click links in text for more info

Shrove Tuesday

Shrove Tuesday is the day before Ash Wednesday, celebrated in some Christian countries by consuming pancakes. Shrove Tuesday is observed by many Christians, including Anglicans, Lutherans and Roman Catholics, who "make a special point of self-examination, of considering what wrongs they need to repent, what amendments of life or areas of spiritual growth they need to ask God's help in dealing with." This moveable feast is determined by Easter. The expression "Shrove Tuesday" comes from the word shrive, meaning "absolve"; as this is the last day of the Christian liturgical season known as Shrovetide, before the penitential season of Lent, related popular practices, such as indulging in food that one might give up as their Lenten sacrifice for the upcoming forty days, are associated with Shrove Tuesday celebrations. The term Mardi Gras is French for "Fat Tuesday", referring to the practice of the last night of eating richer, fatty foods before the ritual fasting of the Lenten season, which begins on Ash Wednesday.

Many Christian congregations thus observe the day through the holding of pancake breakfasts, as well as the ringing of church bells to remind people to repent of their sins before the start of Lent. The tradition of marking the start of Lent has been documented for centuries. Ælfric of Eynsham's "Ecclesiastical Institutes" from around 1000 AD states: "In the week before Lent everyone shall go to his confessor and confess his deeds and the confessor shall so shrive him as he may hear by his deeds what he is to do ". By the time of the late Middle Ages, the celebration of Shrovetide lasted until the start of Lent, it was traditional in many societies to eat pancakes or other foods made with the butter and fat that would be given up during the Lenten season. Similar foods are pączki; the specific custom of British Christians eating pancakes on Shrove Tuesday dates to the 16th century. Along with its emphasis on feasting, another theme of Shrove Tuesday involves Christians repenting of their sins in preparation to begin the season of Lent in the Christian calendar.

In many Christian parish churches, both Protestant and Roman Catholic, a popular Shrove Tuesday tradition is the ringing of the church bells "to call the faithful to confession before the solemn season of Lent" and for people to "begin frying their pancakes". The word shrove is a form of the English word shrive, which means to obtain absolution for one's sins by way of Confession and doing penance, thus Shrove Tuesday was named after the custom of Christians to be "shriven" before the start of Lent. In the United Kingdom and parts of the Commonwealth, Shrove Tuesday is known as "Pancake Day" or "Pancake Tuesday", as it became a traditional custom to eat pancakes as a meal. In Irish the day is known as Máirt Inide, from the Latin initium, "beginning of Lent." Elsewhere, the day has been called "Mardi Gras", meaning "Fat Tuesday", after the type of celebratory meal that day. In Germany, the day is known as Fastnachtsdienstag, Faschingsdienstag, Karnevalsdienstag or Veilchendienstag, it is celebrated with a partial school holiday.

In German American areas, such as Pennsylvania Dutch Country, it is known as Fastnacht Day. In the Netherlands, it is known as "vastenavond", or in Limburgish dialect "vastelaovend", though the word "vastelaovend" refers to the entire period of carnival in the Netherlands. In some parts of Switzerland, the day is called Güdisdienstag. According to the Duden dictionary, the term derives from "Güdel", which means a fat belly stuffed full of food. In Portuguese-, Spanish- and Italian-speaking countries, among others, it is known as Carnival; this derives from Medieval Latin carnelevamen and thus to another aspect of the Lenten fast, to abstain from eating meat. It is celebrated with street processions or fancy dress; the most famous of these events has become the Brazilian Carnival in Rio de Janeiro. Venetians have long celebrated carnival with a masquerade; the use of the term "carnival" in other contexts derives from this celebration. In Spain, the Carnival Tuesday is named "día de la tortilla": an omelette made with some sausage or pork fat is eaten.

