In United States history, scalawags were white Southerners who supported Reconstruction after the American Civil War. Like the similar term carpetbagger, the word has a long history of use as a slur in Southern partisan debates; the opponents of the scalawags claimed. The term is used in historical studies as a neutral descriptor of Southern white Republicans, although some historians have discarded the term due to its history of pejorative connotations; the term is a derogatory epithet, yet it is used by many historians anyway, as in Wiggins, Baggett and Wetta. The word scalawag referring to low-grade farm animals, was adopted by their opponents to refer to Southern whites who formed a Republican coalition with black freedmen and Northern newcomers to take control of their state and local governments. Among the earliest uses in this new meaning were references in Alabama and Georgia newspapers in the summer of 1867, first referring to all Southern Republicans later restricting it to only white ones.
Historian Ted Tunnel writes that Reference works such as Joseph E. Worcester's 1860 Dictionary of the Caribbean Spanish Language defined scalawag as "A low worthless fellow. Scalawag was a word for low-grade farm animals. In early 1868 a Mississippi editor observed that scalawag "has been used from time immemorial to designate inferior milch cows in the cattle markets of Virginia and Kentucky." That June the Richmond Enquirer concurred. Only in recent months, the Richmond paper remarked, had the term taken on political meaning. During the 1868–69 session of Judge "Greasy" Sam Watts' court in Haywood County, North Carolina, Dr. William Closs, D. D. testified that a scalawag was "a Native born Southern white man who says he is no better than a negro and tells the truth when he says it". Some accounts record his testimony as "a native Southern white man, who says that a negro is as good as he is, tells the truth when he says so". By October 1868 a Mississippi newspaper was defining the expression scathingly in terms of Redemption politics.
The term continued to be used as a pejorative by conservative pro-segregationist southerners well into the 20th century. But historians use the term to refer to the group of historical actors with no pejorative meaning intended. After the American Civil War during the Reconstruction Era 1863 to 1869, Presidents Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson undertook policies designed to bring the South back to normal as soon as possible, while the Radical Republicans used Congress to block the president, impose harsh terms, upgrade the rights of the Freedmen. In the South, Black Freedmen and White Southerners with Republican sympathies joined forces with Northerners who had moved south to implement the policies of the Republican party. Despite being a minority, scalawags gained power by taking advantage of the Reconstruction laws of 1867, which disenfranchised the majority of Southern white voters as they could not take the Ironclad oath, which required they had never served in Confederate armed forces or held any political office under the state or Confederate governments.
Historian Harold Hyman says that in 1866 Congressmen "described the oath as the last bulwark against the return of ex-rebels to power, the barrier behind which Southern Unionists and Negroes protected themselves."The coalition controlled every former Confederate state except Virginia, as well as Kentucky and Missouri for varying lengths of time between 1866 and 1877. Two of the most prominent scalawags were General James Longstreet, one of Robert E. Lee's top generals, Joseph E. Brown, the wartime governor of Georgia. During the 1870s, many scalawags left the Republican Party and joined the conservative-Democrat coalition. Conservative Democrats had replaced all Republican minority governments in the South by 1877, after the disputed presidential election of 1876, in which the remaining Reconstruction governments had certified the Republican electors despite the Democratic candidate having carried the states. Historian John Hope Franklin gives an assessment of the motives of Southern Unionists.
He noted that as more Southerners were allowed to vote and participate: A curious assortment of native Southerners thus became eligible to participate in Radical Reconstruction. And the number increased as the President granted individual pardons or issued new proclamations of amnesty... Their primary interest was in supporting a party that would build the South on a broader base than the plantation aristocracy of Antebellum days, they found it expedient to do business with Negroes and so-called carpetbaggers, but they returned to the Democratic party as it gained sufficient strength to be a factor in Southern politics. Most scalawags joined the Democratic Redeemer coalition. A minority persisted as Republicans and formed the "tan" half of the "Black and Tan" Republican party, it was a minority element in the GOP in every Southern state after 1877. Most of the 430 Republican newspapers in the South were edited by scalawags—only 20 percent were edited by carpetbaggers. White businessmen boycotted Republican papers, which survived through government patronage.
In Alabama, Wiggins says. Some 117 Republicans were nominated, elected, or appointed to the most lucrative and important state executive positions and federal legislative and judicial offices between 186
The N-Control Avenger is an attachment for video game controllers. It is a clamshell for the existing Xbox and PlayStation 3 controllers that alters the location of where the player interacts with the face buttons. Prior to release, the Avenger was subject to a public relations debacle. N-Control had collected money from customers for preorders, but was missing the expected arrival window; the company had hired Ocean Marketing to handle marketing of the project, Paul Christoforo responded for Ocean as customers began mounting inquiries about orders. Christoforo's replies to one particular customer compelled the customer to reach out to Internet media. Penny Arcade's Mike Krahulik further posted the correspondence with Ocean; the media's response was to roundly criticise Ocean's approach to customer service, which included vague excuses for delays and belittling the customer. Christoforo and Ocean Marketing were removed from the Avenger's account, with N-Control apologizing to customers and assuming control of the marketing itself.
N-Control discounted the cost of PlayStation 3 attachment preorders and donated to Penny Arcade's Child's Play charity. Christoforo still held a number of N-Control's digital assets for a number of months before being compelled to give them up; the Avenger received positive reviews appreciating that a player's thumb need not leave the right analog stick to interact with the face buttons. After using the device, Engadget appreciated the functionality and said that it should "not be mistaken for a crapgadget." Gizmodo proclaimed that after an initial learning curve, "you'll see no reason to take it off." Other reviewers noted the learning curve, though they felt that reaction time was improved after adapting to the device's layout
Daniel Babut was a French Hellenist, specialising in Greek philosophy the Moralia of Plutarch. He was employed by the Lumière University Lyon 2 from 1963 to 1992, he was born in Lille. Daniel Babut dedicated his doctoral thesis, completed in 1969, to Plutarch and his reception of Stoicism, he showed that Plutarch was opposed and sometimes violently, to Stoic philosophy and made the Stoics his "chief adversaries." ». The same year he published the text of Plutarch's On Moral Virtue, one of the texts in which he found marked polemic against the stoics, in the Collection Budé. Interested in the question of Greek philosophers relationship with the divine, he published a synthesis La Religion des philosophes grecs de Thalès aux stoïcismes in 1974, his studies were focussed on the place of Anaximander and Xenophanes in the evolution of ideas about the divine. Plutarque et le stoïcisme, Presses universitaires de France, 1969. Translated into Italian as Plutarco e lo stoicismo, Vita e Pensiero Università, 2003.
La Religion des philosophes grecs de Thalès aux stoïcismes, Presses universitaires de France, 1974. Sur l'unité de la pensée d'Empédocle, Akademie Verlag, 1976. Several volumes of Greek texts & commentaries for the collection Budé: De la vertu éthique. Œuvres morales, Volume XV, 1st part: Tract 70: Sur les contradictions stoïciennes. ISBN 2-251-00522-6. Œuvres morales, Volume XV, 2nd part: Tract 72: Sur les notions communes, contre les Stoïciens. ISBN 2-251-00507-2; some of his articles have been published together as Parerga. Choix d'articles de Daniel Babut, Maison de l'Orient méditerranéen, 1994. "Nécrologie", Revue des Études grecques, t. 122, 2009, p. XXII