2014 pro-Russian unrest in Ukraine
From the end of February 2014, demonstrations by pro-Russian and anti-government groups took place in major cities across the eastern and southern regions of Ukraine, in the aftermath of the Euromaidan movement and the 2014 Ukrainian revolution. During the first stage of the unrest, Crimea was annexed by the Russian Federation after a Russian military intervention, an internationally criticized Crimean referendum. Protests in Donetsk and Luhansk regions escalated into an armed pro-Russian separatist insurgency. From late 2014, cities outside of the Donbass combat zone, such as Kharkiv, Odessa and Mariupol, were struck by bombings that targeted pro-Ukrainian unity organizations. To maintain control over southeastern territories Ukraine's government started "antiterrorist operation" sending armed forces to suppress separatists. Armed conflict between Ukraine's government forces and pro-Russian rebels is known as War in Donbass. Ukraine became gripped by unrest when President Viktor Yanukovych refused to sign an association agreement with the European Union on 21 November 2013.
An organized political movement known as'Euromaidan' demanded closer ties with the European Union, the ousting of Yanukovych. This movement was successful, culminating in the February 2014 revolution, which removed Yanukovych and his government. However, some people in Russophone eastern and southern Ukraine, the traditional bases of support for Yanukovych and his Party of the Regions, did not approve of the revolution, began to protest in favour of closer ties with Russia. Various demonstrations were held in Crimea in favour of leaving Ukraine and accession to the Russian Federation, leading to the 2014 Crimean crisis. On 1 March, regional state administration buildings in various eastern Ukrainian oblasts were occupied by pro-Russian activists. By 11 March, all occupations had ended, after units of the local police and the Security Service of Ukraine re-took the buildings. In Donetsk, protests escalated into violence on multiple occasions, including on 13 March, when a pro-Ukrainian protester was stabbed to death.
In Kharkiv, Patriots of Ukraine militants killed an anti-Maidan protester and a passer-by on the night of 15 March, when anti-Maidan protesters attacked the Right Sector headquarters in the city. The attendees of the protests included Russian citizens from across the border who came to support the efforts of pro-Russian activists in Ukraine. Donetsk oblast governor Serhiy Taruta said that rallies in Donetsk contained ex-convicts and others who travelled from Crimea. Ukraine's police and border guards had denied more than 8,200 Russians entry into Ukraine between 4 and 25 March. On 27 March, National Security and Defence Council Secretary Andriy Parubiy said that between 500 and 700 Russians were being denied entry daily. On 17 April, during the twelfth Direct Line with Vladimir Putin programme, the use of the Russian Armed Forces in Crimea, along with Crimean self-defence troops, was avowed by the Russian president, but he denied claims by the Ukrainian government, the European Union, the United States, that Russian Special Forces were fomenting unrest in eastern Ukraine.
A poll conducted by Kiev International Institute of Sociology from 8–18 February 2014 assessed support for union with Russia throughout Ukraine. It found. 68.0% of those from the four regions surveyed agreed that Ukraine should remain independent, with friendly relations maintained between Russia and Ukraine. Support for a union between Russia and Ukraine was found to be much higher in certain areas: 41.0% Crimea 33.2% Donetsk Oblast 24.1% Luhansk Oblast 24.0% Odessa Oblast 16.7% Zaporizhia Oblast 15.1% Kharkov Oblast 13.8% Dnepropetrovsk OblastIn an opinion poll conducted from 14–26 March by the International Republican Institute, 26–27% of those polled in southern and eastern Ukraine viewed the Euromaidan protests as a coup d'état. Only 5% of respondents in eastern Ukraine felt that Russian-speakers were'definitely' under pressure or threat. 43% of ethnic Russians supported the decision of the Russian Federation to send its military to protect Russian-speaking citizens of Ukraine. In the poll, 22% of those in southern Ukraine, 26% of those in eastern Ukraine supported the idea of federalization for the country.