On the Portuguese island of Madeira, malasadas are eaten on Terça-feira Gorda, the last day of the Carnival of Madeira. Malasadas were cooked in order to use up all the lard and sugar in the house, in preparation for Lenten restrictions; this tradition was taken to Hawaii, where Shrove Tuesday is known as Malasada Day, which dates back to the days of the sugar plantations of the 1800s. The resident Catholic Portuguese workers used up butter and sugar prior to Lent by making large batches of malasadas. In Denmark and Norway, the tuesday before Ash wednesday is called ′Fetetirsdag′ the weekend before is known as Fastelavn and is marked by eating fastelavnsboller. Fastelavn is the name for Carnival in Denmark, either the Sunday or Monday before Ash Wednesday. Fastelavn developed from the Roman Catholic tradition of celebrating in the days before Lent, but after Denmark became a Protestant nation, the holiday became less religious; this holiday occurs seven weeks before Easter Sunday, with children dressing up in costumes and gath

John Joseph Dougherty

John Joseph Dougherty was a bishop of the Catholic Church in the United States. He served as an auxiliary bishop of the Archdiocese of Newark from 1963 to 1982. Born in Jersey City, New Jersey, John Dougherty was ordained a priest for the Archdiocese of Newark on July 23, 1933. On November 17, 1962 Pope John XXIII appointed him as the Titular Bishop of Cotenna and Auxiliary Bishop of Newark, he was consecrated a bishop by Archbishop Thomas Boland on January 24, 1963. The principal co-consecrators were Bishop James McNulty of Paterson and Newark Auxiliary Bishop Martin Stanton. Dougherty attended two of the four sessions of the Second Vatican Council, he continued to serve as an auxiliary bishop until his resignation was accepted by Pope John Paul II on September 18, 1982. He died at the age of 78 on March 20, 1986

George Ștefănescu

George Ştefănescu-Râmnic was a contemporary Romanian painter. Radu Carneci wrote of him in 1984: George Ştefănescu is a great colorist who dares bring together intense colours, as though recalling the fauvistes' age, he does it with a secret harmony descended from both the knowledge of the graphics' progress and from the inheritance creatively used, of painting on glass and other folk Romanian arts. Thus, the painter has reached a synthesis of the artistic work, with the colour, though important as it is, left in the second plane, meant to support and illustrate the idea. In this case, the colour plays the same part as with flowers – luring us so that we may better feel their essences, their fragrance. George Ştefănescu was born in 1914 in the commune of Plăineşti, between the cities of Focşani and Râmnicu Sărat, his father Gheorghe was descended from a Macedonian family from Macedonia. His mother, born Căţănaru, was from the commune of Crucea de Jos, Vrancea County. From 1926 to 1933 he attended the secondary school in Râmnicu Sărat.

His art teacher recommended him to the church painter Constantinescu and he became the latter's apprentice after school. In 1933, after receiving his baccalaureate, he moved to Bucharest, he took lessons with the painter Ion Theodorescu-Sion, a noted personality in the Romanian art world, for the entrance examination of the Academy of Creative Arts. From 1933 to 1936 he studied at the Academy of Creative Arts in Bucharest in the class of the painter Nicolae Dărăscu. In 1936, he had his first solo exhibition in a Bucharest art gallery, took a study trip to Vrancea and Balcic. In 1937 he attended artillery officer's school, had an exhibition in Craiova with the writer Ion Ionescu; that year, he began to sketch designs for women's clothing and fashion accessories for a Bucharest fashion house. He worked for the construction company SONACO, became a member of Sindicatul Artistilor din România and because a student at the well-known private art seminar "Zapan", his professors there were well-known painters such as Lucian Grigorescu, Platon Cazanovici and Mihail Gheorghita.

In 1938, together with the fresco painter Alexandru Mazilescu he worked painting murals. In Bukovina, he had the opportunity to observe the well-known wall paintings of the painted monasteries. From 1940 to 1944 he served in the Romanian military during World War II, with a corps that advanced as far as Crimea. During the Axis retreat, his horse stepped on a mine, which exploded, killing the horse, leaving him with a serious head wound that, for over a decade, left him unable to distinguish colors, which mean that he could not paint and had to seek other work. In 1945 he participated in seminars in theatre directing and set design at ARLUS, led by Professor Ion Sava, he was the teacher of the painter Zwy Milshtein. In 1946–1947 he was employed at the film production company Filmul Popular, who had a laboratory in Bucharest on Strada Scaune, he worked with some Hungarian specialists to modernize this film laboratory becoming head of the laboratory. As a result, he was assigned to modernize a film laboratory in Mogoşoaia, owned by the National Tourism Office.

