Bantu Stephen Biko was a South African anti-apartheid activist. Ideologically an African nationalist and African socialist, he was at the forefront of a grassroots anti-apartheid campaign known as the Black Consciousness Movement during the late 1960s and 1970s, his ideas were articulated in a series of articles published under the pseudonym Frank Talk. Raised in a poor Xhosa family, Biko grew up in Ginsberg township in the Eastern Cape. In 1966, he began studying medicine at the University of Natal, where he joined the National Union of South African Students. Opposed to the apartheid system of racial segregation and white-minority rule in South Africa, Biko was frustrated that NUSAS and other anti-apartheid groups were dominated by white liberals, rather than by the blacks who were most affected by apartheid, he believed that when well-intentioned, white liberals failed to comprehend the black experience and acted in a paternalistic manner. He developed the view that to avoid white domination, black people had to organise independently, to this end he became a leading figure in the creation of the South African Students' Organisation in 1968.
Membership was open only to "blacks", a term that Biko used in reference not just to Bantu-speaking Africans but to Coloureds and Indians. He was careful to keep his movement independent of white liberals, but opposed anti-white racism and had various white friends and lovers; the white-minority National Party government were supportive, seeing SASO's creation as a victory for apartheid's ethos of racial separatism. Influenced by Frantz Fanon and the African-American Black Power movement and his compatriots developed Black Consciousness as SASO's official ideology; the movement campaigned for an end to apartheid and the transition of South Africa toward universal suffrage and a socialist economy. It organised Black Community Programmes and focused on the psychological empowerment of black people. Biko believed that black people needed to rid themselves of any sense of racial inferiority, an idea he expressed by popularizing the slogan "black is beautiful". In 1972, he was involved in founding the Black People's Convention to promote Black Consciousness ideas among the wider population.
The government came to see Biko as a subversive threat and placed him under a banning order in 1973 restricting his activities. He remained politically active, helping organise BCPs such as a healthcare centre and a crèche in the Ginsberg area. During his ban he received repeated anonymous threats, was detained by state security services on several occasions. Following his arrest in August 1977, Biko was beaten by state security officers, resulting in his death. Over 20,000 people attended his funeral. Biko's fame spread posthumously, he became the subject of numerous songs and works of art, while a 1978 biography by his friend Donald Woods formed the basis for the 1987 film Cry Freedom. During Biko's life, the government alleged that he hated whites, various anti-apartheid activists accused him of sexism, African racial nationalists criticised his united front with Coloureds and Indians. Nonetheless, Biko became one of the earliest icons of the movement against apartheid, is regarded as a political martyr and the "Father of Black Consciousness".
His political legacy remains a matter of contention. Bantu Stephen Biko was born on 18 December 1946, at his grandmother's house in Tarkastad, Eastern Cape; the third child of Mzingaye Mathew Biko and Alice'Mamcete' Biko, he had an older sister, Bukelwa, an older brother, a younger sister, Nobandile. His parents had married in Whittlesea. Mzingaye was transferred to Queenstown, Port Elizabeth, Fort Cox, King William's Town, where he and Alice settled in Ginsberg township; this was a settlement of around 800 families, with every four families sharing a water supply and toilet. Both Bantu African and Coloured people lived in the township, where Xhosa and English were all spoken. After resigning from the police force, Mzingaye worked as a clerk in the King William's Town Native Affairs Office, while studying for a law degree by correspondence from the University of South Africa. Alice was employed first in domestic work for local white households as a cook at Grey Hospital in King William's Town.
