In a memorandum from John Dean to Lawrence Higby, Dean explained the purpose of the list: This memorandum addresses the matter of how we can maximize the fact of our incumbency in dealing with persons known to be active in their opposition to our Administration. The IRS commissioner, Donald C. Alexander, refused to launch audits of the people on the list; the 20 names in the memo in order were as follows, although a master list of Nixon's political opponents with additional names was developed later. Arnold Picker Alexander E. Barkan Edwin Guthman Maxwell Dane Charles Dyson Howard Stein Allard Lowenstein Morton Halperin Leonard Woodcock S. Sterling Munro, Jr. Bernard T. Feld Sidney Davidoff John Conyers Samuel M. Lambert Stewart Rawlings Mott Ron Dellums Daniel Schorr S. Harrison Dogole Paul Newman Mary McGrory According to Dean, Colson compiled hundreds of names on a "master list" which changed constantly. On December 20, 1973, the Congressional Joint Committee on Internal Revenue Taxation concluded that people on the "Enemies" list had not been subjected to an unusual number of tax audits.
The report revealed a second list of about 576 supporters and staffers of George McGovern's 1972 presidential campaign given to Internal Revenue Commissioner Johnnie Walters by John Dean on September 11, 1972. The Washington Post printed the entire list the next day, but The New York Times reported just a few paragraphs on page 21. Newsman Daniel Schorr and actor Paul Newman stated, that inclusion on the list was their greatest accomplishment; when this list was released, Schorr read it live on television, not realizing that he was on the list until he came to his own name. Author Hunter S. Thompson remarked. In the United States, the term "enemies list" has come to be used in contexts not associated with Richard Nixon. For example, satirist P. J. O'Rourke's 1989 "A Call for a New McCarthyism" in The American Spectator has a hybrid blacklist and enemies list, suggesting that, contrary to the spirits of these lists, the subjects there should be overexposed, not suppressed, "so that a surfeited public rebels in disgust."
In Philip Roth's Our Gang, published in 1971, two years before the list was first mentioned in public, the Nixon parody character Trick E. Dixon begins to compile a rudimentary list of five political enemies, it includes Jane Fonda and the Black Panthers who were on the real-life expanded master list, The Berrigans and Curt Flood. In "Homer's Enemy", an 8th-season episode of The Simpsons, Moe Szyslak shows off his own enemies list, which Barney Gumble appraises as Nixon's list, with the latter's name crossed out and replaced with Moe's. Moe promptly adds Barney to the list for his insolence. In Futurama's first episode, "Space Pilot 3000", Fry and Bender walk through a room of live preserved heads of famous people; when Fry knocks over Nixon's jar, Nixon says, "That's it, you just made my list!" In a BoJack Horseman second season episode called "The Shot", the title character and Todd visit the Nixon Presidential Library with the intent of stealing a scaled-down replica of the library. Mounted on the walls are "Frenemy" Lists.
Walt Disney is included on the Enemy List. The Disposition Matrix, the "kill/capture list" of the enemies of the United States Hillary Clinton's Enemies List, a similar alleged Clinton document Obama IRS targeting controversy Records of the Watergate Special Prosecution Force 1971 to 1977 via National Archives and Records Administration EnemiesList.info, a complete, annotated Nixon's Enemies List Statement of Information, Hearings Before the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, Ninety-Third Congress, Second Session, Pursuant to H. Res. 803, a Resolution Authorizing and Directing the Committee on the Judiciary to Investigate Whether Sufficient Grounds Exist for the House of Representatives to Exercise its Constitutional Power to Impeach Richard M. Nixon, President of the United States of America, Book VIII, Internal Revenue Service, May-June 1974 via the Internet Archive