1.
Webster's Dictionary
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The term Websters has become a generic trademark in the U. S. for dictionaries of the English language. For this reason the term may refer to any dictionary at all that chooses to use the name. Also, Websters is often used to refer to a generic dictionary, Noah Webster, the author of the readers and spelling books that dominated the American market at the time, spent decades of research in compiling his dictionaries. His first dictionary, A Compendious Dictionary of the English Language, Webster was a proponent of English spelling reform for reasons both philological and nationalistic. In A Companion to the American Revolution, John Algeo notes and he was very influential in popularizing certain spellings in America, but he did not originate them. Rather he chose already existing options such as center, color and check on such grounds as simplicity, in William Shakespeares first folios, for example, spellings such as center and color are the most common. He spent the two decades working to expand his dictionary. In 1828, at the age of 70, Noah Webster published his American Dictionary of the English Language in two volumes containing 70,000 entries, as against the 58,000 of any previous dictionary. There were 2,500 copies printed, at $20 for the two volumes, at first the set sold poorly. When he lowered the price to $15, its sales improved, not all copies were bound at the same time, the book also appeared in publishers boards, other original bindings of a later date are not unknown. In 1841, 82-year-old Noah Webster published an edition of his lexicographical masterpiece with the help of his son. Its title page does not claim the status of second edition, B. L. Hamlen of New Haven, Connecticut, prepared the 1841 printing of the second edition. When Webster died, his heirs sold unbound sheets of his 1841 revision American Dictionary of the English Language to the firm of J. S. & C. Adams of Amherst, Massachusetts. This firm bound and published a number of copies in 1844 – the same edition that Emily Dickinson used as a tool for her poetic composition. However, a $15 price tag on the book made it too expensive to sell easily, Merriam acquired rights from Adams, as well as signing a contract with Webster’s heirs for sole rights. The third printing of the edition was by George and Charles Merriam of Springfield, Massachusetts. This was the first Websters Dictionary with a Merriam imprint, lepore demonstrates Websters innovative ideas about language and politics and shows why Websters endeavours were at first so poorly received. Culturally conservative Federalists denounced the work as radical—too inclusive in its lexicon, meanwhile, Websters old foes, the Jeffersonian Republicans, attacked the man, labelling him mad for such an undertaking
2.
International Workingmen's Association
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It was founded in 1864 in a workmens meeting held in St Martins Hall, London. Its first congress was held in 1866 in Geneva, in Europe, a period of harsh reaction followed the widespread Revolutions of 1848. The next major phase of activity began almost twenty years later with the founding of the IWA in 1864. At its peak, the IWA reported having 8 million members, in 1872 the organization split in two over conflicts between communist and anarchist factions. The Second International was founded in 1889, following the January Uprising in Poland in 1863, French and British workers started to discuss developing a closer working relationship. Henri Tolain, Perrachon, and Limousin visited London in July 1863, here there was discussion of the need for an international organization, which would, amongst other things, prevent the import of foreign workers to break strikes. On September 28, an international meeting for the reception of the French delegates took place in St. Martin’s Hall in London. Included among the last-mentioned of this band was a somewhat obscure 46-year-old émigré journalist, Karl Marx. The positivist historian Edward Spencer Beesly, a professor at London University, was in the chair, george Odger, Secretary of the London Trades Council, read a speech calling for international co-operation. The meeting unanimously decided to found an organisation of workers. The centre was to be in London, directed by a committee of 21, the French members were Denoual, Victor Le Lubez, and Bosquet. Other members were, Louis Wolff, Johann Eccarius, and at the foot of the list, Marx participated in his individual capacity, and did not speak during the meeting. This subcommittee deferred the task of writing in favor of sole authorship by Marx. On October 5, the General Council was formed with co-opted additional members representing other nationalities and it was based at the headquarters of the Universal League for the Material Elevation of the Industrious Classes at 18 Greek Street. Wolff left for Italy, and Lubez rewrote it in a way which appalled Marx, through deft manipulation of the sub-committee Marx was left with all the papers, and set about writing the Address to the Working Classes to which was attached a simplified set of rules. At first the IWA had mostly male membership, although in April 1865 it was agreed that women could become members, the initial leadership was exclusively male. On 25 June 1867 Law was admitted to the General Council, due to the wide variety of philosophies present in the First International, there was conflict from the start. The first objections to Marxs influence came from the Mutualists who opposed communism and statism, however, shortly after Mikhail Bakunin and his followers joined in 1868, the First International became polarised into two camps, with Marx and Bakunin as their respective figureheads
3.
Communist International
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The Communist International, abbreviated as Comintern and also known as the Third International, was an international communist organization that advocated world communism. The Comintern had seven World Congresses between 1919 and 1935 and it also had thirteen Enlarged Plenums of its governing Executive Committee, which had much the same function as the somewhat larger and more grandiose Congresses. The Comintern was officially dissolved by Joseph Stalin in 1943, while the differences had been evident for decades, World War I proved the issue that finally divided the revolutionary and reformist wings of the workers movement. The socialist movement had been historically antimilitarist and internationalist, and therefore opposed workers serving as fodder for the bourgeois governments at war. This especially since the Triple Alliance comprised two empires, while the Triple Entente gathered France and Britain into an alliance with Russia, karl Marxs The Communist Manifesto had stated that the working class has no country and exclaimed Proletarians of all countries, unite. Massive majorities voted in favor of resolutions for the Second International to call upon the working class to resist war if it were declared. Nevertheless, within hours of the declarations of war, almost all the socialist parties of the combatant states announced their support for the war, the only exceptions were the socialist parties of the Balkans. To Lenins surprise, even the Social Democratic Party of Germany voted in favor of war credits, Socialist parties in neutral countries mostly supported neutrality rather than total opposition to the war. The International divided into a left and a reformist right. Lenin condemned much of the center as social-pacifists for several reasons, Lenins term social-pacifist aimed in particular at Ramsay MacDonald, leader of the Independent Labour Party in Britain, who opposed the war on grounds of pacifism, but did not actively resist it. Discredited by its passivity towards world events, the Second International dissolved in the middle of the war in 1916, the victory of the Russian Communist Party in the Bolshevik Revolution of November 1917 was felt throughout the world. An alternative path to power to parliamentary politics was demonstrated, with much of Europe on the verge of economic and political collapse in the aftermath of the carnage of the Great War, revolutionary sentiments were widespread. The Bolsheviks believed that required a new international to ferment revolution in Europe. The Comintern was founded at a Congress held in Moscow March 2–6,1919, there were 52 delegates present from 34 parties. They decided to form an Executive Committee with representatives of the most important sections, the Congress decided that the Executive Committee would elect a five-member bureau to run the daily affairs of the International. However, such a bureau was not formed and Lenin, Trotsky, Zinoviev was assisted by Angelica Balabanoff, acting as the secretary of the International, Victor L. Kibaltchitch and Vladmir Ossipovich Mazin. Lenin, Trotsky and Alexandra Kollontai presented material, the main topic of discussion was the difference between bourgeois democracy and the dictatorship of the proletariat. The central policy of the Comintern under Lenins leadership was that Communist parties should be established across the world to aid the international proletarian revolution, in this period, the Comintern was promoted as the General Staff of the World Revolution
4.