According to his sister, it was this observation of his mother's difficult working conditions that resulted in Biko's earliest politicisation. Biko's given name "Bantu" means "people"; as a child he was nicknamed "Goofy" and "Xwaku-Xwaku", the latter a reference to his unkempt appearance. He was raised in his family's Anglican Christian faith. In 1950, when Biko was four, his father fell ill, was hospitalised in St. Matthew's Hospital and died, making the family dependent on his mother's income. Biko spent two years at St. Andrews Primary School and four at Charles Morgan Higher Primary School, both in Ginsberg. Regarded as a intelligent pupil, he was allowed to skip a year. In 1963 he transferred to the Forbes Grant Secondary School in the township. Biko topped the class in his exams. In 1964 the Ginsberg community offered him a bursary to join his brother Khaya as a student at Lovedale, a prestigious boarding school in Alice, Eastern Cape. Within three months of Steve's arrival, Khaya was accused of having connections to Poqo, the armed wing of the Pan Africanist Congress, an African nationalist group which the government had banned.
Both Khaya and Steve were interrogated by the police.
P. W. Botha
Pieter Willem Botha known as "P. W." and Die Groot Krokodil, was the leader of South Africa from 1978 to 1989, serving as the last Prime Minister from 1978 to 1984 and the first executive State President from 1984 to 1989. First elected to Parliament in 1948, Botha was an outspoken opponent of majority rule and international communism. However, his administration did make concessions towards political reform, whereas internal unrest saw widespread human rights abuses at the hands of the government. Botha resigned as leader of the ruling National Party in February 1989 after suffering a stroke and six months was coerced to leave the presidency. In F. W. de Klerk's 1992 apartheid referendum, Botha campaigned for a No vote and denounced De Klerk's administration as irresponsible for opening the door to black majority rule. In early 1998, when Botha refused to testify at the Mandela government's Truth and Reconciliation Commission, he was supported by the right-wing Conservative Party, which had earlier contested his rule as the official opposition.
For his refusal, he was given a suspended jail sentence for crimes against humanity. The sentence was overturned on appeal. Shortly before his death in late 2006, he renewed his opposition towards egalitarian democracy in favour of a confederate system based upon the principles of "separate development". Pieter Willem Botha was born on a farm in the Paul Roux district of the Orange Free State Province, the son of Afrikaner parents, his father, Pieter Willem Botha Sr. fought as a commando against the British in the Second Boer War. His mother, Hendrina Christina Botha, was interned in a British concentration camp during the war. Botha attended the Paul Roux School and matriculated from Voortrekker Secondary School in Bethlehem, South Africa. In 1934, he entered the Grey University College in Bloemfontein to study law, but left early at the age of twenty in order to pursue a career in politics, he began working for the National Party as a political organiser in the neighbouring Cape Province. In the run-up to World War II, Botha joined the Ossewabrandwag, a right-wing Afrikaner nationalist group, sympathetic to the German Nazi Party.
In 1943, Botha married Anna Elizabeth Rossouw. The couple had three daughters. At age 30, Botha was elected head of the National Party Youth in 1946, two years won a race for the House of Assembly as representative of George in the southern Cape Province in the general election which saw the beginning of the National Party's 46-year tenure in power, his opponent in the 1948 election was JP Marais from the United Party. In 1958 Botha was appointed Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs by Hendrik Verwoerd, in 1961 advanced to Minister of Coloured Affairs, he was appointed Minister for Defence by Verwoerd's successor B. J. Vorster, upon Verwoerd's murder, in 1966. Under his 14 years as its leader, the South African Defence Force reached a zenith, at times consuming 20% of the national budget, compared to 1.3% in 1968, was involved in the South African Border War. When Vorster resigned following allegations of his involvement in the Muldergate Scandal in 1978, Botha was elected as his successor by the National Party caucus, besting the electorate's favourite, 45-year-old Foreign Minister Pik Botha.
In the final internal ballot, he beat the scandal's namesake, in a 78 -- 72 vote. Botha was keen to promote constitutional reform, hoped to implement a form of federal system in South Africa that would allow for greater "self-rule" for black homelands, while still retaining the supremacy of a white central government, foremost expand the rights of Coloureds and Asians in order to widen support for the government. Upon enacting the reforms, he remarked in the House of Assembly. Upon becoming Prime Minister, Botha retained the defence portfolio until October 1980, when he appointed SADF Chief General Magnus Malan, his successor. From his ascension to the cabinet, Botha pursued an ambitious military policy designed to increase South Africa's military capability, he sought to improve relations with the West – the United States – but with mixed results. He argued that the preservation of the apartheid government, though unpopular, was crucial to stemming the tide of African Communism, which had made in-roads into neighbouring Angola and Mozambique after these two former Portuguese colonies obtained independence.
