Integration and Development Movement
The Integration and Development Movement is a political party in Argentina. Flying to Caracas, Venezuela in 1956, Argentine wholesaler and publisher Rogelio Julio Frigerio secretly negotiated an agreement between his friend, the centrist UCR's 1951 vice-presidential nominee Arturo Frondizi, exiled populist leader Juan Perón; the arrangement provided the banned Peronists a voice in government in exchange for their support. The pact, a mere rumor at the time, created a rift within the UCR at their party convention in November 1956, forcing Frondizi and his supporters to run on a splinter ticket and leaving more anti-Peronist UCR voters with Ricardo Balbín, the party's 1951 standard bearer. Balbín was dealt a "February surprise" when, four days before the election, the exiled leader publicly endorsed Frondizi. Blank votes became Frondizi votes. President Frondizi designated Frigerio Secretary of Socio-Economic Affairs, a secondary post in the critical Economics Ministry the new president was forced to offer Frigerio due to steadfast opposition from the Argentine military.
They inherited a difficult economic situation: declining exports and a growing need for costly imported motor vehicles and fuel, had caused Argentina to run trade deficits in seven out the past ten years. Unable to finance these Frondizi's predecessors had resorted to "printing" money to cover the nation's yawning current account deficits, causing prices to rise around sixfold. Frigerio drafted the Law of Foreign Investment, which gave incentives and tax benefits to both local and foreign corporations willing to develop Argentina's energy and industry sectors, as well as giving foreign investors more legal recourse. Frigerio's plans called for expanded public lending for homebuilders and local industry, public works investments and large petroleum exploration and drilling contracts with foreign oil companies; these investments helped make the Argentine economy nearly self-sufficient in its growing energy and industry needs and helped shape national policy after Frondizi's forced resignation in 1962.
Frigerio and Frondizi founded the Movement for Integration and Development on a developmentalist platform, ahead of the 1963 elections. Unable to field candidates due to military and conservative opposition, the MID and Perón agreed on a "National Popular Front." The alliance was again scuttled by military pressure, the MID endorsed a "blank vote" option. Those among Frondizi's former allies who objected to this move backed progressive Buenos Aires Province Governor Oscar Alende, who ran on the UCRI ticket and finished second. Following the pragmatic Arturo Illia's election, the MID was allowed to participate in the 1965 legislative elections, sending 16 members to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies. Policy differences over Frondizi-era oil contracts, which Illia rescinded, led the MID to oppose him, however. Frigerio became a significant shareholder in Argentina's largest newsdaily, Clarín, following a 1971 deal made with the newsdaily's owner, Ernestina Herrera de Noble, whose late husband, had supported Frondizi.
Perón's return from exile imminent, the MID opted to endorse the aging leader's ticket for the 1973 elections and following seven years of military rule, the reopened Argentine Congress included 12 MID Deputies. Given little say by the new Peronist government, instead saw its policy shift from populism to erratic crisis management measures, Frigerio supported the 1976 coup against Perón's successor. Freezing wages for prolonged stretches, deregulating financial markets and encouraging a flood of foreign debt and of imports, the dictatorship's policies helped undo much of what Frondizi and Frigerio had accomplished twenty years earlier; this led the MID to abandon its early support for the regime and for its chief economist, José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz, leading to threats against numerous MID figures. Allowing elections in 1983, the dictatorship left an insolvent Argentina, its business and consumer confidence shattered and its international prestige damaged following the 1982 Falklands War, an invasion Frigerio opposed.
Taking up the MID's nomination for President in his first campaign for high office, however, refused to condemn the regime's human rights atrocities, something which deprived his longshot 1983 MID candidacy of needed support. Frigerio fared poorly on election night, electing no congressmen. Elected by an ample margin, UCR leader Raúl Alfonsín left Frigerio out of the economic policy discussions he held before taking office. Frigerio succeeded the ailing Frondizi as President of the MID in 1986; the MID maintained a considerable following in a number of Argentine provinces, such as in Formosa Province, where voters had fond memories of the Frondizi administration's development projects. Frigerio leveraged this influence there into an agreement with Justicialist Party Governor Floro Bogado for his support of developmentalist policies and a MID candidate for Congress in exchange for the MID's alliance with them in Formosa and in nearby Misiones Province, helping the Peronists wrest control of the Misiones Governor's office from the UCR in 1987.