The Mogoşoaia laboratory had been wrecked in the bombardament toward the end of the War. This time, he had to do the job without professional Hungarian help. During his time at the ONT laboratory, he founded his own advertising studio for the film industry. In 1951–1955, Ştefănescu worked for the state ministry of electrical power, as director of the electro chain stores of the country. In 1956, though, he started his own design studio in Bucharest. Around 1957, his health stabilized, under the encouragement of the painter Nicolae Darascu, his former professor and friend, he began again to paint. In summer 1957, he resumed painting landscapes near Bucharest. In 1958 he took a position as production director at the Lucia Sturdza Bulandra Municipal Theater in Bucharest and became a member of the Union of Creative Artists of Romania; the director of the theater, the actress Lucia Sturdza Bulandra, Grande Dame of the Bucharest theatre at this time, knew him as a student of Ion Sava, a theatre professor teaching directing and set design, in 1959 gave him the order for the stage design for the drama Când vei fi întrebat of the playwright Dorel Dorian.

Ştefănescu created costumes. That year, he took a study trip to Timişoara and surrounding areas in western Romania, where he painted landscapes and portraits of farmer. In 1960 he was commissioned to execute a portrait of Tony Bulandra, husband of Lucia Sturdza Bulandra and Romania's best known actor at the time, for the museum of the National Theater Bucharest, he did set design and costumes for the play Mamouret by Jean Sermet and toured with the Bulandra company to Budapest and elsewhere in Hungary, after which he stayed on another month in Budapest to settle tour matters. He took the opportunity to paint oil and watercolor paintings, to draw, to befriend Hungarian painters. After his return to Bucharest, these works were exhibited in Bucharest in the hall of the Sala Izvor, the main hall of the Bulandra Theatre. In 1961, Ştefănescu did costumes for Mihail Beniuc's play Întoarcerea; the UAP granted him his own studio in the Gheorghe Tattarescu Memorial Museum, he had another solo exhibition at the Sala Izvor.

The following year, he did sta

Juan Tamad

Juan Tamad is a character in Philippine folklore noteworthy for extreme laziness. He is portrayed as a child, although in some interpretations, he is said to be a young man. Arguably, the Juan Tamad story most told illustrates his utmost laziness to the point of stupidity that it becomes comedic. In it, Juan Tamad comes upon a guava tree bearing ripe fruit. Being too slothful to climb the tree and take the fruits, he instead decides to lie beneath the tree and let gravity do its work. There he remained. Other Juan Tamad stories include: Juan Tamad and the Mud Crabs"Juan Tamad is instructed by his mother to purchase mud crabs at the market. Being too lazy to carry them home, he sets them free in a ditch and tells them to go on home, as he would be along later."Juan Tamad and the Rice Cakes"Juan Tamad's mother makes some rice cakes and instructs him to sell these at the market. Passing by a pond, he sees frogs swimming to and fro. Being too lazy to sell the cakes at the market, he instead throws them at the frogs, who eat the cakes.

Upon reaching home, he tells his mother. A flea infestation in the village soon has Juan Tamad scratching for all he's worth. Thinking he picks up the pieces, grinds them into fine powder and wraps the powder in banana leaves, which he markets as "flea-killer.""Juan Tamad takes a Bride"Juan Tamad's mother tells him it is time he took a bride. He asks his mother what sort of woman, his mother replies "a woman of a few words." Juan Tamad searches long and hard. He comes upon a house where an old woman and her daughter live. Upon seeing the girl, he proposes "Will you marry me?" The girl stares at him. He tells himself, "Ah, here is a woman of a few words," and lifts her up and takes her back to his mother, his mother chastises him. A book published by an unknown author in 1919 in Manila entitled Buhay na Pinagdaanan ni Juan Tamad na Anac ni Fabio at ni Sofia sa Caharian nang Portugal contains a poem consisting of 78 pages of four-line stanzas at seven stanzas per page, it tells of how Juan Tamad was born to a couple named Fabio and Sofia, his adventures in Portugal.