As Prime Minister and State President, his greatest parliamentary opponents were Harry Schwarz and Helen Suzman of the Progressive Federal Party until 1987, when his former cabinet colleague Andries Treurnicht's new Conservative Party became the official opposition on a anti-concessionist agenda. In 1977, as Minister of Defence he began a secret nuclear weapons program, which culminated in the production of six nuclear bombs destroyed only in the early 1990s, he remained steadfast in South Africa's administration of the neighbouring territory South-West Africa while there was a presence of Cuban troops in Angola to the north. Botha was responsible for introducing Koevoet, he was instrumental in building the SADF's strength. Adding momentum to establishing units such as 32 Battalion. South African intervention, with support of the rebel UNITA movement, in the An
1948 South African general election
The parliamentary election in South Africa on 26 May 1948 represented a turning point in the country's history. The United Party, which had led the government since its foundation in 1933, its leader, incumbent Prime Minister Jan Smuts, were ousted by the Reunited National Party, led by Daniel François Malan, a Dutch Reformed cleric. During the election battle, both the UP and the NP formed coalitions with smaller parties; the UP was aligned with the left-leaning Labour Party, while the Afrikaner Party sought to advance Afrikaner rights by allying with the HNP. By legislation relating to franchise requirements few people of Coloured and Asian descent were able to vote in this election; the HNP, realising that many White South Africans felt threatened by black political aspirations, pledged to implement a policy of strict racial segregation in all spheres of living. The Nationalists labelled this new system of social organisation "apartheid", the name by which it became universally known; the HNP took advantage of white fear of black-on-white crime, the HNP promised whites safety and security from black-on-white crime and violence.
In contrast to the HNP's consistent, straightforward platform, the UP supported vague notions of integrating the different racial groups within South Africa. Furthermore, white dissatisfaction with domestic and economic problems in South Africa after World War II, the HNP's superior organisation, electoral gerrymandering, all proved to be significant challenges to the UP campaign; the election marked the onset of 46 years of NP rule in South Africa. Together, the HNP and the Afrikaner Party won 79 seats in the House of Assembly against a combined total of 74 won by the UP and the Labour Party. By a quirk of the First Past the Post system the NP had won more seats though the UP had received over eleven percent more votes; the Nationalist coalition subsequently formed a new government and ushered in the era of formal binding apartheid. In 1951, the HNP and the Afrikaner Party merged. One of the central issues facing the white electorate in the 1948 election was that of race; the United Party and the National Party presented voters with differing answers to questions relating to racial integration in South Africa.
Smuts and his followers were in favour of a pragmatic approach, arguing that racial integration was inevitable and that the government should thus relax regulations which sought to prevent black people from moving into urban areas. Whilst still seeking to maintain white dominance, the UP argued in favour of reforming the political system so that black South Africans could at some unspecified point in the future, exercise some sort of power in a racially integrated South Africa. In contrast to this vague ideology, the NP advanced the notion of further enforced segregation between races and the total disempowerment of black South Africans. Rural to urban movement by blacks was to be discouraged; the UP position was supported by the Fagan Commission while the Sauer Commission informed the NP's stance. The putative policy of apartheid proposed by the NP served the economic interests of certain groups of white South Africans. Farmers from the northern portions of the country relied on cheap black labour to maximise profits while working class whites living in urban areas feared the employment competition that would follow an urban influx of black South Africans.
