Sousveillance is the recording of an activity by a participant in the activity by way of small wearable or portable personal technologies. The term "sousveillance", coined by Steve Mann, stems from the contrasting French words sur, meaning "above", sous, meaning "below", i.e. "surveillance" denotes the "eye-in-the-sky" watching from above, whereas "sousveillance" denotes bringing the camera or other means of observation down to human level, either physically, or hierarchically. While surveillance and sousveillance both refer to visual monitoring, the terms denote other forms of monitoring such as audio surveillance or sousveillance. In the audio sense, sousveillance is referred to as "one party consent". Undersight is sousveillance at high-level, e.g. "citizen undersight" being reciprocal to a congressional oversight committee or the like. Inverse surveillance is a subset of sousveillance with a particular emphasis on the "watchful vigilance from underneath" and a form of surveillance inquiry or legal protection involving the recording, study, or analysis of surveillance systems, proponents of surveillance, also recordings of authority figures and their actions.
Inverse surveillance is an activity undertaken by those who are the subject of surveillance, may thus be thought of as a form of an ethnography or ethnomethodology study. Sousveillance involves community-based recording from first person perspectives, without involving any specific political agenda, whereas inverse-surveillance is a form of sousveillance, directed at, or used to collect data to analyze or study, surveillance or its proponents. Sousveillance is not countersurveillance; the question of "Who watches the watchers" is dealt with more properly under the topic of metaveillance than sousveillance. Inverse surveillance is a type of sousveillance; the more general concept of sousveillance goes beyond just inverse surveillance and the associated twentieth century political "us versus them" framework for citizens to photograph police, shoppers to photograph shopkeepers, or passengers to photograph taxicab drivers. Howard Rheingold commented in his book Smart Mobs that this is similar to the pedestrian−driver concept, i.e. these are roles that many of us take both sides of, from time to time.
Many aspects of sousveillance were examined in the general category of "reciprocal accountability" in David Brin's 1997 non-fiction book The Transparent Society, in Brin's novels. The first International Workshop on Inverse Surveillance, IWIS, took place in 2004, chaired by Dr. Jim Gemmell, Joi Ito, Anastasios Venetsanopoulos, Steve Mann, among others. One of the things that brought inverse surveillance to light was the reactions of security guards to electric seeing aids and similar sousveillance practices, it seemed, early on, that the more cameras that were in an establishment, the more the guards disliked the use of an electric seeing aid, such as the EyeTap eyeglasses. It was through wearing electric seeing aids, as a passive observer, that it was discovered that surveillance and sousveillance can cause conflict and sometimes confrontation; this led some researchers to explore why the perpetuators of surveillance are suspicious of sousveillance, thus defined the notion of inverse surveillance as a new and interesting facet of studies in sousveillance.
Since the year 2001, December 24 has been World Sousveillance Day with groups of participants in New York City, Boston, Vancouver, Japan and the United Kingdom. However, this designated day focuses only on hierarchical sousveillance, whereas there are a number of groups around the world working on combining the two forms of sousveillance. An essay from Wired magazine predicts that sousveillance is an important development that will be on the rise in 2014. Sousveillance of a state by its citizens has been credited with addressing many problems such as election fraud or electoral misdeeds, as well as providing good governance. For example, mobile phones were used in Sierra Leone and Ghana in 2007 for checking malpractices and intimidation during elections. A recent area of research further developed at IWIS was the equilibrium between surveillance and sousveillance. Current "equiveillance theory" holds that sousveillance, to some extent reduces or eliminates the need for surveillance. In this sense it is possible to replace the Panoptic God's eye view of surveillance with a more community-building ubiquitous personal experience capture.
Crimes, for example, might be solved by way of collaboration among the citizenry rather than through the watching over the citizenry from above. But it is not so black-and-white. In particular, citizens watching over their neighbors is not "better" than the alternative: an increase in community self-reliance might be offset by an uncomfortable "nosy neighbor" effect. "Personal sousveillance" has been referred to as "coveillance" by Mann and Wellman. Copwatch is a network of American and Canadian volunteer organizations that "police the police." Copwatch groups e
According to tradition, Baakun is an ancient town in Yoruba Land, one of the earliest settlements in Ife Empire in Nigeria. The current Monarch of Baakun is Baale Abiodun Olugbenga Ogundiran; the Baakun settlement was founded by Prince Oluopo in the early 11th century. Tradition states that he migrated from Offa-Ile to establish his own settlement at a place close to Ipetumodu; as a great hunter, Oluopo made marks in several places. He was fond of building huts and establishing his idols such as Ogun and Orisa Ogiyan in those places; the places he established included Pakoto, Oke Oko. He had boundaries with the people of Lasole. In their eastern side was the river known as Eri Oogi; the confluence of Eri Oogi with Isasa Elekiri and Oluponna were in Oluopo’s territory. Oluopo in life met a Princess from Oni Ilare’s Compound in Ile-Ife, who used to be Oluopo’s trading partner, she used to buy bushmeats from Oluopo. They became friends and got married; the marriage was blessed with three children, Agbangudu and Akintayo.