In 1957, Manuel E. Arguilla and Lyd Arguilla wrote the book Philippine Tales and Fables which included the story of Juan Tamad with illustrations by Romeo V. Tabuena. In 1965, playwright and publisher Alberto Florentino took the Arguillas' re-telling of Juan Tamad and published it as Stories of Juan Tamad, part of a series of 3 booklets for young readers. Illustrated with woodcuts by the late J. Elizalde Navarro, the book is out-of-print and is now considered a collector's item. Several Filipino films have treated Juan Tamad as a supporting character. Si Juan Tamad, released in 1947 and directed by Manuel Conde. Juan Tamad Goes to Congress, directed by Manuel Conde. Juan Tamad Junior released in 1980, features Niño Muhlach as Juan Tamad Jr. and Manuel Conde as Juan Tamad Sr. Juan Tamad at Mister Shooli sa Mongolian Barbecue, released in 1991, features director Manuel Urbano, Jr.'s television character Mr. Shooli and Eric Quizon as Juan Tamad. Juan Tamad, released in 1993, again bills Eric Quizon as Juan Tamad.

GMA 7 had launched their newest comedy serye, Juan Tamad with StarStruck Alumni Sef Cadayona, Max Collins, RJ Padilla, Stephanie Sol, & more, the show was premiering on August 23, 2015, a part of GMA 7's 65th Anniversary Offering. Juan Tamad is a man, buried by monkeys who, because of his laziness, thought he was long dead. Juan de la Cruz Manuel and Lyd Arguilla's Juan Tamad Stories Juan Tamad and the Flea-Killer Búhay na Pinagdaanan ni Juan Tamad na Anac ni Fabio at ni Sofia at Project Gutenberg


Kadazan-Dusun is the term assigned to the unification of the classification of two indigenous peoples of Sabah, Malaysia—the ethnic groups Kadazan and Dusun. The Kadazandusun is the largest native group of Bumiputra in Sabah, they are known as "Momogun" or "Mamasok", which means "originals" or "indigenous people", respectively. Most of the Kadazan-Dusun tribes believed. Kadazan-Dusun has been recognized as an indigenous nation of Borneo with documented heritage by the United Nations Educational and Cultural Organization since 2004. According to a study published in 2014, by Kee Boon Pin on 150 volunteers from the Kadazandusun people all over the Sabah region, the Y-DNA of the Kadazandusun people belongs to 9 mtDNA Haplogroups, with Haplogroup M being the most common mtDNA where it represents of all maternal lineages. Followed by Haplogroup R, Haplogroup E, Haplogroup B, Haplogroup D, Haplogroup JT, Haplogroup N, Haplogroup F and Haplogroup HV; these mtDNA Haplogroups have multiple subgroup distribution into several subclades due to genome mutations for thousands of years.

The Haplogroup M subclades founded were: M7b1'2'4'5'6'7'8, M7c3c, M31a2, M80. The Haplogroup E subclades founded were: E1a1a, E1b+16261, E2; the Haplogroup B subclades founded were: B4a1a, B4b1, B4b1a+207, B4c2, B4j, B5a, B5a1d. The Haplogroup D subclades founded were: D4s, D5b1c1. For Haplogroup F, H, JT, R and N, there were only 1 subclade founded for each haplogroup: F1a4a1, HV2, JT, R9c1a, N5. According to S. G. Tan in his studies published in 1979, Kadazandusun ethnic have close genome relation to the other ethnics present in Borneo, Peninsular Malaysia and the Philippines, including the Ibans, Ifugao, Jakun Aboriginal Malays, Dayak Kalimantan, Tagalog. S. G. Tan stated that Kadazandusun have little to none genome relation to the Haplogroup O maternal lineage ethnics including Batak, Bunun and Aeta; the "Kadazan" term is popular among the Tangara/Tangaa' tribe on the west coast of Sabah to refer all the native Sabahan tribes while non-Tangara tribes in the interior and eastern part of the state prefer the term "Dusun".

Administratively, the Kadazans were called'Orang Dusun' by the Sultanate, but in reality, the'Orang Dusun' were Kadazans. An account of this fact was written by the first census made by the North Borneo Company in Sabah, 1881. Administratively, all Kadazans were categorized as Dusuns. Through the establishment of the KCA – Kadazan Cultural Association in 1960, this terminology was corrected and replaced by'Kadazan', used as the official assignation of the non-Muslim natives by the first Chief Minister of North Borneo, Tun Fuad Stephens @ Donald Stephens; when the Federation of Malaysia was formed in 1963, administratively all Dusuns were referred to as Kadazans which sparked opposition from both Kadazan and Dusun sides who wanted the ethnicity term to be officialized and administrate separately. There were no conflicts with regard to'Kadazan' as the identity of the'Orang Dusun' between 1963 and 1984. However, in 1985 through the KCA, the term Dusun was reintroduced after much pressure from various parties desiring a division between the Kadazan and the'Orang Dusun' once again.