Many commercial and financial Afrikaner interests based on agriculture saw the value of apartheid in promoting growth in this sector. The UP failed to realise the enormous economic benefits of apartheid to these large and influential groups and did not prioritise segregation as much as the NP; as regards election tactics, the NP was adroit at exploiting white fears while campaigning in the 1948 election. Because the UP had seemed to take a lukewarm stance towards both integration and segregation, the NP was able to argue that a victory for the UP would lead to a black government in South Africa. NP propaganda linked black political power to Communism, an anathema to many white South Africans at the time. Slogans such as "Swart Gevaar", "Rooi Gevaar", "Die kaffer op sy plek", "Die koelies uit die land" played upon and amplified white anxieties. Much was made of the fact that Smuts had developed a good working relationship with Joseph Stalin during World War II, when South Africa and the USSR were allies in the fight against Nazi Germany.
Smuts had once remarked that he "doffs his cap to Stalin" and the NP presented this remark as proof of Smuts’s latent Communist tendencies. The Smuts government's controversial immigration programme served to further inflame Afrikaner disquiet. Under this programme, numerous British immigrants had moved to South Africa and were perceived to have taken homes and employment away from South African citizens. Moreover, it was claimed that the intention behind such plans was to swamp the Afrikaners, who had a higher birth rate than the British diaspora, with British immigrants so that Afrikaners would be outnumbered at the polls in future elections. In preparation for the 1948 election, the NP moderated its stance on republicanism; because of the immense and abiding national trauma caused by the Anglo-Boer War, transforming South Africa into a republic and dissolving all ties between South Africa and the United Kingdom had been an important mission for earlier incar
Negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa
The apartheid system in South Africa was ended through a series of negotiations between 1990 and 1993 and through unilateral steps by the de Klerk government. These negotiations took place between the governing National Party, the African National Congress, a wide variety of other political organisations. Negotiations took place against a backdrop of political violence in the country, including allegations of a state-sponsored third force destabilising the country; the negotiations resulted in South Africa's first non-racial election, won by the African National Congress. Apartheid was a system of racial segregation in South African government, it was formalised in 1948, forming a framework for political and economic dominance by the white population and restricting the political rights of the black majority. Between 1960 and 1990, the African National Congress and other black opposition political organisations were banned; as the National Party cracked down on black opposition to apartheid, most leaders of ANC and other opposition organisations were either killed, imprisoned or went into exile.
However, increasing local and international pressure on the government, as well as the realisation that apartheid could neither be maintained by force forever nor overthrown by the opposition without considerable suffering led both sides to the negotiating table. The Battle of Cuito Cuanavale created a window of opportunity to create the enabling conditions for a negotiated settlement, recognized by Dr Niel Barnard of the National Intelligence Service. On 4 January 1974, Harry Schwarz, leader of the liberal-reformist wing of the United Party, met with Gatsha Buthelezi, Chief Executive Councillor of the black homeland of KwaZulu, signed a five-point plan for racial peace in South Africa, which came to be known as the Mahlabatini Declaration of Faith; the declaration stated that "the situation of South Africa in the world scene as well as internal community relations requires, in our view, an acceptance of certain fundamental concepts for the economic and constitutional development of our country".
The declaration's purpose was to provide a blueprint for government of South Africa for racial peace in South Africa. It called for negotiations involving all peoples, in order to draw up constitutional proposals stressing opportunity for all with a Bill of Rights to safeguard these rights, it suggested. It affirmed that political change must take place through non-violent means; the declaration was the first of such agreements by acknowledged black and white political leaders in South Africa that affirmed to these principles. The commitment to the peaceful pursuit of political change was declared at a time when neither the National Party nor the African National Congress were looking to peaceful solutions or dialogue; the declaration was heralded by the English speaking press as a breakthrough in race relations in South Africa. Shortly after it was issued, the declaration was endorsed by several chief ministers of the black homelands, including Cedric Phatudi, Lucas Mangope and Hudson Nisanwisi.