Democratic socialism
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Some tendencies of democratic socialism advocate for revolution in order to transition to socialism, distinguishing it from some forms of social democracy. For Hain, this divide is more important than the revolutionary/reformist divide. A similar, but more complex, argument is made by Nicos Poulantzas, Draper himself uses the term revolutionary-democratic socialism as a type of socialism from below in his The Two Souls of Socialism. Similarly, about Eugene Debs, he writes, Debsian socialism evoked a response from the heart of the people. In contrast, other tendencies of democratic socialism advocate for eventual socialism that follow a gradual, reformist or evolutionary path to socialism, rather than a revolutionary one. We are socialists because we are developing a strategy for achieving that vision. The term is used to refer to policies that are compatible with and exist within capitalism. Though this is not always the case, for example, Robert M. contended that a more benevolent form of capitalism had emerged since the. According to Crosland, it was now possible to achieve equality in society without the need for fundamental economic transformation. Some proponents of market socialism see it as a system compatible with the political ideology of democratic socialism. The term democratic socialism can be used even another way, to refer to a version of the Soviet model that was reformed in a democratic way, for example, Mikhail Gorbachev described perestroika as building a new, humane and democratic socialism. Consequently, some former Communist parties have rebranded themselves as democratic socialist, justification of democratic socialism can be found in the works of social philosophers like Charles Taylor and Axel Honneth, among others. Honneth has put forward the view that political and economic ideologies have a social basis, contra liberal individualism, Honneth has emphasised the inter-subjective dependence between humans, that is, our well-being depends on recognising others and being recognised by them. Democratic socialism, with its emphasis on social collectivism, could be seen as a way of safeguarding this dependency and their concern for both democracy and social justice marks them out as key precursors of democratic socialism. Owens followers again stressed both participatory democracy and economic socialisation, in the form of consumer co-operatives, credit unions, the Chartists similarly combined a working class politics with a call for greater democracy. The British moral philosopher John Stuart Mill also came to advocate a form of socialism within a liberal context. Democratic socialism became a prominent movement at the end of the 19th century, in Germany, the Eisenacher socialist group merged with the Lassallean socialist group, in 1875, to form the German Social Democratic Party. In Australia, the Labour and Socialist movements were gaining traction, the ALP has been the main driving force for workers rights in Australia, backed by Australian Trade Unions, in particular the Australian Workers Union
5.
Socialism
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Social ownership may refer to forms of public, collective, or cooperative ownership, to citizen ownership of equity, or to any combination of these. Although there are varieties of socialism and there is no single definition encapsulating all of them. Socialist economic systems can be divided into both non-market and market forms, non-market socialism aims to circumvent the inefficiencies and crises traditionally associated with capital accumulation and the profit system. Profits generated by these firms would be controlled directly by the workforce of each firm or accrue to society at large in the form of a social dividend, the feasibility and exact methods of resource allocation and calculation for a socialist system are the subjects of the socialist calculation debate. Core dichotomies associated with these concerns include reformism versus revolutionary socialism, the term is frequently used to draw contrast to the political system of the Soviet Union, which critics argue operated in an authoritarian fashion. By the 1920s, social democracy and communism became the two dominant political tendencies within the international socialist movement, by this time, Socialism emerged as the most influential secular movement of the twentieth century, worldwide. Socialist parties and ideas remain a force with varying degrees of power and influence in all continents. Today, some socialists have also adopted the causes of social movements. The origin of the term socialism may be traced back and attributed to a number of originators, in addition to significant historical shifts in the usage, for Andrew Vincent, The word ‘socialism’ finds its root in the Latin sociare, which means to combine or to share. The related, more technical term in Roman and then medieval law was societas and this latter word could mean companionship and fellowship as well as the more legalistic idea of a consensual contract between freemen. The term socialism was created by Henri de Saint-Simon, one of the founders of what would later be labelled utopian socialism. Simon coined socialism as a contrast to the doctrine of individualism. They presented socialism as an alternative to liberal individualism based on the ownership of resources. The term socialism is attributed to Pierre Leroux, and to Marie Roch Louis Reybaud in France, the term communism also fell out of use during this period, despite earlier distinctions between socialism and communism from the 1840s. An early distinction between socialism and communism was that the former aimed to only socialise production while the latter aimed to socialise both production and consumption. However, by 1888 Marxists employed the term socialism in place of communism, linguistically, the contemporary connotation of the words socialism and communism accorded with the adherents and opponents cultural attitude towards religion. In Christian Europe, of the two, communism was believed to be the atheist way of life, in Protestant England, the word communism was too culturally and aurally close to the Roman Catholic communion rite, hence English atheists denoted themselves socialists. Friedrich Engels argued that in 1848, at the time when the Communist Manifesto was published, socialism was respectable on the continent and this latter branch of socialism produced the communist work of Étienne Cabet in France and Wilhelm Weitling in Germany
6.