59% of those polled in eastern Ukraine would like to join the Russian-led customs union, while only 22% were in favour of joining the European Union. 37% of southerners would prefer to join this customs union, while 29% were in favour of joining the EU. 90% of those polled in western Ukraine wanted to enter an economic union with EU, while only 4% favoured the customs union led by Russia. Among all the Ukrainians polled overall, 34% favour joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, while 44% are against joining it. In eastern Ukraine and southern Ukraine, only 14% and 11% of the respondents favour joining NATO, while 67% in eastern Ukraine and 52% in southern Ukraine oppose joining it. 72% of people polled in eastern Ukraine thought that the country was going in the wrong direction, compared with only 36% in western Ukraine. A poll conducted by the Institute of Social Research and Policy Analysis analysed the identities of Donetsk inhabitants. While support for separatism was low, just over a third of polled Donetsk inhabitants identified themselves as "citizens of Ukraine".
More preferred "Russian-speaking residents of Ukraine" or "residents of Donbass". The same poll determined that 66% of Donetsk residents that were polled supported remaining in a
Snejana Onopka is a Ukrainian supermodel. Born 15 December 1986 in Severodonetsk, Onopka moved to the Ukrainian capital, Kiev, in 2001. While there, she was spotted by a foreign scout at the age of 15 and thus began her career as a model. In 2005, Steven Meisel photographed Onopka for the Prada and Dolce & Gabbana fall ad campaigns, sparking a booking frenzy thereafter and he photographed her for two covers of Italian Vogue. In September 2005 she debuted by closing Marc by Marc Jacobs show in New York and opened the Dolce & Gabbana and Karl Lagerfeld shows. In 2006 Steven Meisel photographed her for Calvin Klein and Dolce & Gabbana campaigns, Mert Alas and Marcus Piggot photographed her for a Louis Vuitton campaign and Juergen Teller photographed her for Yves Saint Laurent; the same year Onopka became the face of Lanvin. Onopka has appeared on the cover of i-D, Numéro, Harper's Bazaar, L'Officiel, Allure Russia, Elle Ukraine, Glamour Russia and the Italian, Portuguese and French editions of Vogue.
On the runway, Onopka has walked for designers including Chanel, Anna Sui, Dolce & Gabbana, Marc Jacobs and Isabel Marant. During the New York's Fall/Winter 2007 fashion shows Onopka was noticeably absent, because she was shooting the Shiseido Spring/Summer 2007 campaign. However, at the start of Milan Fashion Week she was back in full force walking for shows including Burberry, Jil Sander and Dolce & Gabbana. Throughout her career Onopka has appeared in advertising campaigns for Prada, Lanvin, ck Calvin Klein, Yves Saint Laurent, Louis Vuitton eyewear, Gucci, Gucci Eau de Parfum II, Max Mara, Hugo by Hugo Boss, Hugo by Hugo Boss eyewear and Emilio Pucci eyewear. In September 2017, Onopka returned to the runway and opened the Natasha Zinko show at London Fashion Week. Onopka was quoted in Teen Vogue saying this about her family: "My mother collects tear sheets of everything she sees me in." And about her father: "My father was in a rock band when I was growing up, so he's used to the spotlight.
I like to sing, too." According to Ukrainian media she was engaged in 2009 to Ukrainian businessman Oleksandr Onyshchenko. On November 15, 2011, Onopka married 29-year-old businessman Mykola Shchur. Snejana Onopka at FMD
Administrative divisions of Ukraine
Ukraine is divided into several levels of territorial entities. On the first level there are 27 regions: 24 oblasts, one autonomous republic, two "cities with special status". Following the 2014 Crimean crisis and Sevastopol became de facto administrated by the Russian Federation, which claims them as the Republic of Crimea and the federal city of Sevastopol; the international community recognises them as being Ukrainian territory. The administrative division in Ukraine was directly inherited from the local republican administration of the Soviet Union, the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, has not changed since the middle of the 20th century, it is somewhat complex as beside having several levels of a territorial subdivision, it has a classification for various populated places cities. According to the Article 133 of Constitution of Ukraine, "the system of the administrative and territorial structure of Ukraine is composed of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, districts, districts in city and villages."