Despite considerable support from black leaders, the English speaking press and liberal figures such as Alan Paton, the declaration saw staunch opposition from the National Party, the Afrikaans press and the conservative wing of Harry Schwarz's United Party. The first meetings between the South African Government and Nelson Mandela were driven by the National Intelligence Service under the leadership of Niel Barnard and his Deputy Director General, Mike Louw; these meetings were secret in nature and were designed to develop an understanding about whether there were sufficient common grounds for future peace talks. As these meetings evolved, a level of trust developed between the key actors. To facilitate future talks while preserving secrecy needed to protect the process, Barnard arranged for Mandela to be moved off Robben Island to Pollsmoor Prison in 1982; this provided Mandela with more comfortable lodgings, but gave easier access in a way that could not be compromised. Barnard therefore brokered an initial agreement in principle about what became known as "talks about talks".
It was at this stage that the process was elevated from a secret engagement to a more public engagement. The first less-tentative meeting between Mandela and the National Party government came while P. W. Botha was State President. In November 1985, Minister Kobie Coetsee met Mandela in the hospital while Mandela was being treated for prostate surgery. Over the next four years, a series of tentative meetings took place, laying the groundwork for further contact and future negotiations, but little real progress was made, the meetings remained secret until several years later; as the secret talks bore fruit and the political engagement started to take place, the National Intelligence Service withdrew from centre stage in the process, moved to a new phase of operational support work. This new phase was designed to test public opinion about a negotiated solution. Central to this planning was an initiative that became known in Security Force circles as the Dakar Safari, which saw a number of prominent Afrikaner opinion-makers engage with the African National Congress in Dakar and Leverkusen, Germany at events organized by the Institute for a Democratic Alternative for South Africa.
The operational objective of this meeting was not to understand the opinions of the actors themselves—that was well known at this stage within strategic management circles—but rather to gauge public opinion about a movement away from the previous security posture of confrontation
Winnie Madikizela-Mandela known as Winnie Mandela, was a South African anti-apartheid activist and politician, the ex-wife of Nelson Mandela. She served as a Member of Parliament from 1994 to 2003, from 2009 until her death, was a deputy minister of arts and culture from 1994 to 1996. A member of the African National Congress political party, she served on the ANC's National Executive Committee and headed its Women's League. Madikizela-Mandela was known to her supporters as the "Mother of the Nation". Born to a Mpondo family in Bizana, a qualified social worker, she married anti-apartheid activist Nelson Mandela in Johannesburg in 1958. In 1963, after Mandela was imprisoned following the Rivonia Trial. During that period, she rose to prominence within the domestic anti-apartheid movement, she was detained by apartheid state security services on various occasions, subjected to banning orders, banished to a rural town, spent several months in solitary confinement. In the mid-1980s Madikizela-Mandela exerted a "reign of terror", was "at the centre of an orgy of violence" in Soweto, which led to condemnation by the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa, a rebuke by the ANC in exile.
During this period, her home was burned down by residents of Soweto. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission established by Nelson Mandela's government to investigate human rights abuses found Madikizela-Mandela to have been "politically and morally accountable for the gross violations of human rights committed by the "Mandela United Football Club", her security detail. Madikizela-Mandela was accused of endorsing the necklacing of alleged police informers and apartheid government collaborators, her security detail carried out kidnapping and murder, most notoriously the killing of 14-year-old Stompie Sepei whose kidnapping she was convicted of. Nelson Mandela was released from prison on 11 February 1990, the couple separated in 1992, she visited him during his final illness. As a senior ANC figure, she took part in the post-apartheid ANC government, although she was dismissed from her post amid allegations of corruption. In 2003, she was convicted of fraud, she temporarily withdrew from active politics before returning several years later.