On in life, the children migrated to different places. Agbangudu migrated to Edu, Larele to Apomu, Akintayo to Ibadan whose grand children became an Olubadan in life. Around Oluopo’s hut were plenty of shrubs called Ookun; the shrubs were so many that they formed a thick cluster known as Iba. These two names and Ookun, were put together by Oluopo and all his customers as well as passers-by to name his settlement as Iba Ookun and which on became Baakun as it is known today. Upon the departure of Modakeke people from Oyo Alaafin, their first place of settlement was at Baakun where they practiced their art of blacksmithing. Baakun people, being hunters and farmers, received the Modakeke people warmly because of their work as blacksmiths, they were good sources of tools like hoes and guns for their farming and hunting. Due to Oluopo’s generosity, he used to give pieces of land to people for farming in his territory. Notable among the people he gave lands to for farming was Oluode Ogunwole Olojoarere, the Oosa of Ipetumodu at the time.
The area given to Ogunwole was known as Apata Ogunwole. One of the grandchildren was Vincent Olaniyan who later held the chieftaincy title of Oosa Apetumodu between 1940–1969; as time went on, there was a revolution in Yoruba Land. During the war, Oluopo sons fought in many battles that cut across Yoruba land. After the war, Agbangudu settled in Ede, Larele settled in Apomu, Akintayo settled in Ibadan while other children lived with their father, Oluopo. After the civil war, Oluopo returned to his farmland at Tafia. While going from Baakun in Ipetumodu, he gave them lands for farming; those he took along included Prince Olakanmi Okoro Giesi, who became Oba Apetumodu who reigned between 1848–1866. Others were Adegbanro, Aroje the father of Mojalawo; when Modakeke was depopulated in 1909 to 1910, the majority of the people came to settle on Oluopo land at Tafia. Baakun people vehemently protested against this to the District Officer. Two notable people in Baakun that led the protest to the D. O. were Akinwale.
After proving the ownership of the land beyond reasonable doubt to the D. O. which included showing the D. O, their idols of worship that were situated on the land, Baakun people still lost the protest because the D. O. wanted to secure land at all cost for the depopulated Modakeke people. However, before the D. O. took this decision, he told the Baakun people to make the farmland their permanent abode and be under Ibadan or be ready to forfeit it. Baakun people however sought the advice of their royal father, Oba Olubuse I, who advised them not to do so because he would not want his people to be absorbed to Ibadan District, he promised to settle. That was how Modakeke refugees were brought to the place, Baakun farmland, today known as Ode –Omu. Baakun people are hardworking and enterprising, they are traditionally known for hunting. The women are noted to be supportive of their husbands in commercial activities including selling of their husbands’ farm produce and bushmeats, they do palm kernel crushing, palm oil making, production of food item from maize like pap and the solid ‘eko’.
Today, Baakun peoples’ occupation has been diversified. Most of the older generations are still farmers, they are noted for having two categories of farmland based on distance to home, ‘oko etile’, ‘oko iwaju’. The younger generations are made up of people who are literate and are endowed with knowledge that adequately prepared them to constitute a virile and productive workforce in many sectors of Nigerian economy including public service, banking, information technology, theological vocations. Baakun people are Oyos like most people surrounding them in other adjourning towns including Ipetumodu and other Origbo towns. Though Baakun are traditionally idol worshipers with Ogun, Orisa nla and Oya as some of the gods they worship. Today, Baakun people are predominantly Christians with 65% being Christ Apostolic Church members and this could explain why the largest CAC Church in the entire Ife Division is located in Baakun. Other churches including both Orthodox and Pentecostals are prevalent also.
Judith Catchpole, a young maidservant in colonial America, was tried in 1656 for witchcraft and infanticide before one of the earliest all-female juries in the United States. According to popular belief, all-female juries did not occur until much later; the state of Wyoming claims the first all woman jury was empaneled in Laramie on March 7, 1870. After the Nineteenth Amendment to the U. S. Constitution was passed in 1920, not all states permitted all female juries. Catchpole was an indentured servant in the colony of Maryland, arriving there by boat from the Commonwealth of England in January 1656. Upon her arrival she was accused of several crimes, resulting in a trial on September 22, 1656 in the General Provincial Court in Patuxent County, Maryland; this trial was the first to have an all-female jury in colonial Maryland and one of the earliest in colonial America. Catchpole was accused of murdering her child and of other bizarre acts, by William Bramhall, a fellow passenger on the ship "Mary and Francis" and an indentured servant, who had died after making the accusations.
He had accused her of killing her child, cutting the throat of a female passenger while the woman was asleep, stabbing a seaman in the back. Before he died he made known his accusations to other passengers, stating that Catchpole had committed these acts while the other passengers were asleep. No other passengers substantiated these accusations, nor could any account for how Catchpole had hidden a pregnancy during the voyage and given birth on a small ship without others seeing evidence of this. Catchpole claimed, it was decided that an all-female jury was needed because the issues of pregnancy and birth required female expertise. Composed of seven married women and four single women, the trial was ordered by the General Provincial Court at Patuxent for September 22, 1656. In order to determine if Catchpole had murdered her own infant, the jury was to inspect Catchpole's body to find evidence that she had been pregnant and given birth to a child; the jury inspected Catchpole's body and concluded that she had not given birth.
