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Rwandan genocide

The Rwandan genocide known as the genocide against the Tutsi, was a mass slaughter of Tutsi and moderate Hutu in Rwanda, which took place between 7 April and 15 July 1994 during the Rwandan Civil War. In 1990, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, a rebel group composed of Tutsi refugees, invaded northern Rwanda from their base in Uganda, initiating the Rwandan Civil War. Neither side was able to gain a decisive advantage in the war, the Rwandan government led by Juvenal Habyarimana signed the Arusha Accords with the RPF on 4 August 1993. Most historians agree. However, the assassination of Rwandan president Juvénal Habyarimana on 6 April 1994 created a power vacuum and ended peace accords. Genocidal killings began the following day when soldiers and militia executed key Tutsi and moderate Hutu military and political leaders; the scale and brutality of the massacre caused shock worldwide, but no country intervened to forcefully stop the killings. Most of the victims were killed in their own villages or towns, many by their neighbors and fellow villagers.

Hutu gangs searched out victims hiding in churches and school buildings. The militia murdered victims with rifles. An estimated 500,000 to 1,000,000 Rwandans were killed, about 70% of the country's Tutsi population. Sexual violence was rife, with an estimated 250,000 to 500,000 women raped during the genocide; the Rwandan Patriotic Front resumed the civil war once the genocide started and captured all government territory ending the genocide, forcing the government and genocidaires into Zaire. The genocide had profound effects on Rwanda and neighbouring countries. In 1996 the RPF-led Rwandan Government launched an offensive into Zaire, home to exiled leaders of the former Rwandan government and many Hutu refugees, starting the First Congo War. Today, Rwanda has two public holidays to mourn the genocide, denial or historical revisionism of the genocide is a criminal offence; the earliest inhabitants of what is now Rwanda were the Twa, a group of aboriginal pygmy hunter-gatherers who settled in the area between 8000 BC and 3000 BC and remain in Rwanda today.

Between 700 BC and 1500 AD, a number of Bantu groups migrated into Rwanda, began to clear forest land for agriculture. Historians have several theories regarding the nature of the Bantu migrations: one theory is that the first settlers were Hutu, while the Tutsi migrated and formed a distinct racial group of Cushitic origin. An alternative theory is that the migration was slow and steady from neighbouring regions, with incoming groups bearing high genetic similarity to the established ones, integrating into rather than conquering the existing society. Under this theory, the Hutu and Tutsi distinction arose and was not a racial one, but principally a class or caste distinction in which the Tutsi herded cattle while the Hutu farmed the land; the Hutu and Twa of Rwanda share a common language and are collectively known as the Banyarwanda. The population coalesced, first into clans, by 1700, into around eight kingdoms; the Kingdom of Rwanda, ruled by the Tutsi Nyiginya clan, became the dominant kingdom from the mid-eighteenth century, expanding through a process of conquest and assimilation, achieving its greatest extent under the reign of King Kigeli Rwabugiri in 1853–1895.

Rwabugiri expanded the kingdom west and north, initiated administrative reforms which caused a rift to grow between the Hutu and Tutsi populations. These included uburetwa, a system of forced labour which Hutu had to perform to regain access to land seized from them, ubuhake, under which Tutsi patrons ceded cattle to Hutu or Tutsi clients in exchange for economic and personal service. Rwanda and neighbouring Burundi were assigned to Germany by the Berlin Conference of 1884, Germany established a presence in the country in 1897 with the formation of an alliance with the king. German policy was to rule the country through the Rwandan monarchy; the colonists favoured the Tutsi over the Hutu when assigning administrative roles, believing them to be migrants from Ethiopia and racially superior. The Rwandan king welcomed the Germans. Belgian forces took control of Rwanda and Burundi during World War I, from 1926 began a policy of more direct colonial rule; the Belgians modernised the Rwandan economy, but Tutsi supremacy remained, leaving the Hutu disenfranchised.

In 1935, Belgium introduced identity cards labelling each individual as either Tutsi, Twa or Naturalised. While it had been possible for wealthy Hutus to become honorary Tutsis, the identity cards prevented any further movement between the groups. After World War II, a Hutu emancipation movement began to grow in Rwanda, fuelled by increasing resentment of the inter-war social reforms, an increasing sympathy for the Hutu within the Catholic Church. Catholic missionaries viewed themselves as responsible for empowering the underprivileged Hutu rather than the Tutsi elite, leading to the formation of a sizeable Hutu clergy and educated elite that provided a new counterbalance to the established political order; the monarchy and prominent Tutsis sensed the growing influence of the Hutu and began to agitate for immediate independence on their own terms. In 1957, a group of Hutu scholars wrote the "Bahutu Manifesto"; this was the first document to label the Tutsi and Hutu as separate races, called for the transfer of power from Tutsi to Hutu based on what it termed "statistical law".

On 1 November 1959 Dominique Mbonyumutwa, a

Zeki Kuneralp

Zeki Kuneralp was a Turkish diplomat, brought up in exile in Switzerland after the murder of his father, Ali Kemal Bey, during the Turkish War of Independence. After his education he returned to Turkey and, with the express approval of President İsmet İnönü, entered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. At first taking up diplomatic posts throughout Europe, Kuneralp was appointed Turkish Ambassador to Switzerland, the United Kingdom and Spain, as well as twice serving as Secretary-General of the Foreign Ministry, he survived an assassination attempt which claimed the lives of his wife and her brother in Madrid in 1978. He retired, in part due to ill-health, in 1979, renouncing the world and current affairs, turning his attention instead to writing and publishing, his autobiography was translated into English in 1992, while others of his books are considered important sources of twentieth century Turkish history. He died in Istanbul in 1998. Born in Istanbul, Ottoman Empire in October 1914, Kuneralp was the second son of Ali Kemal, a journalist and politician, by his second wife, Sabiha Hanım.

