Right-wing populism called national populism or right-wing nationalism, is a political ideology which combines right-wing politics and populist rhetoric and themes. The rhetoric consists of anti-elitist sentiments, opposition to the perceived Establishment, speaking to the "common people". Both right-wing populism and left-wing populism object to the perceived control of liberal democracies by elites. In Europe, the term right-wing populism is used to describe groups and political parties that are known for their opposition to immigration from the Islamic world, for Euroscepticism. Right-wing populism in the Western world is associated with ideologies such as anti-environmentalism, neo-nationalism, anti-globalization and protectionism. European right-wing populists typically support expanding the welfare state, but barring undocumented immigrants from receiving government benefits. From the 1990s, right-wing populist parties became established in the legislatures of various democracies. Although extreme right-wing movements in the United States have been studied separately, some writers consider them to be a part of the right-wing populist phenomenon.
Right-wing populism in the United States is closely linked to paleoconservatism. Since the Great Recession, right-wing populist movements such as the National Rally in France, the League in Italy, the Party for Freedom and the Forum for Democracy in the Netherlands, the UK Independence Party and the Brexit Party began to grow in popularity, in large part due to increasing opposition to immigration from the Middle East and Africa, rising Euroscepticism and discontent with the economic policies of the European Union. U. S. President Donald Trump won the 2016 United States presidential election after running on a platform that included right-wing populist themes. Classification of right-wing populism into a single political family has proved difficult and it is not certain whether a meaningful category exists, or a cluster of categories since the parties differ in ideology and leadership rhetoric. Unlike traditional parties, they do not belong to international organizations of like-minded parties, they do not use similar terms to describe themselves.
Cas Mudde argues that two definitions can be given of the "populist radical right": a maximum and a minimum one, with the "maximum" group being a subgroup of the "minimum" group. The minimum definition describes what Michael Freeden has called the "core concept" of the right-wing populist ideology, the concept shared by all parties included in the family. Looking at the primary literature, Mudde concludes that the core concept of right-populism "is undoubtedly the "nation". "This concept", he explains, "also functions as a "coat-hanger" for most other ideological features. The minimum definition of the party family should be based on the key concept, the nation", he however rejects the use of "nationalism" as a "core ideology" of right-wing populism on the ground that there are purely "civic" or "liberal" forms of nationalism, preferring instead the term "nativism": a xenophobic form of nationalism asserting that "states should be inhabited by members of the native group, that non-native elements are fundamentally threatening to the homogeneous nation-state".
Mudde further argues that "while nativism could include racist arguments, it can be non-racist", that the term nativism does not reduce the parties to mere single-issue parties, such as the term "anti-immigrant" does. In the maximum definition, to nativism is added authoritarianism—an attitude, not necessary anti-democratic or automatic, to prefer "law and order" and the submission to authority—and populism—a "thin-centered ideology that considers society to be separated into two homogeneous and antagonistic groups, "the pure people" versus "the corrupt elite", which argues that politics should be an expression of the "general will" of the people", if needed before human rights or constitutional guarantees. Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser reiterated in 2017 that there is, in European right-wing populism, a "marriage of convenience" of populism based on an "ethnic and chauvinistic definition of the people", nativism; this results in right-wing populism having a "xenophobic nature."Roger Eatwell, Emeritus Professor of Comparative Politics at the University of Bath, writes that "hilst populism and fascism differ notably ideologically, in practice the latter has borrowed aspects of populist discourse and style, populism can degenerate into leader-oriented authoritarian and exclusionary politics."
For populism to transition into fascism or proto-fascism requires a "nihilistic culture and an intractable crisis." Opulism is like fascism in being a response to socialist explanations of the political. And like fascism, populism does not recognize a legitimate political place for an opposition that it regards as acting against the desires of the people and that it accuses of being tyrannical and antidemocratic.... The opponents are turned into public enemies, but only rhetorically. If populism moves from rhetorical emnity to practices of enemy identification and persecution, we could be talking about its transformation into fascism or another form of dictator
Benns Church is a census-designated place in Isle of Wight County, United States. It is located at the junction of U. S. Route 258 and State Routes 10 and 32, southeast of Smithfield; the population as of the 2010 census was 872. The community is named for Benn's United Methodist Church, which lies at the intersection of Benn's Church Boulevard and Brewer's Neck Boulevard; the church was founded at that location by George Benn in 1789. Benn is buried in front of the church; the church bears a Virginia Historical Marker. Benns Church is home to Benn's Grant, a 253-acre mixed-use development, which took a decade to be realized. Benns Church is bordered to the east by Carrollton. Hampton is 17 miles east of Benns Church, across the James River, while Norfolk is 24 miles to the southeast, Suffolk is 16 miles to the south. According to the U. S. Census Bureau, the Benns Church CDP has a total area of 4.2 square miles, of which 4.1 square miles are land and 0.1 square miles, or 1.92%, are water. The community drains westward to Cypress Creek, north to Jones Creek, southeast to Brewers Creek, all of which become tidal inlets of the James River system
Pedersker Kirkemølle is a Dutch windmill located in the little village of Pedersker on the Danish island of Bornholm. It functioned until 1969; the Kirkemølle is the island's oldest standing stone mill. It dates from 1861; the cylindrical tower mill measured 9.5 metres to the cap. Built of sandstone masony, it had four floors, it had common cloth sails but in 1899 they were replaced with self-regulating patent sails. Until 1908, the mill was rotated manually but after being heightened a further 1.9 metres, it was equipped with a fantail. In 1932, a 34 hp Ruston & Hornsby diesel engine was installed; the mill was closed in 1969 but from 1969 it functioned using the diesel engine rather than from wind power. After buying the mill in 1982, Pedersker Lokalforening undertook substantial restoration work including the replacement of the cap and the wings; the adjoining warehouse received a new roof. In the 19th and early 20th century, there was both an inn at the mill; the bakery moved into the village. List of windmills on Bornholm Povl Erik Munk: Kirkemøllen i Pedersker.
1996. Pedersker Localforening. 61 pages. ISBN 9788790257101