Red flag (politics)
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In politics, a red flag is a symbol of socialism, communism, and left-wing politics, it has been associated with left-wing politics since the French Revolution. Socialists adopted the symbol during the Revolutions of 1848 and it became a symbol of communism as a result of its use by the Paris Commune of 1871. The flags of several communist states, including China, Vietnam, the Labour Party in Britain used it until the late 1980s. It was the inspiration for the socialist anthem, The Red Flag, in the Middle Ages, ships in combat flew a long red streamer, called the Baucans, to signify a fight to the death. In one petition, a group of English sailors asserted that the Crown had no right to a share of the money earned from a Norman ship captured in 1293 because it had raised the Baucans. By the 17th century, the Baucans had evolved into a red flag and it was raised in cities and castles under siege to indicate that they would not surrender. The red flag is a signal of defiance and battle, according to Chambers Cyclopedia, the red cap was a symbol of popular revolt in France going back to the Jacquerie of 1358. The color red become associated with early in the French Revolution due to the popularity of the Tricolour cockade, introduced in July 1789. A red flag was raised over the Champ-de-Mars in Paris on July 17,1791 by Lafayette, commander of the National Guard, as a symbol of martial law, as many as fifty anti-royalist protesters were killed in the fighting that followed. Inverting the original symbolism, the Jacobins protested this action by flying a red flag to honor the martyrs blood of those who had been killed and they created their own red flags to declare the martial law of the people against the revolt of the court. The Jacobin Club ruled France during the Reign of Terror and made the red flag an unofficial national emblem, however, the earlier Tricolor never lost its official status and regained popularity under Napoleon. British sailors mutinied near the mouth of the River Thames in 1797, two red flags soaked in calfs blood were flown by marchers in South Wales during the Merthyr Rising of 1831. It is claimed to be the first time that the red flag was waved as a banner of workers power, along with the Newport Rising eight years later, it was one of the most serious violent outbreaks witnessed on mainland Britain. The red flags of Merthyr became a potent relic following the execution of early trade unionist Dic Penderyn in August 1831, during the Mexican siege of the Alamo in March 1836, General Antonio Lopez de Santa Ana displayed a plain red flag from the highest church tower in Bejar. The meaning of flag was not socialism, its meaning - directed to the Alamo defenders - meant no surrender. At much the same time, the Liberal Colorados in the Uruguayan Civil War used red flags, during the 1848 Revolution in France, Socialists and radical republicans demanded that the red flag be adopted as Frances national flag. The banner of the Paris Commune of 1871 was red and it was at time that the red flag became a symbol of communism. The flag was flown by anarchists at a May Day rally for a workday in Chicago in 1886
7.
History of socialism
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The history of socialism has its origins in the French Revolution of 1789 and the changes which it wrought, although it has precedents in earlier movements and ideas. The Communist Manifesto was written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in 1848 just before the Revolutions of 1848 swept Europe, in the last third of the 19th century in Europe social democratic parties arose in Europe, drawing mainly from Marxism. The Australian Labor Party was the worlds first elected socialist party when the party won the 1899 Queensland state election, some argued that capitalism had been abolished. Socialist governments established the mixed economy with partial nationalisations and social welfare, by 1968, the prolonged Vietnam War, gave rise to the New Left, socialists who tended to be critical of the Soviet Union and social democracy. Anarcho-syndicalists and some elements of the New Left and others favored decentralized collective ownership in the form of cooperatives or workers councils, mazdak preached and instituted a religion-based socialist or proto-socialist system in the Zoroastrian context of Sassanian Persia. The English word socialist in its modern sense dates from at least 1822, prominent leaders in the movement also called for a more equitable distribution of income and better living conditions for the working classes. The very first trade unions and consumers’ cooperative societies also emerged in the hinterland of the Chartist movement, by 1842 socialism had become the topic of a major academic analysis by a German scholar, Lorenz von Stein, in his Socialism and Social Movement. According to an 1888 volume of A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles, the word socialism first appeared on 13 February 1832 in Le Globe, a liberal French newspaper of Pierre Leroux. Leroux returned to the theme of socialism in 1834, and Louis Reybaud published Études sur les réformateurs contemporains ou socialistes modernes in 1842 in France, in England Robert Owen was also using the term socialism independently around the same time. Owen is considered the father of the cooperative movement, the first modern socialists were early 19th-century Western European social critics. Early-19th-century followers of the theories of such thinkers as Robert Owen, Claude Henri de Saint-Simon. Outlining principles for the reorganization of society along collectivist lines, Saint-Simon and Owen sought to build socialism on the foundations of planned, continental Europeans considered communism more atheistic then socialism. In England, however, communism sounded too close to communion - with Catholic overtones and this latter trend was powerful enough to produce the communism of Étienne Cabet in France and of Wilhelm Weitling in Germany. Josiah Warren is widely regarded as the first American anarchist, Anarchist Peter Sabatini reports that in the United States of early to mid-19th century, there appeared an array of communal and utopian counterculture groups. William Godwins anarchism exerted an influence on some of this. After success of his British venture, Owen himself established a community within the United States at New Harmony. One member of this commune was Josiah Warren, considered to be the first individualist anarchist, for American anarchist historian Eunice Minette Schuster t is apparent. William B. Greene presented this Proudhonian Mutualism in its purest and most systematic form, Henri de Saint-Simon, who is called the founder of French socialism, argued that a brotherhood of man must accompany the scientific organization of industry and society
8.