Madikizela-Mandela's Xhosa name was Nomzamo. She was born in the village of Mbongweni,Bizana, Pondoland, in what is now the Eastern Cape province, she was the fifth of seven sisters and a brother. Her parents and Gertrude, who had a white father and Xhosa mother, were both teachers. Columbus was a history teacher and a headmaster, Gertrude was a domestic science teacher. Gertrude died when Winnie was nine years old, resulting in the break-up of her family when the siblings were sent to live with different relatives. Madikizela-Mandela went on to become the head girl at her high school in Bizana. Upon leaving school, she went to Johannesburg to study social work at the Jan Hofmeyr School of Social Work, she earned a degree in social work in 1956, several years earned a bachelor's degree in international relations from the University of the Witwatersrand. She held a number of jobs in various parts of what was the Bantustan of Transkei, her first job was as a social worker at Baragwanath Hospital in Soweto.
She met the lawyer and anti-apartheid activist Nelson Mandela in 1957, when he was still married to Evelyn Mase. She was 22 years old and standing at a bus stop in Soweto when Mandela first saw her and charmed her, securing a lunch date the following week; the couple married in 1958 and had two daughters and Zindziwa. Mandela was arrested and jailed in 1963, was not released until 1990; the couple separated in 1992. They finalised their divorce in March 1996 with an unspecified out-of-court settlement. During the divorce hearing, Nelson Mandela rejected Madikizela-Mandela's assertion that arbitration could salvage the marriage, cited her infidelity as a cause of the divorce, saying "... I am determined to get rid of the marriage", her attempt to obtain a settlement up to US$5million — half of what she claimed her ex-husband was worth — was dismissed when she failed to appear in court for a settlement hearing. When asked in a 1994 interview about the possibility of reconciliation, she said: "I am not fighting to be the country's First Lady.
In fact, I am not the sort of person to carry beautiful flowers and be an ornament to everyone."Madikizela-Mandela was involved in a lawsuit at the time of her death, claiming that she was entitled to Mandela's homestead in Qunu, through customary law, despite her divorce from Nelson Mandela in 1996. Her case was dismissed by the Mthatha High Court in 2016, she was preparing to appeal to the Constitutional Court at the time of her death, after failing at the Supreme Court of Appeal in January 2018. Winnie Mandela emerged as a leading opponent of apartheid during the latter part of her husband's imprisonment. Due to her political activities, she was detained by the National Party government, she was subjected to house arrest, kept under surveillance and banished to the remote town of Brandfort. Her longest jailing was for 491 days, beginning on May 12, 1969, at Pretoria Central Prison, where she spent months in solitary confinement, was tortured and beaten. By her own account, Winnie Mandela's
The Honorable Raymond Mphakamisi Mhlaba was an anti-apartheid activist and leader of the African National Congress as well the first premier of the Eastern Cape. Mhlaba spent 25 years of his life in prison. Well known for being sentenced, along with Nelson Mandela, Govan Mbeki, Walter Sisulu and others in the Rivonia Trial, he was an active member of the ANC and the South African Communist Party all his adult life, his kindly manner brought him the nickname "Oom Ray". Raymond Mhlaba was born in Mazoka village in the Fort Beaufort district, Eastern Cape and was educated at Healdtown secondary school but had to drop out because of financial problems Mhlaba started working at a laundry in Port Elizabeth after leaving school in 1942, he met and married his first wife, Joyce Meke, from the Fort Beaufort area in 1943. In their 17 years together, before her death in a car accident in 1960, they had three children Bukeka and Jongintshaba. In 1982, a political prisoner in Robben Island since 1964, was transferred to Pollsmoor Prison where he received special permission marry his common-law wife Dedika Heliso in 1986, with whom he had three children Mpilo and Nikiwe.