Note, that although certain types of subdivision are not mentioned in Constitution of Ukraine, they are mentioned for regional composition. For disambiguation regular raions are sometimes denoted as rural to distinguish them from raions in city. Ukraine's administrative divisions are divided as follows: By geographical characteristics the units are divided on regions and places of settlement. By their status they can be administrative-territorial units, self-governed territorial units; the autonomous republic has a unique status of territorial autonomy, while districts in cities combine both characteristics of administrative territorial as well as self-governed territorial units. By position in the system of administrative division of Ukraine, the units divided into territorial units of prime level, of middle level, of higher level. Administrative division has changed because some territories are not under the control of the government. For example, Sievierodonetsk has become the new central regional center.
Regions, districts are governed by a state administration, a chief of, appointed by the president after a nomination by the cabinet of ministers. Crimea has its own cabinet of ministers, however the state administration is represented by the office of the Presidential Representative of Ukraine. A basic and the lowest level of administrative division is a settlement, governed by a local council. Cities as a settlement always carry a special status within a region and have their own form of self-administration and some may consist of their own city's districts. City municipalities are governed by a city council; some smaller cities and rural localities may be under control of city municipalities based on larger cities. Towns as well as villages are not controlled by state administration and are self-governed by either a town council or a village council within the limits of the Constitution and the laws of Ukraine. Village councils may carry a combined jurisdiction which may include several hamlets.
Unlike villages, each town council always has a separate jurisdiction which may be part of bigger city's council. Hamlet is governed by a village council of nearby village. Ukraine is divided into 3 main administrative divisions: oblast and council. Note, settlements such as cities do not necessary constitute the basic level of the Ukrainian administrative territorial system. For that purpose cities are categorized into own three categories that correspond to each level of subdivisions. Cities with special status and regional significance beside being divided into special districts in city may include smaller cities, and/or villages. Please, note that the settlement's population size is not the only factor for its status; the final decision on status change is carried out by the Ukrainian parliament. The following table is based on the 2001 Ukrainian Census; the following numbers are based on the 2001 Ukrainian Census. Top level:Autonomous Republic of Crimea Oblasts of Ukraine Cities with special status: Kiev and Sevastopol Middle level: Raions Cities of oblast significance City districts Primary level: Cities of raion significance Urban-type settlements Villages Rural-type settlements Total cities: 454, an increase of 20 compared with the 1989 census.
Before the introduction of oblasts in 1932, Ukraine comprised 40 okruhas, which had replaced the former Russian Imperial guberniya subdivisions. In 1932 the territory of the Ukrainian SSR was re-established based on oblasts. Excluded in the administrative changes was Western Ukraine, which at that time formed part of the Second Polish Republic and shared in the Polish form of administrative division based on voivodeships. In the post-World War II period, the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic consisted of 25 oblasts and two cities with special status. After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, Crimea obtained the status of an autonomous republic wit
A chemical substance is a form of matter having constant chemical composition and characteristic properties. It cannot be separated into components by physical separation methods, i.e. without breaking chemical bonds. Chemical substances can be chemical compounds, or alloys. Chemical elements may not be included in the definition, depending on expert viewpoint. Chemical substances are called'pure' to set them apart from mixtures. A common example of a chemical substance is pure water. Other chemical substances encountered in pure form are diamond, table salt and refined sugar. However, in practice, no substance is pure, chemical purity is specified according to the intended use of the chemical. Chemical substances exist as solids, gases, or plasma, may change between these phases of matter with changes in temperature or pressure. Chemical substances may be converted to others by means of chemical reactions. Forms of energy, such as light and heat, are not matter, are thus not "substances" in this regard.