Socialist economics
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Socialist economics refers to the economic theories, practices, and norms of hypothetical and existing socialist economic systems. Where markets are utilized for allocating inputs and capital goods among economic units, when planning is utilized, the economic system is designated a planned socialist economy. Non-market forms of socialism usually include a system of accounting based on calculation-in-kind or a measure of labor-time as a means to value resources. The term socialist economics may also be applied to analysis of former and existing economic systems that call themselves socialist, Socialist economics has been associated with different schools of economic thought. Marxian economics provided a foundation for socialism based on analysis of capitalism, while neoclassical economics, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels believed that hunter-gatherer societies and some primitive agricultural societies were communal, and called this primitive communism. Engels wrote about this at length in the book The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, as such it is commonly regarded as a movement belonging to the modern era. Marx had viewed the process in a light, referring to it as part of the process of primitive accumulation whereby enough initial capital is amassed to begin capitalist production. The dislocation that Polyani and others describe, triggered natural counter-movements in efforts to re-embed the economy in society and these counter-movements, that included, for example, the Luddite rebellions, are the incipient socialist movements. Over time such movements gave birth to or acquired an array of intellectual defenders who attempted to develop their ideas in theory, as Polanyi noted, these counter-movements were mostly reactive and therefore not full-fledged socialist movements. Some demands went no further than a wish to mitigate the capitalist markets worst effects, later, a full socialist program developed, arguing for systemic transformation. As socialism developed, so did the socialist system of economics, the first theories which came to hold the term socialism began to be formulated in the late 18th century, and were termed socialism early in the 19th century. The central beliefs of the socialism of this period rested on the exploitation of those who labored by those who owned capital or rented land, Socialist ideas found expression in utopian movements, which often formed agricultural communes aimed at being self-sufficient on the land. These included many religious movements, such as the Christian socialism of the Shakers in America, the Zionist kibbutzim and communes of the counterculture are also manifestations of utopian socialist ideas. Utopian socialism had little to offer in terms of a theory of economic phenomena. In theory, economic problems were dissolved by a society which had transcended material scarcity. In practice, small communities with a common spirit could sometimes resolve allocation problems, the first organized theories of socialist economics were significantly impacted by classical economic theory, including elements in Adam Smith, Robert Malthus and David Ricardo. Ricardo argued that the class was parasitic. A key early socialist theorist of political economy was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and he was the most well-known of nineteenth century mutualist theorists and the first thinker to refer to himself as an anarchist
9.
Cooperative
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Cooperatives frequently have social goals which they aim to accomplish by investing a proportion of trading profits back into their communities. As an example of this, in 2013, retail co-operatives in the UK invested 6. 9% of their profits in the communities in which they trade as compared with 2. 4% for other rival supermarkets. The International Co-operative Alliance was the first international association formed by the cooperative movement and it includes the World Council of Credit Unions. A second organization was formed later in Germany, the International Raiffeisen Union, in the United States, the National Cooperative Business Association serves as the sectors oldest national membership association. It is dedicated to ensuring that cooperative businesses have the same opportunities as other businesses operating in the country, a U. S. National Cooperative Bank was formed in the 1970s. By 2004, a new association focused on worker co-ops was founded, since 2002 cooperatives and credit unions could be distinguished on the Internet by use of a. coop domain. Since 2014, following International Cooperative Alliances introduction of the Cooperative Marque, ICA cooperatives, cooperation dates back as far as human beings have been organizing for mutual benefit. Tribes were organized as cooperative structures, allocating jobs and resources among each other, in alpine environments, trade could only be maintained in organized cooperatives to achieve a useful condition of artificial roads such as Viamala in 1472. Pre-industrial Europe is home to the first cooperatives from an industrial context, in 1761, the Fenwick Weavers Society was formed in Fenwick, East Ayrshire, Scotland to sell discounted oatmeal to local workers. Its services expanded to include assistance with savings and loans, emigration and education, owen left New Lanark to pursue other forms of cooperative organization and develop coop ideas through writing and lecture. Cooperative communities were set up in Glasgow, Indiana and Hampshire, in 1828, William King set up a newspaper, The Cooperator, to promote Owens thinking, having already set up a cooperative store in Brighton. The Rochdale Society of Equitable Pioneers, founded in 1844, is considered the first successful cooperative enterprise, used as a model for modern coops. A group of 28 weavers and other artisans in Rochdale, England set up the society to open their own store selling food items they could not otherwise afford, within ten years there were over a thousand cooperative societies in the United Kingdom. Other events such as the founding of a society by the Tolpuddle Martyrs in 1832 were key occasions in the creation of organized labor. Cooperatives traditionally combine social benefit interests with capitalistic property-right interests, Cooperatives achieve a mix of social and capital purposes by democratically governing distribution questions by and between equal by not controlling members. Democratic oversight of decisions to equitably distribute assets and other benefits means capital ownership is arranged in a way for social benefit inside the organization, external societal benefit is also encouraged by incorporating the operating-principle of cooperation between co-operatives. In the final year of the 20th century, cooperatives banded together to establish a number of social enterprise agencies which have moved to adopt the cooperative model. In the years 1994–2009 the EU and its member nations gradually revised national accounting systems to make visible the increasing contribution of social economy organizations, the roots of the cooperative movement can be traced to multiple influences and extend worldwide
10.
