Jesa is a ceremony practiced in Korea. Jesa functions as a memorial to the ancestors of the participants. Jesa are held on the anniversary of the ancestor's death; the majority of Catholics and nonbelievers practice ancestral rites, although Protestants do not. The Catholic ban on ancestral rituals was lifted in 1939, when the Pope Pius XII of the Catholic Church formally recognized ancestral rites as a civil practice. Many Korean American Christians Protestants, no longer practice this rite. There are several kinds of ancestor rituals such as gijesa, seongmyo, myosa. Gijesa is a memorial service, held on the day of the ancestor's death every year. Gijesa is performed until upwards of five generations of ancestors in the eldest descendant's house. Memorial services that are performed on Chuseok or New Year's Day are called "charye". On April 5 and before Chuseok, Koreans visit the tombs of their ancestors and trim the grass off the tombs, they offer food and wine, make bows in front of the tombs.
Memorial services that are performed in front of tombs are called "seongmyo". Myosa are performed at the tomb site in the lunar month of October to conduct in memory of old ancestors. Ancestral rites are divided into 3 categories: Charye - tea rites held 4 times a year on major holidays Gije - household rites held the night before or morning of an ancestor's death anniversary. Sije - seasonal rites held for ancestors who are 5 or more generations removed To perform ancestor rituals, the family at the eldest son's house prepare many kinds of food such as wine, taro soup, fish, three different colored vegetables, many kinds of fruits, rice cake or songpyon those that were favored by the deceased; the shinwi or memorial tablet, which symbolizes the spiritual presence of the ancestor, is placed at the center of the table. In modern days, the daughter or younger son of the family may perform these rites. After midnight or in the evening before an ancestor's death anniversary, the descendants set the shrine, with a paper screen facing north and food laid out on a lacquer table as follows: rice and white fruits on the west, soup and red fruits on the east, with fruits on the first row and fish on the second, vegetables on the third, cooked rice and soup on the last.
The rice bowls and individual offerings to the male ancestors are placed to the west, those of females to the east. Two candles are laid on both ends of the table, an incense holder is placed in the middle. In front of the shrine, they set up written prayer. A typical rite is performed following this sequence: Kangshin - Several ritual greetings call the spirits down follow. Choheon, followed by his wife. At the conclusion of the first ritual offering, the eldest son would show his respects by performing a ritual bow twice; the wife bows four times. Aheon - The second eldest male descendant makes an offering of liquor as well. Jongheon - The third eldest male descendant makes an offering of liquor as well. Offerings are continued to be made. Sapsi - The main course is served by the eldest male descendant, to the memorial tablet, by sticking a spoon into the middle of the rice bowl. Yushik - The ancestors receive the offerings and partake in the meal. To do so, participants leave the room, called hapmun.
Afterward, in gyemun - participants return to the room, after a few minutes. This is signaled by the eldest male descendant clearing his throat twice. Heonda - Tea, brewed from roasted rice is offered to the ancestors. Cheolsang - All the attendants at the ceremony bow twice and the spirits are sent off until the next year; the table with the food and wine offerings is cleared and the written prayer recited earlier on during the ceremony is set a fire. Eumbok - Participants divide the sacrificial offerings and partake in the feast. Consuming the ritual food and wine is considered to be an integral part of the ceremony, as it symbolizes the receiving of the blessings bestowed upon the family; the altar food may be distributed to neighbors and friends in a Buddhist rite called shishik, a form of merit-making that, along with sutra reading and intoning of Buddha's teachings, expedities the deceased spirit's entry into Sukhavati. Ancestor worship has changed in recent years; these days it is common to hold ancestor rituals up to only two generations of ancestors, in some cases, people only hold rituals for their dead parents.