Frigerio negotiated something similar in the other end of Santa Cruz Province.
Isabel Martínez de Perón
María Estela Martínez Cartas de Perón, better known as Isabel Martínez de Perón or Isabel Perón, served as the 42nd President of Argentina from 1974 to 1976. She was the third wife of President Juan Perón. During her husband's third term as president from 1973 to 1974, Isabel served as both vice president and First Lady. Following her husband's death in office in 1974, Isabel served as president of Argentina from 1 July 1974 to 24 March 1976, when the military took over the government and placed her under house arrest for five years, before exiling her to Spain in 1981, she holds the distinction of having been the first woman to have had the title of "President", as opposed to a queen or prime minister. In 2007 an Argentine judge ordered her arrest over the forced disappearance of an activist in February 1976, on the grounds that the disappearance was authorized by her signing of decrees allowing Argentina's armed forces to take action against "subversives", she was arrested near her home in Spain on 12 January 2007.
Spanish courts subsequently refused her extradition to Argentina. María Estela Martínez Cartas was born in La Rioja, into a lower-middle-class family, daughter of María Josefa Cartas Olguín and Carmelo Martínez, she dropped out of school after the fifth grade. In the early 1950s she became a nightclub dancer, adopting the name Isabel, the saint's name that she had chosen as a confirmation name, she met her future husband during his exile in Panama. Juan Perón, 35 years her senior, was attracted by her beauty and believed she could provide him with the female companionship he had been lacking since the death of his second wife Eva Perón in 1952. Perón brought Isabel with him when he moved to Madrid, Spain, in 1960. Authorities in the conservative Roman Catholic nation did not approve of Perón's cohabitation with a young woman to whom he was not married, so on 15 November 1961 the former president reluctantly married for a third time; as Perón resumed an active role in Argentine politics from exile, Isabel acted as a go-between from Spain to South America.
Having been deposed in a coup in 1955, Perón was forbidden from returning to Argentina, so his new wife was appointed to travel in his stead. The CGT leader José Alonso became one of her main advisers in Perón's dispute against Steelworkers' leader Augusto Vandor's Popular Union faction during mid-term elections in 1965. Isabel met José López Rega, a former policeman with an interest in occultism and fortune-telling, during a visit to Argentina in 1964, she was interested in occult matters, so the two became friends. Under pressure from Isabel, Perón appointed López as her personal secretary. Dr. Héctor Cámpora was nominated by Perón's Justicialist Party to run in the March 1973 presidential elections on the FREJULI ticket. Cámpora won, but it was understood that Juan Perón held the real power; that year, Perón returned to Argentina, Cámpora resigned to allow Perón to run for president. He chose Isabel as his nominee for the Vice Presidency to mollify feuding Peronist factions, as these could agree on no other running mate.
His return from exile was marked by a growing rift between the right and left wings of the Peronist movement. The latter was, supported by the CGT labor federation leadership and Isabel herself, this faction became known by the left as the entorno due to the inner circle status Perón afforded them. Juan Perón cultivated their support while he was in exile, his sympathies ended, after the assassination of CGT leader José Ignacio Rucci by the leftist Montoneros in September. Perón's victory in a snap election called by Congress in September 1973 was always considered and he won with 62% of the vote, he began his third term on 12 October, with Isabel as Vice President. Perón was by in precarious health, however. Isabel had to take over as Acting President on several occasions during his tenure. Juan Perón suffered a series of heart attacks on 28 June 1974. Juan Perón died on 1 July 1974, less than a year after his third election to office; as vice-president his widow formally ascended to the presidency, thus becoming the first female in the world to hold the title of "President", although she was not the first female to lead a country.