Economic democracy
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In addition to these moral concerns, economic democracy makes practical claims, such as that it can compensate for capitalisms inherent effective demand gap. Economic democracy has been proposed as a component of larger socioeconomic ideologies, as a stand-alone theory, for example, as a means to securing full economic rights, it opens a path to full political rights, defined as including the former. Both market and non-market theories of economic democracy have been proposed, according to many analysts, deficiency of effective demand is the most fundamental economic problem. That is, modern society does not earn income to purchase its output. While balanced mixed economies have existed throughout history, veteran Project Manager for the U. S. Treasury Department. Cook, and other critics claim that command economies are predominate, as common resources are monopolized by imperial centers of wealth and power, conditions of scarcity are imposed artificially upon the majority, resulting in large-scale socio-economic imbalance. In the Georgist view of any system, wealth includes all material things produced by labor for the satisfaction of human desires. Land, labor and capital are generally considered the essential factors in producing wealth, land includes all natural opportunities and forces. Capital includes the portion of wealth devoted to producing more wealth, according to Henry George, People seek to satisfy their desires with the least exertion. Human beings interact with nature to produce goods and services that other human beings need or desire, the laws and customs that govern the relationships among these entities constitute the economic structure of a given society. Products are exchanged in a market -- that is to say, goods and services are bought and sold at prices determined for the most part by competition, individual enterprises compete with one another in providing goods and services to consumers, each enterprise trying to make a profit. This competition is the determinant of prices. Most of the people who work for pay in this society work for other people, most working people are wage labourers. Supply and demand are generally accepted as market functions for establishing prices, organisations typically endeavor to 1) minimize the cost of production, 2) increase sales, in order to 3) maximize profits. In chapter 3 of his book, Community Organizing, Theory and Practice, Biklen states that, according to this viewpoint, orporate power, upper class power, uneven distribution of wealth and prejudice cause social problems. He problem is not one of poverty, but of enormous wealth, the problem is not one of gaps or cracks in an otherwise fine system but of a system which perpetuates prejudicial views concerning race, sex, age, and disability. The problem is not one of incompetence but of barriers to education, jobs and this perspective is, above all, eclectic. It embraces Marxs criticism of class inequality but is not only a social class analysis
11.
Equal opportunity
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Chances for advancement should be open to everybody interested such that they have an equal chance to compete within the framework of goals and the structure of rules established. Individuals should succeed or fail based on their own efforts and not extraneous circumstances such as having well-connected parents and it is opposed to nepotism and plays a role in whether a social structure is seen as legitimate. The concept is applicable in areas of life in which benefits are earned and received such as employment and education. People with differing political viewpoints often view the concept differently, the meaning of equal opportunity is debated in fields such as political philosophy, sociology and psychology. It is being applied to wider areas beyond employment including lending, housing, college admissions, voting rights. In the classical sense, equality of opportunity is closely aligned with the concept of equality before the law, Equal opportunity provisions have been written into regulations and have been debated in courtrooms. It is sometimes conceived as a right against discrimination. The actual President is a peasants son and his predecessor again began life in a humble way in the shipping business. There is surely equality of opportunity under the new order in the old nation, according to the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, the concept assumes that society is stratified with a diverse range of roles, some of which are more desirable than others. And the benefit of equality of opportunity is to bring fairness to the process for coveted roles in corporations, associations, nonprofits, universities. It can apply to a hiring decision, or to all hiring decisions by a specific company. The term is interrelated with and often contrasted with other conceptions of equality such as equality of outcome, further, it is seen as unfair if external factors, that are viewed as being beyond the control of a person, significantly influence what happens to him or her. Equal opportunity, then, emphasizes a fair process, in contrast, in sociological analysis, equal opportunity is seen as a factor correlating positively with social mobility, in the sense that it can benefit society overall by maximizing well-being. There are differing senses of what equality of opportunity is and related notions, with slight variations and it is characterized by, Open call. Positions bringing superior advantages should be open to all applicants, job openings should be publicized in advance giving applicants a reasonable opportunity to apply, further, all applications should be accepted. Applications should be judged on their merits with procedures designed to identify those best-qualified, the applicant judged as most qualified is offered the position while others are not. There is agreement that the result of the process is again unequal, in the sense that one person has the position while another does not, what is considered fair and unfair is spelled out in advance. An expression of this appeared in The New York Times
12.
Internationalism (politics)
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Internationalism is a political principle which transcends nationalism and advocates a greater political or economic cooperation among nations and people. In 19th-century UK there was a liberal internationalist strand of political thought epitomized by Richard Cobden, Cobden and Bright were against the protectionist Corn Laws and in a speech at Covent Garden on September 28,1843 Cobden outlined his utopian brand of internationalism, Free Trade. Cobden believed that Free Trade would pacify the world by interdependence, a belief in the idea of the moral law and an inherent goodness in human nature also inspired their faith in internationalism. One of the first international organisations in the world was the International Workingmens Association, in this sense, the socialist understanding of internationalism is closely related to the concept of international solidarity. From this perspective, it is in the ruling class interest to promote nationalism in order to hide the inherent class conflicts at play within a given society, therefore, socialists see nationalism as a form of ideological control arising from a societys given mode of economic production. The First, Second, Third, and Fourth Internationals were socialist political groupings which sought to advance workers revolution across the globe and achieve international socialism. Socialist internationalism is anti-imperialist, and therefore supports the liberation of peoples from all forms of colonialism and foreign domination, therefore, socialists have often aligned themselves politically with anti-colonial independence movements, and actively opposed the exploitation of one country by another. In socialist theory, world peace can only come once economic competition has been ended, in proportion as the antagonism between classes within the nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to another will come to an end. The idea was reiterated later by Lenin and advanced as the policy of the Bolshevik party during World War I. But our attitude towards war is different from that of the bourgeois pacifists. Figures such as Karl Marx and anarchist revolutionary Mikhail Bakunin would play prominent roles in the First International, one faction, with Marx as the figurehead, argued that workers and radicals must work within parliaments in order to win political supremacy and create a workers government. The Socialist International, known as the Second International, was founded in 1889 after the disintegration of the International Workingmens Association, unlike the First International, it was a federation of socialist political parties from various countries, including both reformist and revolutionary groupings. The parties of the Second International were the first socialist parties to win support among the working class and have representatives elected to parliaments. Ostensibly committed to peace and anti-imperialism, the International Socialist Congress held its meeting in Basel, Switzerland in 1912. This betrayal led the few anti-war delegates left within the Second International to organize the International Socialist Conference at Zimmerwald, known as the Zimmerwald Conference, its purpose was to formulate a platform of opposition to the war. The conference was unable to reach agreement on all points, but ultimately was able to publish the Zimmerwald Manifesto, the most left-wing and stringently internationalist delegates at the conference were organized around Lenin and the Russian Social Democrats, and known as the Zimmerwald Left. The Zimmerwald Left resolutions urged all socialists who were committed to the internationalist principles of socialism to struggle against the war and it was an association of communist political parties from throughout the world dedicated to proletarian internationalism and the revolutionary overthrow of the world bourgeoisie. A variety of still active left-wing political organizations claim to be the successors of Trotskys original Fourth International
13.
