July 1981 Iranian presidential election

The Iranian presidential election of July 1981 took place on 24 July 1981 after the previous Iranian president, Abolhassan Banisadr, was impeached by the Majlis on 21 June and sacked by the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khomeini, on 22 June. This led to the election of Mohammad Ali Rajai, the previous prime minister, winning 13,001,761 votes out of the 14,573,803 votes cast, 89% of the votes; the vote turnout was 65.29%. Rajai was killed a few weeks on 30 August 1981, together with his prime minister, Mohammad Javad Bahonar. In 1981, Iran experienced two elections; the first election of 1981 took place on July 24. The reason for the July election was due to the impeachment of the President of Iran, Abolhassan Bani-Sadr. After the Iranian Revolution in 1979, Bani-Sadr became the first president of Iran on February 5, 1980, he claimed the role of Supreme Commander. The Majlis, Iran’s parliament, impeached Bani-Sadr. Bani-Sadr was impeached due to allegations stating he was attempting to undermine clerical power in Iran.

Ayatollah Khomeini was at the top of these allegations since he was the Supreme Leader and a marja' in Iran. It is important to note that in Iran, the supreme leader has more power than the president, Bani-Sadr was trying to undermine Iran’s top figure, Khomeini. After Bani-Sadr was found in hiding, he and his followers were exiled. Mohammad-Ali Raja’i was Prime Minister in Iran prior to the impeachment of Bani-Sadr. After the impeachment of Bani-Sadr, Iran set up the Presidency Council, made up of three men: Prime Minister Mohammed Ali Raja’i, Speaker of Parliament Hojatolislam Hashemi Rafsanjani, Chief Justice and head of the Islamic Republican Party Ayatollah Mohammed Beheshti. Raja'i took over the day-to-day part of the presidency. In Iran, presidential candidates must be approved by the Guardian Council. 71 Iranians applied for the presidency. This election saw an approximate 64.24% turnout of eligible voters, or 14,573,803 out of 22,687,017 registered voters. All candidates ran under the Islamic Republican Party because Iran more or less banned all other political parties except for the Islamic Republican Party.

The Islamic Republican Party was the leading party in Iran. As for the Islamic Republican Party itself, it was founded in 1979 by Iranians of high clerical status and approved by Khomeini; the party was founded within revolutionary spirits, its purpose was to continue the revolutionary agenda. The Islamic Republican Party would rally and overthrow any organization or person, counterrevolutionary. All of the candidates were revolutionaries. Mohammad-Ali Raja’i was Prime Minister of Iran prior to the impeachment of Bani-Sadr he was part of the committee that fulfilled the presidency until the election; the runner up, Abbas Sheybani, was an Iranian politician, still is today. Seyed Akbar Parvaresh was a descendant of the Prophet Mohammed, as well as an Iranian politician. Habibollah Asgaroladi-Mosalman was an Iranian politician. Raja’i was sworn in as president on August 15, 1981; the presidency of the former Prime Minister did not last long. On August 30, 1981, Raja’i and Mohammad-Javad Ba-Honar, the succeeding Prime Minister, were assassinated in a bombing.

After Raja’i’s assassination, the next presidential election took place October 2, 1981. Voter turnout increased by 2,000 plus voters in the October Elections, resulting in 74.26% of eligible voters participating in the election. Ayatollah Khamenei was elected President of Iran. Khamenei was president from 1981-1989


Kulturkampf is a German term referring to the conflict between the government of the Kingdom of Prussia and the Roman Catholic Church from about 1872 to 1878, predominantly over the control of educational and ecclesiastical appointments. What made the Kulturkampf unique in Germany compared to struggles between state and Church in other states was its anti-Polish aspect. More the term is used by extension to refer to the power struggles between emerging constitutional democratic nation states and the Roman Catholic Church over the place and role of religion in modern polity in connection with secularization campaigns; the term Kulturkampf entered many languages, e.g.: French: le Kulturkampf, Spanish: el Kulturkampf, Italian: il Kulturkampf. It first appeared c. 1840 in an anonymous review of a publication by Swiss-German liberal Ludwig Snell on "The Importance of the Struggle of Liberal Catholic Switzerland with the Roman Curia". But it only gained wider currency after liberal member of the Prussian parliament, Rudolph Virchow, used it in 1873.