She was popularly known as La Presidente. Although she lacked Evita Perón's charisma, the grieving widow at first attracted support from the nation, she pledged to uphold the social market economy policies embodied in the 1973 "Social Pact" as well her husband's long-held economic nationalism. Extremist groups, having fallen out with Juan Perón in previous months, publicly offered support to her; however she cancelled meetings with various constituent and political groups, the sympathy re
Soviet Union
The Soviet Union the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, was a socialist state in Eurasia that existed from 1922 to 1991. Nominally a union of multiple national Soviet republics, its government and economy were centralized; the country was a one-party state, governed by the Communist Party with Moscow as its capital in its largest republic, the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic. Other major urban centres were Leningrad, Minsk, Alma-Ata, Novosibirsk, it spanned over 10,000 kilometres east to west across 11 time zones, over 7,200 kilometres north to south. It had five climate zones: tundra, steppes and mountains; the Soviet Union had its roots in the 1917 October Revolution, when the Bolsheviks, led by Vladimir Lenin, overthrew the Russian Provisional Government which had replaced Tsar Nicholas II during World War I. In 1922, the Soviet Union was formed by a treaty which legalized the unification of the Russian, Transcaucasian and Byelorussian republics that had occurred from 1918. Following Lenin's death in 1924 and a brief power struggle, Joseph Stalin came to power in the mid-1920s.
Stalin committed the state's ideology to Marxism–Leninism and constructed a command economy which led to a period of rapid industrialization and collectivization. During his rule, political paranoia fermented and the Great Purge removed Stalin's opponents within and outside of the party via arbitrary arrests and persecutions of many people, resulting in at least 600,000 deaths. In 1933, a major famine struck the country. Before the start of World War II in 1939, the Soviets signed the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, agreeing to non-aggression with Nazi Germany, after which the USSR invaded Poland on 17 September 1939. In June 1941, Germany broke the pact and invaded the Soviet Union, opening the largest and bloodiest theatre of war in history. Soviet war casualties accounted for the highest proportion of the conflict in the effort of acquiring the upper hand over Axis forces at intense battles such as Stalingrad and Kursk; the territories overtaken by the Red Army became satellite states of the Soviet Union.
The post-war division of Europe into capitalist and communist halves would lead to increased tensions with the United States-led Western Bloc, known as the Cold War. Stalin died in 1953 and was succeeded by Nikita Khrushchev, who in 1956 denounced Stalin and began the de-Stalinization; the Cuban Missile Crisis occurred during Khrushchev's rule, among the many factors that led to his downfall in 1964. In the early 1970s, there was a brief détente of relations with the United States, but tensions resumed with the Soviet–Afghan War in 1979. In 1985, the last Soviet premier, Mikhail Gorbachev, sought to reform and liberalize the economy through his policies of glasnost and perestroika, which caused political instability. In 1989, Soviet satellite states in Eastern Europe overthrew their respective communist governments; as part of an attempt to prevent the country's dissolution due to rising nationalist and separatist movements, a referendum was held in March 1991, boycotted by some republics, that resulted in a majority of participating citizens voting in favor of preserving the union as a renewed federation.
Gorbachev's power was diminished after Russian President Boris Yeltsin's high-profile role in facing down a coup d'état attempted by Communist Party hardliners. In late 1991, Gorbachev resigned and the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union met and formally dissolved the Soviet Union; the remaining 12 constituent republics emerged as independent post-Soviet states, with the Russian Federation—formerly the Russian SFSR—assuming the Soviet Union's rights and obligations and being recognized as the successor state. The Soviet Union was a powerhouse of many significant technological achievements and innovations of the 20th century, including the world's first human-made satellite, the first humans in space and the first probe to land on another planet, Venus; the country had the largest standing military in the world. The Soviet Union was recognized as one of the five nuclear weapons states and possessed the largest stockpile of weapons of mass destruction, it was a founding permanent member of the United Nations Security Council as well as a member of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the World Federation of Trade Unions and the leading member of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the Warsaw Pact.