Labour voucher
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Labour vouchers are a device proposed to govern demand for goods in some models of socialism, much as money does under capitalism. Unlike money, vouchers cannot circulate and are not transferable between people and they are also not exchangeable for any means of production hence they are not transmutable into Capital. Once a purchase is made the labour vouchers are either destroyed or must be re-earned through labour, therefore, with such a system in place, monetary theft would become impossible. Such a system is proposed by many as a replacement for money while retaining a system of remuneration for work done. It is also a way of ensuring there is no way to make money out of money as in a capitalist market economy. Author and activist Michael Albert and economist Robin Hahnel have proposed a system of remuneration in their economic system of participatory economics. A difference is that in parecon credits are awarded based on both the time spent working and the amount of effort and sacrifice spent during labour, rather than simple contribution. Some later advocates of participism and parecon have also proposed awarding more based on job difficulty or danger, Labour vouchers were first proposed in the 1820s by Josiah Warren and Robert Owen. Two early attempts at implementing labour vouchers were made by following their experiences attempting to establish a utopian community at New Harmony, Indiana, in which currency was prohibited. In 1827, Josiah Warren established the Cincinnati Time Store where goods could be purchased with labor vouchers representing an agreement to perform labor and he folded the store in 1830 in order to devote his effort to establishing communities that implemented his principles of labour-based prices. Beginning in 1832, Robert Owen and his followers attempted to implement labour notes in London and Glasgow by establishing marketplaces, the followers of Robert Owen stood for a society of co-operative communities. These bazaars were ultimately failures but the idea of labour vouchers appeared in similar forms in France in the writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Marx explained that this would be necessary since socialism emerges from capitalism, in Marxs proposal, early socialist society would reward its citizens according to the amount of labour they contribute to society. The individual producer receives back from society—after the deductions have been made—exactly what he gives to it, what he has given to it is his individual quantum of labor. The same amount of labor which he has given to society in one form, marx was adamant in saying that labour vouchers were not a form of money as they cannot circulate—a problem he pointed out with Owens system of labour-time notes. During the Great Depression, European communities implemented local currencies with varying success, more modern implementations as time-based currencies were implemented in the United States starting in the 1970s. Owenism Mutualism Collectivist anarchism DeLeonism Participism Inclusive Democracy Inclusive Democracy is unique in proposing two kinds of vouchers, basic vouchers issued to each citizen according to need, are used for essential goods and services such as health care. And non-basic vouchers awarded to each worker for labor contributed are used to pay for non-essential commercial goods, some proposed systems which advocate labour vouchers, namely participism, reject the labour theory of value
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Sharing economy
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Sharing economy is an umbrella term with a range of meanings, often used to describe economic and social activity involving online transactions. For this reason, the sharing economy has been criticised as misleading. However, many commentators assert that the term is valid as a means of describing a generally more democratized marketplace. Also known as shareconomy, collaborative consumption or peer economy, an academic definition of the term refers to a hybrid market model of peer-to-peer exchange. Such transactions are often facilitated via community-based online services, uberization is also an alternative name for the phenomenon. A common premise is that information about goods is shared. Collaborative consumption as a phenomenon is a class of economic arrangements in which participants mutualize access to products or services, the phenomenon stems from an increasing consumer desire to be in control of their consumption instead of passive victims of hyperconsumption. The consumer peer-to-peer rental market is valued at $26bn, with new services, the Harvard Business Review, the Financial Times and many others have argued that sharing economy is a misnomer. Harvard Business Review suggested the word for the sharing economy in the broad sense of the term is access economy. The authors say, When sharing is market-mediated—when a company is an intermediary between consumers who dont know each other—it is no longer sharing at all, rather, consumers are paying to access someone elses goods or services. According to sharing economy expert Alex Stephany, it is a mystery as to who first used the term sharing economy, the people who share is one of the broadest definitions, which encompasses the on-demand economy, the gig economy, social media, and a great deal else. They can include some organisations that operate without online transactions, such as bike kitchens, the true sharing economy does include some large internationally available web sites however, such as Freecycle. The term sharing economy has been used since about 2010, yet according to a Pew survey taken in winter 2015. Survey respondents who had heard of the term had divergent views on what it meant, in 2010 and 2011, many people involved with the sharing economy did indeed consider it to be about sharing in the traditional sense. A commonly used example at the time was the idea of sharing a power drill —a tool that many consumers might use for only a few minutes in their lifetime. Advocates said it made sense for regular consumers not to buy their own power drill, but to borrow from others instead, several startups companies were launched to help people share drills and similar goods along these lines. While some successful platforms such as Airbnb can be described as involving the sharing of a resource, the scope of the sharing economy has been a subject of academic debate. Depending on the used, some platforms would be included within the sharing economy
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State ownership
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State ownership refers to property interests that are vested in the state or a public body representing a community as opposed to an individual or private party. State ownership may refer to ownership and control of any asset, industry, or enterprise at any level, the process of bringing an asset into state ownership is called nationalization or municipalization. State ownership is one of the three forms of property ownership, differentiated from private, cooperative and common ownership. In market-based economies, state-owned assets are managed and operated as joint-stock corporations with a government owning either all or a controlling stake of the shares. This form is referred to as a state-owned enterprise. Governments may also use the profitable entities they own to support the general budget, the creation of a state-owned enterprise from other forms of public property is called corporatization. In Soviet-type economies, state property was the dominant form of industry as property, a state-owned enterprise is a commercial enterprise owned by a government entity in a capitalist market or mixed economy. Reasons for state ownership of enterprises are that the enterprise in question is a natural monopoly or because the government is promoting economic development. State-owned enterprises may or may not be expected to operate in a commercial manner. The transformation of entities and government agencies into government-owned corporations is sometimes a precursor to privatization. State capitalist economies are capitalist market economies