In addition, more people are holding rituals in the evening, not after midnight. People can perform ancestor rituals in a younger son's house. Today, in most Korean families, ancestor rituals still remain an important part of their culture and they are faithfully observed; these ancestor rituals, in spite of revised form, continue to play an important part in modern Korean society, which testifies to their inherent importance in the lives of Koreans. In Andong during the Joseon Dynasty, it was common for jesa foods to be eaten
Makgeolli, sometimes anglicized to makkoli, is a Korean alcoholic beverage. The milky, off-white and sparkling rice wine has a slight viscosity that tastes sweet, tangy and astringent. Chalky sediment gives it a cloudy appearance; as a low proof drink of six to nine percent alcohol by volume, it is considered a happy, communal beverage. In Korea, makgeolli is unpasteurized, the wine continues to mature in the bottle; because of the short shelf life of unpasteurized "draft" makgeolli, many exported makgeolli undergo pasteurization, which deprives the beverage of complex enzymes and flavor compounds. The name makgeolli is a compound, consisting of mak and a deverbal noun derived from the verb stem georeu- to, added a noun-forming suffix -i; because of its cloudy appearance, makgeolli is called takju, meaning "opaque wine", as opposed to the refined, transparent cheongju, meaning "clear wine". Another name for makgeolli is nongju, meaning "agricultural wine" or "farmer's wine," reflecting the traditional popularity of the beverage among farmers.
In 2010, the South Korean Ministry for Food, Agriculture and Fisheries announced "drunken rice" as the winning entry in a competition to find an English nickname for makgeolli. "Makcohol" and "Markelixir" were among the runners-up. The five-member panel reasoned that the chosen name would communicate the product's identity as a rice liquor and evoke associations with its ambassadors, the popular Korean hip-hop group Drunken Tiger; this met with a cool reception from the Korean public, with objections relating to translation of the proper noun makgeolli, felt to be unnecessary, to the negative connotations of the word "drunken". Scottish band Colonel Mustard & The Dijon 5, playing at the inaugural DMZ Peace Train Festival in 2018, called makgeolli'Fight Milk', or'Korean Buckfast'. Along with Soju and the Korean beer brand Cass, the drink is one of three Korean alcoholic beverages referred to in the term "Korean booze trilogy", coined by music industry figure Danny Keir. In 2009, Korean importers in Japan began producing makgeolli products, promoting them with the name makkori, the Japanese pronunciation of makgeolli.
In 2011, several Japanese sake companies, including Gekkeikan and Tatenokawa, launched cloudy rice wines under the name makkori, announced plans to export the products to Asia and Europe. Concerns were raised in Korea that this could lead to makgeolli being mistakenly regarded as traditionally Japanese rather than Korean, as had happened in the 1996 kimchi-kimuchi case. Makgeolli is the oldest alcoholic beverage in Korea. Rice wine has been brewed since the Three Kingdoms era, which ran from the 1st century BCE to the 7th century CE; the consumption of rice wine during the reign of King Dongmyeong is mentioned in the founding story of the kingdom of Goguryeo in Jewang ungi, a 13th century Goryeo Korean book. There are a number of other early records mentioning rice wine in the Korean Peninsula; the Goryeo Korean book Samguk yusa mentions the brewing of yorye in the kingdom of Silla for King Suro of Gaya by his seventeenth-generation descendant in 661, in its section entitled Garakguk gi. In the Jin Chinese book Sānguózhì, the section Dongyi of the Wei Shu contains the observation that "the Goguryeo Koreans are skilled in making fermented foods such as wine, soybean paste, salted and fermented fish".
The Asuka Japanese book Kojiki makes reference in the section entitled Ōjin-tennō to a man named Inbeon from the kingdom of Baekje being taught how to brew wine. And the poem Gōngzishí, by the Tang Chinese poet Li Shangyin, refers to Silla wine made with non-glutinous rice. During the Goryeo dynasty, makgeolli was called ihwa-ju, as the liquor was made when the pear trees were in blossom; this was associated in many communities in Korea around that time with a tradition of all night drinking and dancing in special ceremonies. Makgeolli was brewed at home for centuries and was considered a "farmer's wine", or rural working-class beverage; the most-consumed alcoholic drink in South Korea in the 1960s and 1970s, makgeolli began to lose popularity in the 1970s with the rise of imported alcoholic beverages. Government-enforced rice rationing in this period due to a national food shortage led to makgeolli being made with barley and wheat instead of rice, causing a sharp decline in sales; as makgeolli was considered cheap and old-fashioned, sellers focused on selling quantity rather than quality, with many makgeolli companies turning to mass production.