Other witnesses gave testimony that the man making the accusations was "not in sound mind". Additional hearsay evidence was presented that the male accuser had spoken of witchcraft and told other bizarre stories, he had said that after slitting the woman's throat, she sewed it back up before the woman awoke, that she rubbed grease on the back of the fatally wounded seaman and he came back to life. The jury gave little credence to the charges of witchcraft, seeing no evidence of childbirth, acquitted Catchpole of all charges. Judith Catchpole was tried before the first all-woman jury to serve in colonial Maryland; the judicial practices of common law in colonial America arose from the need to accommodate to practical situations. In the case of Judith Catchpole, the expertise of women was needed to decide whether she had been pregnant and given birth to a child. In general however, women were not allowed to serve on juries in the United States after the Nineteenth Amendment was passed in 1920 giving women the right to vote.
Jury of Her Peers Belcher Maryland Court Records and other Belcher information
Camel's Hump Forest Reserve is a protected area in the U. S. state of Vermont. The area is bounded by Vermont Route 17 on the south, the Winooski River on the north, the Mad River on the east, the Huntington River on the west; the Forest Reserve covers a total of 127.68 square miles or 81,715 acres of both public and privately-owned land, one of the largest blocks of core forest in the state. Camel's Hump Forest Reserve wholly contains Camel's Hump State Park, home to Camel's Hump, the third highest mountain in Vermont. Other state lands in the reserve include Huntington Gap Wildlife Management Area and Robbins Mountain Wildlife Management Area. Camel's Hump Forest Reserve should not be confused with Camel's Hump State Forest, a non-overlapping area south of Vermont Route 17; the Vermont legislature established Camel's Hump Forest Reserve in 1969. By statute, all public lands in the reserve are partitioned into three use districts: Ecological area—all land above 2,500 feet plus all land in the Gleason Brook watershed above 900 feet Timber management and wildlife area—all land between 1,800 feet and 2,500 feet except Gleason Brook Multiple-use area—all land below 1,800 feet except Gleason BrookThe ecological area was created "to protect scarce and rare plants, to preserve the natural habitat, to maintain the wilderness aspect" of the land.
The intended uses of the timber management and wildlife area include timber production, water conservation, wildlife management, hiking, cross-country skiing, nature appreciation. Farming and residential living are permitted in the multiple-use area. Citizen scientists have observed hundreds of different life forms in Camel's Hump Forest Reserve, including at least 300 species of animals and 250 species of plants. There are at least 10 species of animals and 24 species of plants in the vicinity of Camel's Hump thought to be rare or rare. A handful of these are protected by Vermont state law. Alfieri, Amy. "Camel's Hump Management Unit: Long Range Management Plan". State of Vermont: Agency of Natural Resources. Retrieved 21 January 2020
Heteropteryx dilatata is a large species stick insect, in the monotypic genus Heteropteryx and typical of the family Heteropterygidae. It is kept in captivity and may be known as the: jungle nymph, Malaysian stick insect, Malaysian wood nymph, Malayan jungle nymph, or Malayan wood nymph, it is nocturnal. This insect holds the human record for the largest egg laid by an insect; the eggs are about 1.3 cm in length. Females reach a length of 15 centimetres, one of the world's heaviest insects, the males a length of 10 centimetres; the females of this species are aggressive and much larger and brighter-colored than the male. The female is lime green and has short, rounded wings, however their short length doesn't allow them to fly; the males are a mottled brown colour. Both sexes have small spikes on their upper bodies, more numerous in the female, who has large spines on her hind legs that can snap together as a scissor-like weapon. Females are born a beige color; this species produces sexually. The female will deposit the circular eggs in moist soil.
The eggs take from 12 to 14 months to hatch. They eat bramble, blackberry and ivy, along with other leaves, their temperature conditions should be between 20 °C and 30 °C and should have a high humidity level, provided by spraying the enclosure with water. They live up to two years in captivity. Sound recordings of Heteropteryx dilatata at BioAcoustica
Narayan is a municipality located in Dailekh District of Karnali Province of Nepal. The total area of the municipality is 110.63 square kilometres and the total population of the municipality as of 2011 Nepal census is 27,037 individuals. The municipality is divided into total 11 wards; the municipality was established on 26 March 1997 merging the Village development committees of Narayan, Saraswati and Basantamala. That time the area of the municipality was 44.26 square kilometres and the total population of those area was 21,110. On 10 March 2017 Government of Nepal restricted old administrative structure and announced 744 local level units as per the new constitution of Nepal 2015. Thus, on 10 March 2017, Bhawani and Kharigaira Village development committees were incorporated with former municipality; the headquarters of the municipality is situated at Dailekh http://www.narayanmun.gov.np/ https://www.citypopulation.de/php/nepal-mun-admin.php?adm2id=6009