A chemical substance may well be defined as "any material with a definite chemical composition" in an introductory general chemistry textbook. According to this definition a chemical substance can either be a pure chemical element or a pure chemical compound. But, there are exceptions to this definition; the chemical substance index published by CAS includes several alloys of uncertain composition. Non-stoichiometric compounds are a special case that violates the law of constant composition, for them, it is sometimes difficult to draw the line between a mixture and a compound, as in the case of palladium hydride. Broader definitions of chemicals or chemical substances can be found, for example: "the term'chemical substance' means any organic or inorganic substance of a particular molecular identity, including – any combination of such substances occurring in whole or in part as a result of a chemical reaction or occurring in nature". In geology, substances of uniform composition are called minerals, while physical mixtures of several minerals are defined as rocks.
Many minerals, mutually dissolve into solid solutions, such that a single rock is a uniform substance despite being a mixture in stoichiometric terms. Feldspars are a common example: anorthoclase is an alkali aluminum silicate, where the alkali metal is interchangeably either sodium or potassium. In law, "chemical substances" may include both pure substances and mixtures with a defined composition or manufacturing process. For example, the EU regulation REACH defines "monoconstituent substances", "multiconstituent substances" and "substances of unknown or variable composition"; the latter two consist of multiple chemical substances. For example, charcoal is an complex polymeric mixture that can be defined by its manufacturing process. Therefore, although the exact chemical identity is unknown, identification can be made to a sufficient accuracy; the CAS index includes mixtures. Polymers always appear as mixtures of molecules of multiple molar masses, each of which could be considered a separate chemical substance.
However, the polymer may be defined by a known precursor or reaction and the molar mass distribution. For example, polyethylene is a mixture of long chains of -CH2- repeating units, is sold in several molar mass distributions, LDPE, MDPE, HDPE and UHMWPE; the concept of a "chemical substance" became established in the late eighteenth century after work by the chemist Joseph Proust on the composition of some pure chemical compounds such as basic copper carbonate. He deduced; this is now known as the law of constant composition. With the advancement of methods for chemical synthesis in the realm of organic chemistry. However, there are some controversies regarding this definition because the large number of chemical substances reported in chemistry literature need to be indexed. Isomerism caused much consternation to early researchers, since isomers have the same composition, but differ in configuration of the atoms. For example, there was much speculation for the chemical identity of benzene, until the correct structure was described by Friedrich August Kekulé.
The idea of stereoisomerism – that atoms have rigid three-dimensional structure and can thus form isomers that differ only in their three-dimensional arrangement – was another crucial step in understanding the concept of distinct chemical substances. For example, tartaric acid has three distinct isomers, a pair of diastereomers with one diastereomer forming two enantiomers. An element is a chemical substance made up of a particular kind of atom and hence cannot be broken down or transformed by a chemical reaction into a different element, though it can be transmuted into another element through a nuclear reaction; this is so, beca
Russian military intervention in Ukraine (2014–present)
In February 2014, Russia made several military incursions into Ukrainian territory. After Euromaidan protests and the fall of Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych, Russian soldiers without insignias took control of strategic positions and infrastructure within the Ukrainian territory of Crimea. Russia annexed Crimea after an unlawful referendum in which Crimeans voted to join the Russian Federation, according to Russian official results. In April, demonstrations by pro-Russian groups in the Donbass area of Ukraine escalated into an armed conflict between the Ukrainian government and the Russia-backed separatist forces of the self-declared Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics. In August, Russian military vehicles crossed the border in several locations of Donetsk Oblast; the incursion by the Russian military was seen as responsible for the defeat of Ukrainian forces in early September. In November 2014, the Ukrainian military reported intensive movement of troops and equipment from Russia into the separatist-controlled parts of eastern Ukraine.
The Associated Press reported 80 unmarked military vehicles on the move in rebel-controlled areas. The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Special Monitoring Mission observed convoys of heavy weapons and tanks in DPR-controlled territory without insignia. OSCE monitors further stated they observed vehicles transporting ammunition and soldiers' dead bodies crossing the Russian-Ukrainian border under the guise of humanitarian aid convoys; as of early August 2015, OSCE observed over 21 such vehicles marked with the Russian military code for soldiers killed in action. According to The Moscow Times, Russia has tried to intimidate and silence human rights workers discussing Russian soldiers' deaths in the conflict. OSCE reported that its observers were denied access to the areas controlled by "combined Russian-separatist forces"; the majority of members of the international community and organizations such as Amnesty International have condemned Russia for its actions in post-revolutionary Ukraine, accusing it of breaking international law and violating Ukrainian sovereignty.