Mhlaba started working at a laundry in Port Elizabeth after leaving school in 1942. The horrendous conditions at the laundry converted him to a trade unionist and he became the leader of Non European Laundry Workers Union in 1943. In 1943, he joined the South African Communist Party, serving as the party's district secretary from 1946 until the party was banned in 1950. In 1944, he became a member of the African National Congress. From 1944 Mhlaba maintained dual membership of the ANC and the SACP, he rose through the ANC ranks becoming the chairman of the Port Elizabeth branch of the ANC from 1947 to 1953, elected to the Cape Executive committee. Mhlaba was the first to be arrested for disobeying apartheid laws during the nationwide Defiance Campaign of 1952 together with Govan Mbeki and Vuyisile Mini for three months in Rooi Hel; the campaign was launched in Port Elizabeth when Mhlaba led a group of volunteers singing freedom songs through the "Whites Only" entrance of the New Brighton Railway Station.
This action earned him the Xhosa nickname "Vulindlela" or "he who opens the way." That same year, Mhlaba was charged under South Africa's Suppression of Communism Act. Although his political activities continued, he was barred from attending gatherings. After the ANC was banned on 8 April under the Unlawful Organisations Act, the party took up the armed struggle forming its military wing Umkhonto we Sizwe. Mhlaba was sent to China for military training. Before leaving he assisted Mandela in writing the Umkhonto constitution. In 1962, Mhlaba returned to South Africa, becoming a commander of the MK after Nelson Mandela's arrest. On 11 July 1963 the South African apartheid government raided the ANC's underground headquarters in Rivonia, north of Johannesburg. Mhlaba and 10 other ANC and SACP leaders including Ahmed Kathrada, Walter Sisulu and Govan Mbeki were arrested and Nelson Mandela was in prison, they were charged with conspiracy to overthrow the government. On 9 October 1963, the world-famous Rivonia Trial with all the accused charged with high treason.
On 12 June 1964, Mhlaba and six other ANC leaders were sentenced to life imprisonment, all were sent to Robben Island but the white Dennis Goldberg was sent to Pretoria Central Prison instead of Robben Island. During his time in Robben Island and other ANC members founded the ANC High Command or High Organ with Mandela as its head; the committee educated and supported younger imprisoned members, formulated policies on day-to-day concerns, prisoners' complaints, strikes, enforced discipline within their isolation unit. Looking back at their time in Robben Island Mandela said of Mhlaba: “I got to know him as the peacemaker, he spent a lot of time urging fellow prisoners to forget their differences and unite so that conditions for prisoners could improve." After his release from prison in October 1989, he was elected to the ANC national executive and the South African Communist Party central committee. He became national chairperson of the SACP in 1995. In January 1994 he was chosen as the ANC's nominee as Premier of the Eastern Cape, in May 1994 he was elected to that post.
He helped to establish the house of traditional leaders. He became the High Commissioner to Uganda and Rwanda, until he retired in 2001. In April 2001 he released a book of his memoirs, narrated by him and researched and compiled by Thembeka Mafumadi, he was chairperson of a black economic empowerment consortium involved in the Coega port project, but suffered a stroke on 19 July 2003, recovering quickly. In 2004, Mhlaba was diagnosed with advanced liver cancer, in December doctors discharged him from a private clinic saying there was nothing they could do for him. On 20 February 2005 he died in hospital. Mhlaba is survived by three sons and five daughters. Mhlaba is seen as a stalwart member of both the ANC and the SACP, he was recognised with the Isitwalandwe Medal in 1992 for his role in the liberation struggle, the Moses Kotane Award in 2002 for his contribution to the SACP. The Nkonkobe Local Municipality which includes Alice and Mhlaba's hometown Fort Beaufort was renamed the Raymond Mhlaba Local Municipality and Andries Pretorius street, The R30 in Bloemfontein was renamed after Raymond Mhlaba to honour him.
F. W. de Klerk
Frederik Willem de Klerk is a South African politician who served as State President of South Africa from 1989 to 1994 and as Deputy President from 1994 to 1996. As South Africa's last head of state from the era of white-minority rule, he and his government dismantled the apartheid system and introduced universal suffrage. Ideologically a conservative and an economic liberal, he led the National Party from 1989 to 1997. Born in Johannesburg, British Dominion of South Africa, to an influential Afrikaner family, de Klerk studied at Potchefstroom University before pursuing a legal career. Joining the National Party, to which he had family ties, he was elected to parliament and sat in the white-minority government of P. W. Botha, holding a succession of ministerial posts; as a minister, he supported and enforced apartheid, a system of racial segregation that privileged white South Africans. After Botha succumbed to ill health, in 1989 de Klerk replaced him, first as leader of the National Party and as State President.