The word "Soviet" is derived from a Russian word сове́т meaning council, advice, harmony and all deriving from the proto-Slavic verbal stem of vět-iti, related to Slavic věst, English "wise", the root in "ad-vis-or", or the Dutch weten. The word sovietnik means "councillor". A number of organizations in Russian history were called "council". For example, in the Russian Empire the State Council, which functioned from 1810 to 1917, was referred to as a Council of Ministers after the revolt of 1905. During the Georgian Affair, Vladimir Lenin envisioned an expression of Great Russian ethnic chauvinism by Joseph Stalin and his supporters, calling for these nation-states to join Russia as semi-independent parts of a greater union, which he named as the Union of Soviet Republics of Europe and Asia. Stalin resisted the proposal, but accepted it, although with Lenin's agreement changed the name of the newly proposed sta
Patagonia
Patagonia is a sparsely populated region at the southern end of South America, shared by Chile and Argentina. The region comprises the southern section of the Andes mountains and the deserts and grasslands to the east. Patagonia is one of the few regions with coasts on three oceans, with the Pacific Ocean to the west, the Atlantic Ocean to the east, the Southern Ocean to the south; the Colorado and Barrancas rivers, which run from the Andes to the Atlantic, are considered the northern limit of Argentine Patagonia. The archipelago of Tierra del Fuego is sometimes included as part of Patagonia. Most geographers and historians locate the northern limit of Chilean Patagonia at Huincul Fault, in Araucanía Region; the name Patagonia comes from the word patagón, used by Magellan in 1520 to describe the native tribes of the region, whom his expedition thought to be giants. It is now believed that the people he called the Patagons were Tehuelches, who tended to be taller than Europeans of the time; the Argentine researcher Miguel Doura observed that the name Patagonia derives from the ancient Greek region of modern Turkey called Paphlagonia, possible home of the patagon personage in the chivalric romances Primaleon printed in 1512, ten years before Magellan arrived in these southern lands.
The hypothesis was published in a 2011 New Review of Spanish Philology report. Argentine Patagonia is for the most part a region of steppelike plains, rising in a succession of 13 abrupt terraces about 100 metres at a time, covered with an enormous bed of shingle bare of vegetation. In the hollows of the plains are ponds or lakes of fresh and brackish water. Towards Chilean territory the shingle gives place to porphyry and basalt lavas, animal life becomes more abundant and vegetation more luxuriant, consisting principally of southern beech and conifers; the high rainfall against the western Andes and the low sea surface temperatures offshore give rise to cold and humid air masses, contributing to the ice-fields and glaciers, the largest ice-fields in the Southern hemisphere outside of Antarctica. Among the depressions by which the plateau is intersected transversely, the principal ones are the Gualichu, south of the Río Negro, the Maquinchao and Valcheta, the Senguerr, the Deseado River. Besides these transverse depressions, there are others which were occupied by more or less extensive lakes, such as the Yagagtoo and Colhue Huapi, others situated to the south of Puerto Deseado, in the centre of the country.
In the central region volcanic eruptions, which have taken part in the formation of the plateau during the Cenozoic, cover a large part of the land with basaltic lava-caps. There, caused principally by the sudden melting and retreat of ice aided by tectonic changes, has scooped out a deep longitudinal depression, best in evidence where in contact with folded Cretaceous rocks which are uplifted by the Cenozoic granite, it separates the plateau from the first lofty hills, whose ridges are called the pre-Cordillera. To the west of these, a similar longitudinal depression extends all along the foot of the snowy Andean Cordillera; this latter depression contains the richest and most fertile land of Patagonia. Lake basins along the Cordillera were excavated by ice-streams, including Lake Argentino and Lake Fagnano, as well as coastal bays such as Bahía Inútil; the geological limit of Patagonia has been proposed to be Huincul Fault which forms a major discontinuity. The fault truncates various structures including the Pampean orogen found further north.
The ages of base arocks change abruptly across the fault. There have been discrepancies among geologists on the origin of the Patagonian landmass. Víctor Ramos has proposed that the Patagonian landmass originated as an allochthonous terrane that separated from Antarctica and docked in South America 250 to 270 Ma in the Permian era. A 2014 study by R. J. Pankhurst and coworkers rejects any idea of a far-travelled Patagonia claiming it is of parautochtonous origin; the Mesozoic and Cenozoic deposits have revealed a most interesting vertebrate fauna. This, together with the discovery of the perfect cranium of a chelonian of the genus Niolamia, identical with Ninjemys oweni of the Pleistocene age in Queensland, forms an evident proof of the connection between the Australian and South American continents; the Patagonian Niolamia belongs to the Sarmienti Formation. Fossils of the mid-Cretaceous Argentinosaurus, which may be the largest of all dinosaurs, have been found in Patagonia, a model of the mid-Jurassic Piatnitzkysaurus graces the concourse of the Trelew airport.