Many countries implemented economic sanctions against Russia, Russian individuals or companies – to which Russia responded in kind. In October 2015, The Washington Post reported that Russia has redeployed some of its elite units from Ukraine to Syria to support Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. In December 2015, Russian Federation President Vladimir Putin admitted that Russian military intelligence officers were operating in Ukraine, insisting though that they were not the same as regular troops. Despite being an independent country since 1991, Ukraine has been perceived by Russia as being part of its sphere of interest. Iulian Chifu and his co-authors claim that in regard to Ukraine, Russia pursues a modernized version of the Brezhnev Doctrine on "limited sovereignty", which dictates that the sovereignty of Ukraine cannot be larger than that of the Warsaw Pact prior to the demise of the Soviet sphere of influence; this claim is based on statements of Russian leaders that possible integration of Ukraine into NATO would jeopardize Russia's national security.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, both nations retained close ties. At the same time, there were several sticking points, most Ukraine's significant nuclear arsenal, which Ukraine agreed to abandon in the Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances on the condition that Russia would issue an assurance against threats or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of Ukraine. In 1999, Russia was one of signatories of Charter for European Security, where it "reaffirmed the inherent right of each and every participating State to be free to choose or change its security arrangements, including treaties of alliance, as they evolve". A second point was the division of the Black Sea Fleet. Ukraine agreed to lease the Sevastopol port so that the Russian Black Sea fleet could continue to occupy it together with Ukraine. Starting in 1993, through the 1990s and 2000s, Ukraine and Russia engaged in several gas disputes. In 2001, along with Georgia and Moldova, formed a group called GUAM Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, seen by Russia as a direct challenge to the CIS, the Russian-dominated trade group established after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Russia was further irritated by the Orange Revolution of 2004, which saw the Ukrainian populist Viktor Yushchenko elected president instead of the pro-Russian Viktor Yanukovich. Moreover, Ukraine continued to increase its cooperation with NATO, deploying the third-largest contingent of troops to Iraq in 2004, as well as dedicating peacekeepers to NATO missions such as the ISAF force in Afghanistan and KFOR in Kosovo. A pro-Russian president, Viktor Yanukovich, was elected in 2010 and Russia felt that many ties with Ukraine could be repaired. Prior to this, Ukraine had not renewed the lease of Black Sea Naval base at Sevastopol, meaning that Russian troops would have to leave Crimea by 2017. However, Yanukovich signed a new lease and expanded allowable troop presence as well as allowing troops to train in the Kerch peninsula. Many in Ukraine viewed the extension as unconstitutional because Ukraine's constitution states that no permanent foreign troops shall be stationed in Ukraine after the Sevastopol treaty expired.
Yulia Tymoshenko, the main opposition figure of Yanukovich, was jailed on what many considered trumped up charges, leading to further dissatisfaction with the government. In November 2013, Viktor Yanukovich declined to sign an association agreement with the European Union, a treaty, in development for several years and one that Yanukovich had earlier approved of. Ya
Mariupol is a city of regional significance in south eastern Ukraine, situated on the north coast of the Sea of Azov at the mouth of the Kalmius river, in the Pryazovia region. It is the tenth-largest city in Ukraine, the second largest in the Donetsk Oblast with a population of 449,498 ; the city is and traditionally Russophone, while ethnically the population is divided about evenly between Russians and Ukrainians. Mariupol was founded on the site of a former Cossack encampment named Kalmius and granted city rights in 1778, it has been a centre for the grain trade and heavy engineering, including the Illich Steel & Iron Works and Azovstal. Mariupol has played a key role in the industrialization of Ukraine. Due to the Soviet authorities renaming cities after Communist leaders, the city was known as Zhdanov, after the Soviet functionary Andrei Zhdanov, between 1948 and 1989. Today, Mariupol remains a centre for industry, as well as business. Following the Russian intervention in Ukraine and the capture of Donetsk city by pro-Russian insurgents associated with the Donetsk People's Republic in 2014, Mariupol was made the provisional administrative centre of the Donetsk Oblast.