In this process, the rice wine is brewed with a non-traditionally manufactured fermentation starter instead of the traditional nuruk. It is diluted with water. In the 21st century, makgeolli enjoyed a resurgence among younger generations; the health benefits and low alcohol proof of makgeolli, a growing interest in cultural traditions in recent decades, have contributed to the revival. The product continues to be inexpensive, a plastic, soft drink-style 750 ml bottle costing around ₩1,200. Today, novelty high-end makgeolli are being produced, using traditional methods free of artificial additives. There were at least 700 small-scale breweries in production in South Korea in 2017. Makgeolli is made from rice using nuruk, a Korean fermentation s
Gimbap is a Korean dish made from cooked rice and other ingredients that are rolled in gim—dried sheets of nori seaweed—and served in bite-sized slices. The dish is part of a packed meal, or dosirak, to be eaten at picnics and outdoor events, can serve as a light lunch along with danmuji and kimchi, it is a popular take-out food in Korea and abroad, is known as a convenient food because of its portability. It is well wrapped and does not have any liquid ingredients. Gim refers to edible seaweed in the genus Pyropia. Bap broadly refers to "cooked rice"; the compound term gimbap was not a part of the Korean language until the modern era. A food with a similar concept, cooked rice wrapped in gim, was called bokssam in the Joseon era; the term gimbap was used in a 1935 Korean newspaper article, but at the time, the loanword norimaki was used as well. Norimaki, which borrowed from the name of a similar Japanese dish, was part of the Japanese vocabulary that entered into the Korean language during the Japanese forced occupation, when teaching and speaking Korean were prohibited.
The two words were used interchangeably until gimbap was made the universal term as part of efforts to clear away the remnants of Japanese colonialism and purify the Korean language. Production of gim in Gyeongsang and Jeolla Provinces is reported in books from the 15th century, such as Gyeongsang-do Jiriji and Sinjeung Dongguk Yeoji Seungnam. Eating cooked rice rolled in gim is a long-standing Korean custom. Yeoryang Sesigi, a Joseon book from 1819, describes. There are two conflicting versions of the origin of the modern form of gimbap; some sources say it was derived from norimaki, a Japanese sushi variant introduced to Korea during the Japanese forced occupation. Other sources say the food was developed from the local tradition of rolling banchan in gim. Gimbap and norimaki now refer to distinct dishes in Japan and Korea: the former called kimupapu in Japanese and the latter called gimchobap or norimaki in Korean. Gimbap contains more ingredients and is seasoned with sesame oil, while norimaki is rolled with fewer ingredients and is seasoned with rice vinegar.
Gim and bap are the two basic components of gimbap. While short-grain white rice is most used, short-grain brown rice, black rice, or other grains may serve as the filling; some varieties of gimbap include cheese, spicy cooked squid, luncheon meat, or spicy tuna. The gim sprinkled with sesame seeds. In one variation, sliced pieces of gimbap may be fried with an egg coating. Fillings vary with vegetarian and vegan options. Popular ingredients include danmuji, beef, imitation crab meat, egg strips, bulgogi, carrot, burdock root, canned tuna, kkaennip. To make the dish, gim sheets are toasted over a low heat, cooked rice is seasoned with salt and sesame oil, vegetable and meat ingredients are seasoned and stir-fried or pan-fried; the toasted gim is laid on a gimbal—a bamboo gimbap roller—with a thin layer of cooked rice placed evenly on top. Other ingredients are placed on the rice and rolled into a cylindrical shape 3–4 centimetres in diameter; the rolled gimbap is sliced into bite-sized pieces. Chungmu-gimbap – Originating from the seaside city of Chungmu, the dish features thinner rolls with an unseasoned surface and only rice as the filler ingredient.
