The sociology of knowledge is the study of the relationship between human thought and the social context within which it arises, of the effects that prevailing ideas have on societies. It is not a specialized area of sociology but instead deals with broad fundamental questions about the extent and limits of social influences on individuals' lives and with the social-cultural basis of our knowledge about the world. Complementary to the sociology of knowledge is the sociology of ignorance, including the study of nescience, knowledge gaps, or non-knowledge as inherent features of knowledge-making; the sociology of knowledge was pioneered by the sociologist Émile Durkheim at the beginning of the 20th century. His work deals directly with how conceptual thought and logic can be influenced by the societal milieu out of which they arise. In an early work co-written with Marcel Mauss, Primitive Classification and Mauss study "primitive" group mythology in order to argue that classification systems are collectively based and that the divisions within these systems derive from social categories.
Durkheim in The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life would elaborate his theory of knowledge, examining how language and the concepts and categories used in logical thought have a sociological origin. While neither Durkheim, nor Mauss coined nor used the term'sociology of knowledge', their work is an important first contribution to the field; the specific term'sociology of knowledge' is said to have been in widespread use since the 1920s, when a number of German-speaking sociologists, most notably Max Scheler and Karl Mannheim, wrote extensively on sociological aspects of knowledge. With the dominance of functionalism through the middle years of the 20th century, the sociology of knowledge tended to remain on the periphery of mainstream sociological thought, it was reinvented and applied much more to everyday life in the 1960s by Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann in The Social Construction of Reality and is still central for methods dealing with qualitative understanding of human society.
The'genealogical' and'archaeological' studies of Michel Foucault are of considerable contemporary influence. The Enlightenment movement ought not to be underestimated in its influence upon the social sciences; when these philosophers worked towards a scientific analysis of society, they were engaged in a sociology of ideas and values, albeit their own commitment was to critical rationalism. The Enlightenment strove for progress, secularism, but above all, to freedom, the freedom for individuals to decide their own fate. There was a commitment to practical science with humankind at the centre and this is the real source of social science; this new science was not interested in revealed knowledge or a priori knowledge but in the workings of humanity: human practices, social variety and regularities. Western thought, received a significant movement towards cultural relativism, where cross-cultural comparison became the dominant methodology. Social science was created by philosophers who sought to turn ideas into actions and to unite theory and practice in an attempt to restructure society as a whole.
Sociology of knowledge requires a certain viewpoint, first expounded by Giambattista Vico in his New Science, written in the early 18th Century, a great deal before the first sociologists study the relationship between knowledge and society. In this book, a justification for a new historical and sociological methodology, the main point is that the natural world and the social world are known in different ways; the former is known through external or empirical methods, whilst the latter can be known internally as well as externally. In other words, human history is a construct; this creates a key epistemological distinction between the natural world and the social world, a central concept in the social sciences. Focused on historical methodology, Vico asserts that in order to study a society's history it is necessary to move beyond a chronicle of events by examining the cultural elements of the society, what was termed the "civil world"; this "civil world", made up of actions, ideas, norms, religious beliefs, institutions, is the product of the human mind.
Since these elements are constructed, they can be better understood than the physical world, understood as it is in abstraction. Vico highlights that human nature and its products are not fixed entities and therefore necessitate a historical perspective which emphasizes the changes and developments implicit in individuals and societies, he emphasizes the dialectical relationship between society and culture as key in this new historical perspective. Vico's ideas, whilst permeated by his own penchant for etymology, a theory of cyclical history, are significant nonetheless for the underlying premise that our understanding and knowledge of social structure is dependent upon the ideas and concepts we employ and the language used. Vico unknown in his own time, was the first to establish the foundations of a sociology of knowledge if his concepts were not picked up by writers. There is some evidence that Karl Marx had read Vico's work; however the similarities in their works are superficial, limited to the overall conception of their projects, characterised by cultural relativism and historicism.