The city was secured on June 13, 2014 by Ukrainian troops, has come under attack several times since. During the late Middle Ages through the early modern period, here taken from the 12th through the 16th century, Mariupol lay within a broader region, devastated and depopulated by the intense conflict among the surrounding peoples, including the Crimean Tatars, the Nogai Horde, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Muscovy. By the middle of the 15th century much of the region north of the Black Sea and Azov Sea was annexed to the Crimean Khanate and became a dependency of the Ottoman Empire. East of the Dnieper river marked a desolate steppe, stretching to the sea of Azov, where the lack of water made early settlement precarious. Moreover, lying near the Kalmius trail, the region was subject to frequent raids and plundering by the Tatar tribes which prevented the area's permanent settlement, keeping it sparsely populated or an uninhabited no-man's land under Tatar rule. Hence it was known as the Wild Fields or the'Deserted Plains'.
In this region of the Eurasian steppes, the Cossacks emerged as a distinct people in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Below the Dnieper Rapids were the Zaporozhian Cossacks, composed of freebooters organized into small, loosely-knit, mobile groups that practised both pastoral and nomadic living; the Cossacks would penetrate the steppe for fishing and hunting, as well as for migratory farming and herding of livestock. Their independence from governmental and landowner authority attracted and enlisted large numbers of fugitive peasants and serfs fleeing the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and Muscovy; the isolation of the region was increased further by the Treaty of Constantinople, which provided that there should be no settlements or fortifications on the coast of the Azov Sea to the mouth of the Mius River. Moreover, in 1709 in response to a Cossack alliance with Sweden against Russia, Tsar Peter the Great ordered the destruction of the Zaporozhian central stockade and their complete expulsion from the area, without allowance for their return.
In 1733, Russia was preparing for a new military campaign against the Ottoman Empire so it allowed the return of the Zaporozhians, although the territory belonged to Turkey. Under the terms of the Agreement of Lubny of 1734, the Zaporozhians regained all their former lands and, in return, they were to serve in the Russian army during wartime, they were permitted to build a new stockade on the Dnieper River, though the terms prohibited them from erecting fortifications, allowing only for living quarters. Upon their return, the Zaporozhian population in these lands was sparse, in an effort to establish a measure of control, they introduced a structure of districts; the nearest to modern Mariupol was the Kalmiusskya district, but its border did not extend to the mouth of the Kalmius River, although this area had been part of its migratory territory. After 1736, the Zaporozhian and the Don Cossacks came into conflict over the area, resulting in Tsarina Elizabeth issuing a decree in 1746 marking the Kalmius River as the divide between the two Cossack hosts.
Sometime after 1738, the treaties of Belgrade, Niš, the Russian-Turkish convention of 1741, concurrent or following the land survey of 1743–1746, the Zaporzhian Cassocks established a military outpost on "the high promontory right bank of the Kalmius river." Though the details of its construction and history are obscure, excavations revealed Cossack and other artifacts within the enclosure of 120m by 120m. The outpost was a modest structure in that it lay within the territory of the Ottoman Empire, the constructions of fortifications on the Sea of Azov were prohibited by the Treaty of Niš; the last Tatar raid, launched in 1769, covered a vast area, overrunning the New Russia province with a huge army in severe winter weather. It destroyed the Kalmius burned all the Cassock winter lodgings. In 1770, the Russian government, not waiting for the end of the war with Turkey, moved its border with the Crimean Khanate southwest by more than two hundred kilometres, initiating the Dnieper fortified line (running fr
National Guard of Ukraine
The National Guard of Ukraine or NGU is the Ukrainian national gendarmerie. It is part of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, it was created as an agency under the direct control of the Ukrainian parliament on 4 November 1991, following Ukrainian independence. It was disbanded and merged into the Internal Troops of Ukraine on 11 January 2000 by President Leonid Kuchma, as part of a "cost-saving" scheme. Following the early 2014 Ukrainian revolution on 13 March 2014, amidst the Russian intervention, the National Guard was reestablished and the Internal Troops were disbanded. During the ongoing war in the Donbass region of Ukraine, the forces of the revived National Guard have fought against pro-Russian separatists and Russian troops disguised as separatists. Due to lack of reserves, earlier in the conflict Azov and Donbass battalions were the largest volunteer units by far with a strength of 1,000 and 900 soldiers plus an extensive civilian support network that reinforced the National Guard; the National Guard was recreated in accordance with the Law of Ukraine "On the National Guard of Ukraine" dated 12 March 2014.