that have high degrees of government-owned businesses, Public ownership of the means of production is a subset of social ownership, which is the defining characteristic of a socialist economy. However, state ownership and nationalization by themselves are not socialist, as they can exist under a variety of different political. State ownership by itself does not imply social ownership where income rights belong to society as a whole, as such, state ownership is only one possible expression of public ownership, which itself is one variation of the broader concept of social ownership. There is a variety of organizational forms for state-run industry. State ownership is advocated as a form of ownership for practical concerns. Proponents assume that the state, as the representative of the public interest, would manage resources, as a form of social ownership, state ownership may be contrasted with cooperatives and common ownership. Socialist theories and political ideologies that favor state ownership of the means of production may be labelled state socialism, engels argued that state ownership of commercial industry would represent the final stage of capitalism, consisting of ownership and management of large-scale production and manufacture by the state. There is a distinction to be made between state ownership and public property, the former may refer to assets operated by a specific state institution or branch of government, used exclusively by that branch, such as a research laboratory
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Workers' self-management
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Self-management or workers self-management is a form of organizational management based on self-directed work processes on the part of an organizations workforce. There are many variations of self-management, an enterprise that is self-managed is referred to as a labour-managed firm. Self-management refers to control rights within an organization, being distinct from the questions of ownership. An economic system consisting of self-managed enterprises is sometimes referred to as a participatory economy, the major proponents of self-managed market socialism in the 20th century include the economists Benjamin Ward, Jaroslav Vanek and Branko Horvat. The Ward-Vanek model of self-management involves the diffusion of entrepreneurial roles amongst all the partners of the enterprise, according to Horvat, these developments are moving the world toward a self-governing socialistic mode of organization. In the economic theory of self-management, workers are no longer employees, contemporary proponents of self-management include the American Marxist economist Richard D. Wolff and Anarchist Philosopher Noam Chomsky. The theory of the labor manager firm explains the behavior, performance, although self-managed firms can coincide with worker ownership, the two are distinct concepts, and one need not imply the other. According to traditional economic theory, in a competitive market economy. In Western market economies, despite their advantages in efficiency, the firm is comparatively rare. Benjamin Ward critiqued the labor managed firms objective function, the objective function of the labor managed firm creates an incentive to limit employment in order to boost the net income of the firms existing members. An economy consisting of labor-managed firms would thus have a tendency to under-utilize labor, in the 19th century, the idea of a self-managed economy was first fully articulated by the anarchist philosopher and economist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. This economic model was called mutualism to highlight the relationship among individuals in this system. Karl Marx championed the idea of an association of producers as a characteristic of communist society. This concept is related to the Marxist idea of transcending alienation, in his book Drive, The Surprising Truth About What Motivates Us, Daniel H. Pink argues on the basis of evidence that self-management/self-directed processes, mastery, worker autonomy. French trade-union CFDT included worker self-management in its 1970 program, before abandoning it. The philosophy of workers self-management has been promoted by the Industrial Workers of the World since its founding in the United States in 1905, such critics suggest that capitalism is more than a relationship of management. Guild socialism is a movement advocating workers control of industry through the medium of trade-related guilds in an implied contractual relationship with the public
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Market socialism
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Market socialism is a type of economic system involving the public, cooperative, or social ownership of the means of production in the framework of a market economy. Market socialism differs from non-market socialism in that the mechanism is utilized for the allocation of capital goods. Market socialism is distinguished from the concept of the economy, because unlike the mixed economy, models of market socialism are complete. Among early advocates of socialism were the Ricardian socialist economists. Even though these models did not rely on genuine markets, they were labeled market socialist for their utilization of financial prices. In more recent models proposed by American neoclassical economists, public ownership of the means of production is achieved through public ownership of equity, the key theoretical basis for market socialism is the negation of the underlying expropriation of surplus value present in other, exploitative, modes of production. Proponents of early market socialism include the Ricardian socialist economists, the liberal philosopher John Stuart Mill. These models of socialism entailed perfecting or improving the market-mechanism and free-price system by removing distortions caused by exploitation, private property and this form of market socialism has been termed free-market socialism because it does not involve planners. Mills early economic philosophy was one of free markets, later he altered his views toward a more socialist bent, adding chapters to his Principles of Political Economy in defence of a socialist outlook, and defending some socialist causes. Within this revised work he made the radical proposal that the whole wage system be abolished in favour of a co-operative wage system. Mills Principles, first published in 1848, was one of the most widely read of all books on economics in the period, as Adam Smiths Wealth of Nations had during an earlier period, Mills Principles dominated economics teaching. In the case of Oxford University it was the text until 1919. Mill promoted substituting capitalist businesses with worker cooperatives, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon developed a theoretical system called mutualism, which attacks the legitimacy of existing property rights, subsidies, corporations, banking, and rent. Proudhon envisioned a market where people would enter the market with equal power. Proponents believe that cooperatives, credit unions, and other forms of ownership would become viable without being subject to the state. Market socialism has also used to describe some individualist anarchist works which argue that free markets help workers. For American anarchist historian Eunice Minette Schuster It is apparent, William B. Greene presented this Proudhonian Mutualism in its purest and most systematic form. Warren was a follower of Robert Owen and joined Owens community at New Harmony, josiah Warren termed the phrase Cost the limit of price, with cost here referring not to monetary price paid but the labor one exerted to produce an item
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Mutualism (economic theory)