The San Diego Church ritual abuse case was a case of a developmentally disabled individual charged with child sexual abuse in 1991 as part of the satanic ritual abuse moral panic. After a 9-month trial, the accused was found not guilty by the jury. Dale Akiki was born with Noonan syndrome, a rare genetic disorder which left him with a concave chest, club feet, drooping eyelids and ears. Akiki served with his wife as a volunteer babysitter at a church in California. In 1991, he was arrested and charged with 35 counts of child abuse and kidnapping and held without bail for 30 months before trial; the government filed its first case against Akiki on May 1991, in San Diego Superior Court. A second case was prosecuted against him on February 20, 1992; the campaign against him was initiated by Jack and Mary Goodall, the former being the CEO of Jack in the Box, who stated that they found his physical appearance, coupled with his working contact with the children of the church in his capacity as a volunteer, "disturbing."
Prosecutor Mary Avery was the founder of the San Diego Child Abuse Prevention Foundation, to which Goodall was the largest financial contributor. She was brought in to prosecute at the Goodalls' insistence after experienced child abuse prosecutors Harry Elias and Sally Penso found no grounds to charge Akiki with any crimes, citing the coercive investigation and the suggestive preparation and interrogation of children used by parents and therapists in the case. During the investigations, few records were kept of the interviews with children, Avery tried to ban the use of the term "ritual abuse"; the trial against Akiki started in the spring of 1993. The prosecution produced no physical evidence but did present allegations of satanic ritual abuse, including testimony that he had killed a giraffe and an elephant in front of the children, had drunk human blood in satanic rituals, had abducted the children away from the church, despite his being unable to drive, his trial lasted. The jury took seven hours to reach its "not guilty" verdict in November 1993.
He was represented by Deputy Public Defenders Kate Coyne and Sue Clemens who received numerous awards and accolades for their groundbreaking defense. This case represented the first trial-level acquittal of a defendant charged with ritual abuse in the "satanic panic" of the 1980s, although a number of convictions were subsequently overturned on appeal. After the trial had ended, members of the jury complained about the "overzealous prosecutors," "child sexual abuse syndrome," and "therapists on a witch-hunt." Despite Akiki's acquittal, some of the parents involved remained convinced. The deputy district attorney and lead prosecutor Mary Avery disputed the claims that the nine children were systematically brainwashed by parents and therapists, stating that "the whole idea of contamination and suggestibility just does not account for the major behavior changes that occurred while they were in Dale Akiki's class," referring to certain incidents like nightmares and bed-wetting; the San Diego County Grand Jury reviewed the Akiki cases in 1994 and concluded in part that "There is no justification for the further pursuit of the theory of satanic ritual molestation in the investigation and prosecution of child abuse cases."On August 25, 1994, Akiki filed a suit against the County of San Diego, the church where he had volunteered, many others, settled for $2 million.
San Diego County Public Defenders Kathleen Coyne and Susan Clemens were awarded Public Defender of the Year by the California Public Defender's Association in 1994 for their work defending Akiki. San Diego County Grand Jury 1993-94 Report on Dale Akiki Case Dale Akiki at the Ontario Consultants on Religious Tolerance A Modern Witch Hunt: The Dale Akiki Story
2016–17 1. FC Köln season is the 2016-2017 for the German football club. 1. FC Köln finished the 2015–16 Bundesliga season in 9th place, thus ensuring a place in the 2016–17 Bundesliga; the 2016–17 season is the 46th season for the club in the Bundesliga and the third season in their current spell. The percentage of possible seasons in the Bundesliga amounts to 85.18% for the club. At the start of the season the club was in 14th place in the German TV money table; the preparations for the 2016/17 season began on 4 July 4, 2016. From 10 July till 15 July 2016 the squad was in a training camp in Bad Tatzmannsdorf. From 29 July till 5 August 2016 there was another training camp in Kitzbühel. Note: Flags indicate national team as defined under FIFA eligibility rules. Players may hold more than one non-FIFA nationality. Win Draw Loss Win Draw Loss As of 15 April 2017