A previous attempt by President Yushchenko to bring back the National Guard during civil unrest in 2008 had been blocked in the Rada. It was re-established in March 2014 after the beginning of the Crimean crisis; the NSU was created by the Law of Ukraine "On the National Guard of Ukraine" dated 4 November 1991, № 1775 -XII. Dissolved by the Law of Ukraine "On Amendments and Additions to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine" dated 11 January 2000. During its early existence, the National Guard was indirectly involved in the Transnistrian conflict during the Spring/Summer of 1992, helping to defend the border against a threatened spill-over of the conflict into Ukraine. Formations involved were the 3rd, 4th and 5th divisions NSU. Afterwards, up until 1998, National Guard units backed up the border guards in anti-smuggling operations conducted on the border with Moldova and Moldova's breakaway Transnistria region. In 2014, amidst Russian intervention to Crimea, the reformed force was created on the basis of the Internal Troops of Ukraine, with plans for militias and armed wings from certain of Ukraine's political parties and organisations, including the Euromaidan movement, to be incorporated into it.
However those plans have run into resistance from at least some of the latter, who do not wish to give up their weapons or otherwise subordinate themselves to government control. Direct recruitment from military academies is intended. On 16 March, the Yatsenyuk Government announced plans for the recruitment of 10,000 people within the next 15 days for the National Guard. Individual volunteers are being accepted; the 2014 law provides for an initial authorised strength of 33,000 personnel. It tasks the National Guard with maintaining public order, protecting sites like nuclear power plants and "upholding the constitutional order and restoring the activity of state bodies", in part a reference to the situation in Crimea, as well as to the perceived Russian threat to Ukraine as a whole. In the eastern parts of the country in particular, not only will the National Guard reinforce regular military units defending against a feared Russian invasion, it will be expected to uphold Part 1 of Art. 109 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine.
The National Guard will be receiving a large proportion of the money from the emergency budgetary reprogramming approved by parliament for the funding of weapons procurement, equipment repair, training. It is hoped that the strength of the National Guard will rise to 60,000 personnel; the pay for National Guard regulars is 214 Euros a month, equivalent to an average Ukrainian's monthly income. Officers receive about twice that amount. There are some attached Internal Troops personnel for training and/or logistical support purposes, e.g. K-9 teams that have been taking part in training and demonstration sessions. Three National Guardsmen died in a riot on 31 August 2015 at the Verkhovna Rada when a policeman on leave threw a grenade outside the facade. According to official figures, by mid-April 2016, the Interior Ministry and the National Guard have lost 308 personnel since the War in Donbass broke out, including 108 from the National Guard's volunteer battalions; as of 2017 the National Guard is divided in five Operational-Territorial Commands: Western Operational-Territorial Command Northern Operational-Territorial Command Central Operational-Territorial Command Eastern Operational-Territorial Command Southern Operational-Territorial CommandA sixth Operational-Territorial Command for Crimea has been organized only on paper until the peninsula is returned by Russia to Ukraine.
There are various types of units in the National Guard: Operational units are military trained and equipped combat forces. Public Security Protection and Patrol units fulfil police functions Transport units guard troop and prisoner convoys Important State Facilities Protection units guard Ukrainian state enterprises involved in missile industry, Ukraine's nuclear industry Independent National Guard units contain a mix of operational and transport unitsIn case that martial law would be declared all National Guard units, with the excepti