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Integral to the scheme is the establishment of a mutual-credit bank that would lend to producers at a minimal interest rate, just high enough to cover administration. Mutualism originated from the writings of philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, mutualists oppose the idea of individuals receiving an income through loans, investments, and rent, as they believe these individuals are not laboring. Though Proudhon opposed this type of income, he expressed that he had never intended. to forbid or suppress, by decree, ground rent. Insofar as they ensure the right to the full product of their labor, mutualists support markets. However, they argue for conditional titles to land, whose ownership is only so long as it remains in use or occupation, thus advocating personal property. Although mutualism is similar to the doctrines of the 19th-century American individualist anarchists, unlike them. Proudhon himself described the liberty he pursued as the synthesis of communism, Mutualism, as a term, has seen a variety of related uses. Charles Fourier first used the French term mutualisme in 1822, although the reference was not to an economic system, the first use of the noun mutualist was in the New-Harmony Gazette by an American Owenite in 1826. In the early 1830s, a organization in Lyons, France. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon was involved with the Lyons mutualists and later adopted the name to describe his own teachings. Clarence Lee Swartz gives his own account of the origin of the term, claiming that he word mutualism seems to have been first used by John Gray,1826 also saw the publication of the Constitution of the Friendly Association for Mutual Interests at Kendal, Ohio. By 1846, Proudhon was speaking of mutualité in his writings, Greene, in 1850, used the term mutualism to describe a mutual credit system similar to that of Proudhon. During the Second French Republic, Proudhon had his biggest public effect through his involvement with four newspapers, Le Représentant du Peuple, Le Peuple, La Voix du Peuple, Le Peuple de 1850. His polemical writing style, combined with his perception of himself as an outsider, produced a cynical, combative journalism that appealed to many French workers. He repeatedly criticised the policies and promoted reformation of credit. He tried to establish a popular early in 1849, but despite over 13,000 people signing up, receipts were limited falling short of 18, 000FF. Proudhon ran for the constituent assembly in April 1848, but was not elected, although his name appeared on the ballots in Paris, Lyon, Besançon, the workshops were to give work to the unemployed. Proudhon was never enthusiastic about such workshops, perceiving them to be essentially charitable institutions that did not resolve the problems of the economic system and he was against their elimination unless an alternative could be found for the workers who relied on the workshops for subsistence
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Project Cybersyn
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The information would also be input into economic simulation software that the government could use to forecast the possible outcome of economic decisions. The principal architect of the system was British operations research scientist Stafford Beer, one of its main objectives was to devolve decision-making power within industrial enterprises to their workforce in order to develop self-regulation of factories. The projects name in English is a portmanteau of the words cybernetics, Stafford Beer was a British consultant in management cybernetics. Beer saw this as an opportunity to implement his ideas on a national scale. More than offering advice, he left most of his consulting business. He traveled to Chile often to collaborate with local implementors and used his contacts to secure help from British technical experts. The implementation schedule was very aggressive, and the system had reached a prototype stage at the start of 1973. The system was most useful in October 1972, when about 40,000 striking truck drivers blocked the streets that converged towards Santiago. After the military coup on September 11,1973, Cybersyn was abandoned, there were 500 unused telex machines bought by the previous government, each was put into one factory. In the control centre in Santiago, each day data coming from each factory were put into a computer, there were four levels of control, with algedonic feedback. If one level of control did not remedy a problem in a certain interval, the results were discussed in the operations room and a top-level plan was made. The software for Cybersyn was called Cyberstride, and used Bayesian filtering and it was written by Chilean engineers in consultation with a team of 12 British programmers. The futuristic operations room was designed by a led by the interface designer Gui Bonsiepe. The project is described in detail in the second edition of Strafford Beers books Brain of the Firm and Platform for Change. The latter book includes proposals for social innovations such as having representatives of diverse groups into the control centre. Chilean science fiction author Jorge Baradit published a Spanish-language science fiction novel Synco in 2008, alexander Kharkevich, head of the Department of technical physics in Kiev with a similar concept in 1962. Eden Medina, Designing Freedom, Regulating a Nation, Socialist Cybernetics in Allendes Chile, journal of Latin American Studies 38, 571-606. Lessons of Stafford Beer The CeberSyn heritage in the XXI Century The CyberSyn multimedia reconstruction Before ’73 Coup, Chile Tried to Find the Right Software for Socialism, by Alexei Barrionuevo
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Types of socialism
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Some definitions of socialism are very vague, while others are so specific that they only include a small minority of the things that have been described as socialism in the past. There have been numerous political movements which called themselves socialist under some definition of the term, some of these interpretations are mutually exclusive, and all of them have generated debates over the true meaning of socialism. The word socialism was coined in the 1830s, and it was first used to refer to philosophical or moral beliefs rather than any political views. For example, Alexandre Vinet, who claimed to have been the first person to use the term, in a similar vein, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon claimed that socialism is every aspiration towards the amelioration of society. Some of them also created communities that put their ideals into practice. A constant feature of these societies was social and economic equality. He advocated the creation of a society in each person was ranked according to his or her capacities. The key focus of early socialism was on administrative efficiency and industrialism. Simons ideas provided a foundation for economic planning and technocratic administration of society. Other early socialist thinkers, such as Thomas Hodgkin and Charles Hall, the Ricardian socialists viewed profit, interest and rent as deductions from this exchange-value. These ideas embodied early conceptions of market socialism, although they share a common root, schools of socialism are divided on many issues, and sometimes there is a split within a school. The following is an overview of the major issues which have generated or are generating significant controversy amongst socialists in general. Some branches of socialism arose largely as a construct, others in the heat of a revolution. A few arose merely as the product of a ruling party, some are in favour of a socialist revolution, whilst others tend to support reform instead. The first utopian socialists even failed to address the question of how a socialist society would be achieved, Socialists are also divided on which rights and liberties are desirable, such as the bourgeois liberties. Some hold that they are to be preserved in a socialist society, Marx and Engels even held different opinions at different times, and some schools are divided on this issue. All socialists criticize the current system in some way, some criticisms center on the ownership of the means of production, whereas others tend to focus on the nature of mass and equitable distribution. A few are opposed to unchecked industrialism as well as capitalism, also, Marxian Socialists maintain, in contrast to the Utopian Socialists, that the root of injustice is not in how goods are distributed, but for whose economic benefit are they produced and sold