Of more than paleontological interest, the middle Jurassic Los Molles Formation and the still richer late Jurassic and early Cretaceous Vaca Muerta formation above it in the Neuquén basin are reported to contain huge hydrocarbon reserves accessible through hydraulic fracturing. Other specimens of the interesting fauna of Patagonia, belonging to the Middle Cenozoic, are the gigantic wingless birds, exceeding in size any hitherto known, the singular mammal Pyrotherium of large dimensions. In
Ricardo Balbín
Ricardo Balbín was an Argentine lawyer and politician, one of the most important figures of the centrist Radical Civic Union, for which he was the presidential nominee four times: in 1951, 1958, twice in 1973. Ricardo Balbín was born to Encarnación Morales Balbín and Cipriano Balbín in the city of Buenos Aires, in 1904; the family moved first to Azul, to Ayacucho when he was still a child. His mother had to be moved to Spain in 1909 to treat a serious illness. Balbín enrolled in high school in 1916 at the Colegio San José in La Plata, he began his university studies in medicine in 1921. Balbín joined the ruling Radical Civic Union in 1922, moved to La Plata, where the student atmosphere gave him the incentive to enroll in the National University of La Plata Law School, he obtained a juris doctor in 1927. He married Indalia Ponzetti in 1928, they would have a daughter and two sons: Lía Elena and Enrique Balbín; the year he married was one of active political participation for Balbín, who worked on the presidential campaign that returned Hipólito Yrigoyen to the presidency.
During Yrigoyen's second term, Balbín was named District Attorney during the federal intervention in Mendoza Province. Shortly afterward Balbín returned to La Plata and was elected president of La Plata's Sección Primera Committee in 1930, the year in which General José Félix Uriburu's coup d'état toppled Yrigoyen. In 1931 the military government called elections, Balbín was elected congressman for Buenos Aires Province, Honorio Pueyrredón governor of the province; the UCR victory was not expected by the military government. Balbín was again elected to Congress in 1940. In 1945 he participated in the foundation of the Movimiento de Intransigencia y Renovación together with, among others, Amadeo Sabattini, Arturo Frondizi, Crisólogo Larralde, Oscar Alende, Moisés Lebensohn, Arturo Illia. Balbín was elected National Deputy in 1946 and he became chief deputy of the so-called "Block of the 44", his role as one of the opposition leaders to Juan Domingo Perón's government brought him political and judicial prosecution.
He was expelled from congress in 1949, was imprisoned at the Olmos Penitentiary in La Plata. He was released in 1950, but was sent back to jail the same day of the election for which he was candidate for governor of the province. At the end of that year Perón granted him a pardon, but Balbín refused to accept it since he had not yet been sentenced. Once freed, Balbín was nominated presidential candidate for the 1951 national elections with Arturo Frondizi as candidate for vice-president. Perón was re-elected in a landslide and Balbín was again imprisoned in 1954. A 1955 coup d'état known as the Revolución Libertadora banned Peronism; the UCR divided into two groups following its 1956 convention: the Intransigent Radical Civic Union with Arturo Frondizi and Oscar Alende as the main exponents, Balbín's Popular UCR. The UCRP chose Balbín as presidential candidate for the 1958 elections, with Santiago del Castillo for vice-president. Arturo Frondizi won with support from factions of the outlawed Peronists.
In 1959 the UCRP chose Arturo Illia as its next presidential candidate, who won the 1963 elections with Carlos Perette as vice-president. Illia only governed until 1966, when General Juan Carlos Onganía's coup removed him from the presidency. Following an escalation of political violence Balbín, together with sections of several political parties, issued a manifesto on November 11, 1970, calling for a'return to legality' in a document entitled'Without a political solution there can be no economic solution'. Following President Alejandro Lanusse's call in 1972 for free elections, Balbín was again nominated presidential candidate for the UCR over Raúl Alfonsín, with Senator Eduardo Gamond as his running mate. At the end of that year Perón returned from exile and met Balbín, promising to resolve historical differences to preserve the popular movement. On March 11, 1973, Peronism once again defeated Balbín, Héctor Cámpora was elected president as a stand-in for the exiled Perón. Following the definitive return of Perón to Argentina in June, the governing body resigned and new, snap elections were called for September.