Although observers expected him to continue Botha's defence of apartheid, de Klerk decided to end the policy. He was aware that growing ethnic animosity and violence was leading South Africa into a racial civil war. Amid this violence, the state security forces committed widespread human rights abuses and encouraged violence between Xhosa and Zulu, although de Klerk denied sanctioning such actions, he permitted anti-apartheid marches to take place, legalised a range of banned anti-apartheid political parties, freed imprisoned anti-apartheid activists, including Nelson Mandela. He dismantled South Africa's nuclear weapons program. De Klerk negotiated with Mandela to dismantle apartheid and establish a transition to universal suffrage. In 1993, he publicly apologised for apartheid's harmful effects for apartheid itself, he oversaw the 1994 multi-racial election in which Mandela led the African National Congress to victory. After the election, de Klerk became a Deputy President in Mandela's ANC-led coalition, the Government of National Unity.
In this position, he supported the government's liberal economic policies. De Klerk had desired a total amnesty for political crimes committed under apartheid and opposed the Truth and Reconciliation Commission set up to investigate past human rights abuses by both pro and anti-apartheid groups, his working relationship with Mandela was strained, although he spoke fondly of him. In May 1996, after the National Party objected to the new constitution, de Klerk withdrew it from the coalition government. In 1997, he retired from active politics and since has lectured internationally. De Klerk is a controversial figure; the recipient of a wide range of awards—including the Nobel Peace Prize—he was praised for dismantling apartheid and bringing universal suffrage to South Africa. Conversely, anti-apartheid activists criticised him for offering only a qualified apology for apartheid and for ignoring the human rights abuses carried out by his state security forces, while South Africa's white right-wing claimed that by abandoning apartheid he had betrayed the interests of the country's white minority.
F. W. de Klerk was born on 18 March 1936 in a suburb of Johannesburg. His parents were Johannes "Jan" de Klerk and Hendrina Cornelia Coetzer – "her forefather was a Kutzer who stems from Austria", he was his parents' second son, having a brother, eight years his senior. De Klerk's first language is Afrikaans and the earliest of his distant ancestor to arrive in what is now South Africa did so in the late 1680s. De Klerk's family had played a leading role in Afrikaner society, his paternal great-grandfather, Jan van Rooy, had been a senator, while his paternal grandfather, had been a clergyman who fought in the Anglo-Boer War and who stood twice, unsuccessfully, as a National Party candidate. His paternal aunt's husband was a former Prime Minister, his own father, Jan de Klerk, was a Senator, having served as the secretary of the National Party in Transvaal, president of the senate for seven years, a member of the country's cabinet for fifteen years under three Prime Ministers. In this environment, de Klerk was exposed to politics from childhood.
He and family members would be encouraged to hold family debates. Willem became a political analyst and split from the National Party to found the liberal Democratic Party; the name "de Klerk" is derived from Le Clerc, Le Clercq and De Clercq, is of French Huguenot origin. De Klerk noted that he is of Dutch descent, with an Indian ancestor from the late 1600s or early 1700s, he is said to be descended from the Khoi interpreter known as Krotoa or Eva. De Klerk's upbringing was comfortable; when de Klerk was twelve years old, the apartheid system was institutionalised by the South African government. He therefore was, according to his brother, "one of a generation that grew up with the concept of apartheid", he was inculturated in the norms and values of Afrikaner society, including festivals like Kruger Day, loyalty to the Afrikaner nation, stories of the "age of injustice" that the Afrikaner faced under the British. He was brought up in the Gereformeerde Kerk, the smallest and most conservative of Sout