In contemporary socio-political discussion, the term Kulturkampf is used to describe any conflict between secular and religious authorities or opposing values, beliefs between sizable factions within a nation, community, or other group. Under the influence of ascending new philosophies and ideologies such as the enlightenment, positivism, nationalism and liberalism, the role of religion in society and the relationship between society and church underwent profound changes in the 18th and 19th centuries. Many countries endeavoured to strip the church of worldly powers, reduce the duties of the church to spiritual affairs by secularising the public sphere and by separation of church and state and to assert the supremacy of the state in education. Róisín Healy argues that across Europe, the Kulturkampf operated on the state level and was found "especially in strongholds of liberalism, anti-clericalism, anti-Catholicism." The Catholic Church resisted this development which it portrayed as an attack on religion and sought to maintain and strengthen its strong role in the state and society.

With the growing influence of enlightenment and after having lost much of its wealth and influence in the mediatisation and secularization of the early 19th century the church had been in a state of decline. The papacy at this time was at a weak point in its history, having just lost all its territories to Italy, with the pope a "prisoner" in the Vatican; the church strove to revert its waning influence and to keep sway in such matters as e. g. marriage and education and initiated a Catholic revival by founding associations, schools, social establishments or new orders and encouraging religious practices such as pilgrimages, mass assemblies, the devotion of Virgin Mary or the sacred heart of Jesus and the veneration of relics. Apart from the extraordinary proliferation of religious orders, the 19th. Century witnessed the rise of countless Catholic associations and organisations in Germany and in France. Catholic propaganda including the interpretation of daily events was spread through local and national Catholic newspapers prominent in all western European nations as well as through organized missions and groups dedicated to pious literature.

In the 19th. Century, the Catholic Church promulgated a series of contentious dogmas and encyclicals: In 1832, in the encyclical Mirari vos, Pope Gregory XVI condemned liberalism, free press and free thought. Under the leadership of his successor, Pope Pius IX, in 1854, the church proclaimed Mary's immaculate conception. In 1864, the Vatican published Syllabus of Errors. In 1870, the First Vatican Council declared the dogma of Papal infallibility. With its "Syllabus of Errors" of 1864, the Catholic Church launched an assault on the new ideologies, condemning 80 philosophical and political statements the foundations of the modern nation state, as false, it outright rejected such concepts as freedom of religion, free thought, separation of church and state, civil marriage, sovereignty of the people, democracy and socialism, reason as the sole base of human action and in general condemned the idea of conciliation with progress. The announcements included an index of forbidden books. A profound change was the gradual reorganization of the Catholic Church and its expansive use of the media.

The popes worked to increase their control of the Church. Criticized by European governments, it was centralized and streamlined with a strict hierarchy, the bishops sought direction from the Vatican and the needs and views of the international church were given priority over the local ones. Opponents of the new hierarchical church organization pejoratively called. In view of the church's opposition to enlightenment, liberal reforms and the revolutions of the 18th/19th centuries, these dogmas and the church's expressed insistence on papal primacy angered the liberal-minded all across Europe among some Catholics, adding fuel to the heated debates; the dogmas represented a threat to the secularized state as they reaffirmed that the fundamental allegiance of Catholics was not to their nation-state, but to the Gospel and the Church and that the pope's teaching was authoritative and binding on all the faithful. Secular politicians wondered whether "Catholicism and allegiance to the modern liberal state were not mutually exclusive".

British Prime Minister Gladstone wrote in 1874 that the teaching on papal infallibility compromised the allegiance of faithful English Catholics. For European liberalism, the dogmas