Balbín was a presidential candidate for a fourth and last time, with Fernando de la Rúa as his vice-presidential candidate. Perón won in a landslide with his wife María Estela Martínez as vice-president. Perón died on July 1, 1974, Balbín dedicated a warm eulogy to him, he remained focused on avoiding yet another military coup throughout Mrs. Perón's chaotic presidency; the coup took place on March 24, 1976, bringing about the military government known as the National Reorganization Process. During this dictatorship, Balbín was criticized for not denouncing unprecedented human rights violations taking place amid the Dirty War against both violent and non-violent dissidents. Balbín died in La Plata in September 1981. A monument in his honor was unveiled near Congress in 1999 and National Route 1 was named after him in 2004. Balbín Biography by Felipe Pigna
Marxism
Marxism is a theory and method of working class self-emancipation. As a theory, it relies on a method of socioeconomic analysis that views class relations and social conflict using a materialist interpretation of historical development and takes a dialectical view of social transformation, it originates from the works of 19th-century German philosophers Friedrich Engels. Marxism uses a methodology, now known as historical materialism, to analyze and critique the development of class society and of capitalism as well as the role of class struggles in systemic economic and political change. According to Marxist theory, in capitalist societies, class conflict arises due to contradictions between the material interests of the oppressed and exploited proletariat—a class of wage labourers employed to produce goods and services—and the bourgeoisie—the ruling class that owns the means of production and extracts its wealth through appropriation of the surplus product produced by the proletariat in the form of profit.
This class struggle, expressed as the revolt of a society's productive forces against its relations of production, results in a period of short-term crises as the bourgeoisie struggle to manage the intensifying alienation of labor experienced by the proletariat, albeit with varying degrees of class consciousness. In periods of deep crisis, the resistance of the oppressed can culminate in a proletarian revolution which, if victorious, leads to the establishment of socialism—a socioeconomic system based on social ownership of the means of production, distribution based on one's contribution and production organized directly for use; as the productive forces continued to advance, Marx hypothesized that socialism would be transformed into a communist society: a classless, humane society based on common ownership and the underlying principle: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs". Marxism has developed into many different branches and schools of thought, with the result that there is now no single definitive Marxist theory.
Different Marxian schools place a greater emphasis on certain aspects of classical Marxism while rejecting or modifying other aspects. Many schools of thought have sought to combine Marxian concepts and non-Marxian concepts, which has led to contradicting conclusions; however there is movement toward the recognition that historical materialism and dialectical materialism remains the fundamental aspect of all Marxist schools of thought. Marxism has had a profound impact on global academia and has influenced many fields such as archaeology, media studies, political science, history, art history and theory, cultural studies, economics, criminology, literary criticism, film theory, critical psychology and philosophy; the term "Marxism" was popularized by Karl Kautsky, who considered himself an "orthodox" Marxist during the dispute between the orthodox and revisionist followers of Marx. Kautsky's revisionist rival Eduard Bernstein later adopted use of the term. Engels did not support the use of the term "Marxism" to describe either his views.
Engels claimed that the term was being abusively used as a rhetorical qualifier by those attempting to cast themselves as "real" followers of Marx while casting others in different terms, such as "Lassallians". In 1882, Engels claimed that Marx had criticized self-proclaimed "Marxist" Paul Lafargue, by saying that if Lafargue's views were considered "Marxist" "one thing is certain and, that I am not a Marxist". Marxism analyzes the material conditions and the economic activities required to fulfill human material needs to explain social phenomena within any given society, it assumes that the form of economic organization, or mode of production, influences all other social phenomena—including wider social relations, political institutions, legal systems, cultural systems and ideologies. The economic system and these social relations form a superstructure; as forces of production, i.e. technology, existing forms of organizing production become obsolete and hinder further progress. As Karl Marx observed: "At a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or—this expresses the same thing in legal terms—with the property relations within the framework of which they have operated hitherto.
From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Begins an era of social revolution"; these inefficiencies manifest themselves as social contradictions in society which are, in turn, fought out at the level of the class struggle. Under the capitalist mode of production, this struggle materializes between the minority who own the means of production and the vast majority of the population who produce goods and services. Starting with the conjectural premise that social change occurs because of the struggle between different classes within society who are under contradiction against each other, a Marxist would conclude that capitalism exploits and oppresses the proletariat, therefore capitalism will lead to a proletarian revolution. Marxian economics and its proponents view capitalism as economically unsustainable and incapable of improving the living standards of the population due to its need to compensate for falling rates of profit by cutting employee's wages, social benefits and pursuing military aggression.