Ali Kemal was a political opponent of the nationalists at the time of the British and Italian Occupation of Constantinople, during the Turkish War of Independence. He was detained when the revolutionaries won in 1922 and taken to Ankara to an Independence Tribunal, but the ferry he was put on stopped at Izmit and there he was murdered by young Turkish soldiers. After the kidnap and murder of his father his mother took the family into exile in Switzerland. There he received his education, a Law doctorate from the University of Bern in 1938, where he joined the fraternity "Zähringia Bernensis"; when permission for him to enter the Turkish Foreign Ministry was granted by President İsmet İnönü in 1942, Kuneralp began his career there, going on to become one of the most brilliant diplomats of his generation. Early in his career, he was posted to Bucharest, Prague and Turkey's NATO Delegation. A strong believer in Turkish-Greek friendship, Kuneralp worked hard but unsuccessfully to repair the damage done to Turkish-Greek relations by the rift over Cyprus between 1954 and 1964.

He was ambassador to Bern from 1960 until 1964 when he was made ambassador to London from 1964 to 1966 and again from 1969 to 1972, while in the interval he served twice as Secretary-General of the Foreign Ministry in Ankara. During the latter stage of his diplomatic life in London, Kuneralp began to be afflicted by progressive multiple sclerosis, which left him unable to walk without support. In 1978, while Kuneralp was serving as ambassador in Madrid, three gunmen opened fire on his car one morning outside his home; the ambassador's wife, Necla Kuneralp, her brother, retired Ambassador Beşir Balcıoğlu, were killed in the attack. Responsibility was claimed by a militant Armenian group, variously named as ASALA or the Justice Commandos Against Armenian Genocide; the attackers opened fire on Balcioglu, using crutches supposing him to be Kuneralp. The attack was one of a series of assassinations of Turkish diplomats and officials during the 1970s and 1980s, the first in which a non-Turk was fatally injured.

Despite this tragedy, Kuneralp’s intellectual distinction and energy remained as strong as ever. During his retirement he wrote several books, including an edited version of his father's autobiography and an autobiography of his own, as well as works on recent aspects of Turkish diplomatic history, his autobiography, Sadece Diplomat, was translated into English and appeared under the title "Just a Diplomat". He died in Istanbul of progressive multiple sclerosis. An article, "Ambassador Extraordinary", describing his life and personality, was published after his death in Number 16 of the magazine Cornucopia, 1998, as well as a short volume of memoirs by his British and Turkish friends giving details of his career; this was published in 1998 by the Isis Press in Istanbul as Zeki Kuneralp 1914–1998: A Tribute by Friends and Family. One of his British friends, Sir Bernard Burrows, a former ambassador to Ankara, said that Kuneralp could best be described as a saint, adding that this was an unusual quality in a diplomat.

Kuneralp always retained his affection for Switzerland, the country of his upbringing, spoke the Swiss dialect of German fluently, sometimes startling groups of Swiss visitors. Kuneralp had two sons who both survive him, Sinan, a leading Istanbul publisher, Selim, who went into the diplomatic service and has been Turkey's ambassador to Sweden and South Korea. Boris Johnson, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, is Ali Kemal Bey's great grandson and Kuneralp's great nephew. Just a Diplomat and Ali Kemal: a portrait for the benefit of his English speaking progeny. A footnote to Turco-Greek history: the Keşan-Alexandroupolis talks Les debuts de la sovietisation de la Roumanie, aout 1944–aout 1945 List of Turkish diplomats List of assassinated people from Turkey List of ASALA attacks Kuneralp, outside the Ambassador's residence in London, in 1963, on his way to the palace

Saponification value

Saponification value number represents the number of milligrams of potassium hydroxide required to saponify 1g of fat under the conditions specified. It is a measure of the average molecular weight of all the fatty acids present; as most of the mass of a fat/tri-ester is in the 3 fatty acids, the saponification value allows for comparison of the average fatty acid chain length. The long chain fatty acids found in fats have a low saponification value because they have a fewer number of carboxylic functional groups per unit mass of the fat as compared to short chain fatty acids. If more moles of base are required to saponify N grams of fat there are more moles of the fat and the chain lengths are small, given the following relation: Number of moles = mass of oil / average molecular mass The calculated molar mass is not applicable to fats and oils containing high amounts of unsaponifiable material, free fatty acids, or mono- and diacylglycerols. Handmade soap makers who aim for bar soap use NaOH.

Because saponification values are listed in KOH the value must be converted from potassium to sodium to make bar soap. To convert KOH values to NaOH values, divide the KOH values by the ratio of the molecular weights of KOH and NaOH. Standard methods for analysis are for example: ASTM D5558 for vegetable and animal fats, ASTM D 94 and DIN 51559. Unsaponifiables are components of an oily mixture that fail to form soaps when treated with sodium hydroxide or potassium hydroxide. Since saponifiable components of the original oil mixture do form soaps, the result of a soap making procedure is a mixture of soaps and other oily, materials. Unsaponifiable constituents are an important consideration when selecting oil mixtures for the manufacture of soaps. Unsaponifiables can be beneficial to a soap formula because they may have properties such as moisturization, vitamins, etc. On the other hand, if the proportion of unsaponifiables is too high, or the specific unsaponifiables present do not provide significant benefits, a defective or inferior soap product can result.

The percentage of unsaponifiable material varies with the substance: low percentage: refined oils, refined shea butter, olive oil high percentage: unrefined shea butter high percentage: beeswax unsaponifiable mineral oil, paraffin wax Soapmaking Acid number EN 14214 Hydroxyl value Iodine number Saponification Estimation of Saponification Value of Fats/Oils