This action only worsened the conflict by developing the "Kadazan or Dusun identity crisis" into "Kadazan versus Dusun feud". It was a successful and a precursor to the fall of the ruling political state party Parti Bersatu Sabah. In November 1989, through the KCA, PBS coined the new term'Kadazandusun' to represent both the'Orang Dusun' and'Kadazan'; this unified term "Kadazandusun" was unanimously passed as a resolution during the 5th Kadazan Cultural Association’s Delegates Conference. During the conference, it was decided that this was the best alternative approach to resolve the "Kadazan versus Dusun" conflicts that had impeded the growth and development of the Kadazan-Dusun since "Kadazan versus Dusun" sentiments were politicized in the early 1960s, it was the best alternative generic identity as well as the most appropriate approach in resolving the "Kadazan versus Dusun" conflicts. Although this action is seen as the best alternative to resolving the ongoing "Kadazan versus Dusun" conflicts since the 1960s, its positive effect is only seen by the year 2000 to the present day when the new generation is no longer in the "Kadazan versus Dusun" feudalism mentality.

The unification has since strengthened the ties and brought the Kadazandusun community together as an ethnic group towards more positive and prosperous growth in terms of urbanization, socio-cultural and political development. The Orang Sungai or Paitanic group welcomed this resolution, the Rungus tribe refused to be called neither as Kadazan, Dusun or any combination of the two, they prefer to be called "Momogun," which means "indigenous people" in Kadazan and Rungus because the three groups belong to the same language family, Dusunic. Meanwhile, the Muruts refused the term, but remain their warm relationship with KDCA and responded positively in ways to unite the two largest Sabahan native groups. Nowadays, the umbrella term "KDMR" is popular among the younger generations of the three native groups in Sabah to differ themselves from th

Le Grand Voyage

Le Grand Voyage is a 2004 film written and directed by Ismaël Ferroukhi. The film portrays the relationship between father and son as both embark on a religious pilgrimage trip by car; the film won the Golden Astor for Best Film at the 2005 Mar del Plata International Film Festival was shown at the prestigious 2004 Toronto and Venice International Film Festivals. Réda is a French-Moroccan teenager due to sit for his Baccalauréat in southern France; when his devout father asks Réda to drive him on a pilgrimage to Mecca, he reluctantly agrees. The route taken by the father and son goes from Provence, France through Italy, Croatia, Bulgaria, Turkey and Jordan before reaching Saudi Arabia. During this road trip of thousands of kilometers, the once-icy father-and-son relationship starts to thaw. Réda speaks only in French to his father, seen speaking only Arabic; the father shows that he speaks impeccable French: his choice to speak only Arabic to his son is, purposeful. Along the way, the two meet several interesting characters, including an aged woman clad in black who, though they attempt to leave her behind, reappears in various scenes.

The son learns about Islam. Different situations show differences between the son. In one instance, for example, after the father claimed to have been robbed, Réda refuses to give any of the remaining money to a begging mother with a child, but his father does so. During their journey, Réda dreams that he is watching his father herding goats and that his father does not respond when he calls for help to be saved from quicksand. After many hardships, they reach Mecca but the father, unknown to Réda, dies shortly after they arrive; that night, Réda goes looking for his father, but instead sees a person herding goats who glances at him. After Réda finds out that his father has died, he gives the money to a beggar. Nicolas Cazalé – Réda Mohamed Majd – The Father Jacky Nercessian – Mustapha Ghina Ognianova – The old woman Kamel Belghazi – Khalid Atik Mohamed – Le pélerin Ahmad Most scenes that were set in the Middle East were shot in Morocco. However, some scenes involving the two principal actors were shot in Mecca.

While the Saudi Arabian government had permitted documentary crews to shoot in Mecca, this was the first fiction feature permitted to shoot during the Hajj. The film's director, Ismaël Ferroukhi, said that while shooting in Mecca, "no one looked at the camera. Le Grand Voyage has an 83% approval rating on Rotten Tomatoes. Iswari, Nirmala. "Le Grand Voyage: A Cinematic Pilgrimage". Manycinemas: 42–52. ISSN 2192-9181. Le Grand Voyage on IMDb