The socialist system would succeed capitalism as humanity's mode of production through workers' revolution. According to Marxian crisis theory, socialism is not an economic necessity. In a sociali
Government of Argentina
The government of Argentina, within the framework of a federal system, is a presidential representative democratic republic. The President of Argentina is both head of head of government. Executive power is exercised by the President. Legislative power is vested in both the National Congress; the Judiciary is independent from the Legislature. The current composition of the Executive Branch includes only the Head of State and President, formally given the power over the Administration to follow through with the interests of the Nation; the President is the Chief of the Argentine Armed Forces. The President and the Vice President are elected through universal suffrage by the nation considered as a whole; the Constitutional reform of 1994 introduced a two-round system by which the winning President-Vice President ticket has to receive either more than 45% of the overall valid votes, or at least 40% of it and a 10% lead over the runner-up. In any other case, the two leading tickets get to face a second round whose victor will be decided by a simple majority.
This mechanism was not necessary in the 1995 election, when it could have first come into use, nor in the 1999 election, nor in the last two presidential elections, occurred in 2007 and 2011. However, it was instrumental in the selection of Néstor Kirchner in 2003; the cabinet of ministers is appointed by the president, but is not technically part of the Executive Power. The vice-president belongs to the legislative branch, since the position holds the presidency of the Senate. President Mauricio Macri has held office since December 10, 2015; as of December 11, 2015, his cabinet consists of the following ministers: Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers: Marcos Peña Minister of Foreign Relations: Jorge Faurie Minister of the Treasury: Nicolás Dujovne Minister of the Finance: Luis Caputo Minister of Defense: Julio Martínez Minister of Justice and Human Rights: Germán Garavano Minister of Energy: Juan Jose Aranguren Minister of Security: Patricia Bullrich Minister of the Interior: Rogelio Frigerio Minister of Labor and Social Security: Jorge Triaca Minister of Modernization: Andres Ibarra Minister of Communications: Oscar Aguad Minister of Health: Jorge Lemus Minister of Education: Esteban Bullrich Minister of Science and Innovative Production: Lino Barañao Minister of Social Development: Carolina Stanley Minister of Production: Francisco Cabrera Minister of Transportation: Guillermo Dietrich Minister of Agriculture: Ricardo Buryaile Minister of Tourism: Gustavo Santos Minister of Culture: Pablo Avelluto Minister of Environment and Sustainable Development: Rabbi Sergio Bregman The National Congress constitutes the legislative branch of government.
The Congress consists of the Senate, presided by the Vice-President of the Nation, the Chamber of Deputies presided by Julián Domínguez, deputy for Buenos Aires province. Senators stay in office for six years, deputies, for four; each of the Provinces and the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires elect senators directly. Deputies are representatives of the whole people of the Nation, while Senators represent their districts; each district elects a number of deputies proportional to their overall population by proportional representation, three senators: two for the majority, one for the first minority. Members of both chambers are allowed indefinite re-elections; every two years, each of the 24 electoral districts elects one half of their lower chamber representatives. Districts with an odd number of Deputies elect one fewer of them on each election; as for the Senators, the twenty-four districts are divided into three groups consisting of eight districts. Every two years all eight districts of one of those groups elect all their three senators, assigning two of them from the party that obtains the majority, one from the first minority party.
Six years the same group of districts will hold its next senatorial elections. Following the 9/11 mid-term elections, half the Chamber of Deputies seats and one third of the seats in the Senate were subjected to the ballot box; the Front for Victory and other allies of Néstor and Cristina Kirchner, Argentina's progressive ruling couple, secured 113 of 257 seats in the lower house, losing 24 seats and their previous absolute majority. Among Justicialists representatives, a further 17 seats went to anti-Kirchnerites, gaining just one seat from the previous situation; the centrist social democratic Radical Civic Union, Argentina's oldest party, allied itself in various districts with the centrist Civic Coalition or with the social democratic Socialist Party, secured 77 seats, thus gaining 16. The conservative Republican Proposal secured 26 seats. A further 24 seats went to smaller parties provincially oriented, but from the center-left spectrum. Something similar took place in the Senate, where the Kirchners' Front for Victory secured 36 of 72 seats, the UCR/CC/PS grouping secured 23, the Justicialist Party wing opposed to the Kirchners maintained their presence of 9 seats.
Smaller, provincial parties were left with 4 seats in all. Riding a wave of approval during a dramatic economic recovery from a 2001-02 crisis, the Kirchners' FPV enjoyed large majorities in Congress, reaching a