It is served with spicy ojingeo-muchim and seokbakji. Mayak-gimbap – A specialty of Gwangjang Market in Seoul. Mayak translates as "drug", a reference to its addictive and concentrated flavour. Small gimbap filled with carrots and danmuji is sprinkled with ground sesame seeds and dipped in its pairing sauce made from soy sauce and mustard. Samgak-gimbap – Literally "triangle gimbap"; this variety is similar to Japanese onigiri, is sold in convenience stores in South Korea. Fillings vary greatly; the expiration date is 1 day, has a calorific value of between 140 and 200 kilo calories usually. Many South Korean fast food restaurant franchises specialize in gimbap and noodles. Among the chains are Gimbap Cheonguk, Kobongmin Gimbabin, Chungmu Gimbab Matjuk, Teacher Kim, Gimbap Nar, Gobong Gimbap, Jongro Gimbap, Rolling Rice, Gimbap King, Charles Sutbul Gimbap; some of these restaurants serve other dishes, including dongaseu, udong, naengmyeon and stews such as kimchi-jjigae, doenjang-jjigae, sundubu-jjigae, omurice.
Gimbap is sold in restaurants, where they are pre-cut. However, due to the negative stigma surrounding begging, unskilled public busking and prostitution, selling whole gimbap as a street vendor is seen as the final noble and dignified form of busking that an otherwise able person, or family members of affected people, can do to get out of poverty; this is because everybody can make this, it is much more cost and time effective, less labour-intensive, than making kimchi or preserved fruits. Vendors sell and eat gimbap as an entire log after they are out of poverty or emergency. Selling whole extends shelf life, signifies longevity. Dosirak Jumeok-bap Ssam
Kisaeng called ginyeo, were women from outcast or slave families who were trained to be courtesans, providing sexual services to men of the upper class, as well as providing entertainment and conversation. First appearing in Goryeo, kisaeng were the government's legal entertainers, required to perform various functions for the state. Many were employed at court, but they were spread throughout the country, they were trained and accomplished in the fine arts and prose, although their talents were ignored due to their inferior social status. Aside from entertainment, these roles included medical needlework. Kisaengs play an important role in Korean conceptions of the traditional culture of the Joseon; some of Korea's oldest and most popular stories, such as Chunhyangjeon, feature kisaeng as heroines. Although the names of most real kisaeng have been forgotten, a few are remembered for an outstanding attribute, such as skill or loyalty; the most famous of these is the 16th-century Hwang Jini. Throughout the Goryeo and Joseon periods, kisaeng held the status of cheonmin, the lowest in society.
They shared this status with other entertainers, as well as slaves. Status was hereditary, so the children of a kisaeng were of cheonmin status, daughters automatically became kisaeng as well. Beginning in the Goryeo period, the governing offices in each district kept a registry of kisaeng, to ensure thorough oversight; the same practice was followed for conscripted slaves. Kisaeng could only be released from their position. Many kisaeng were skilled in poetry, numerous sijo composed by kisaeng have survived; these reflect themes of heartache and parting, similar to poems composed by scholars in exile. In addition, some of the most famous kisaeng poems were composed to persuade prominent scholars to spend the night. Indeed, the sijo style came to be associated with kisaeng women, while women of yangban status focused on the gasa form. Kisaeng attached to a local government office were known as gwan-gi, their status was differentiated from that of the common slaves attached to the office, they were separately entered on the census rolls.
The kisaeng were regarded as of higher status than the slaves, although technically they were all of cheonmin rank. In Korea's structured, hierarchical society, kisaeng were technically slaves. For this reason, they were sometimes spoken of as "possessing the body of the lower class but the mind of the aristocrat"; the career of most kisaeng was short peaking at age 16 or 17, over by age 22. Only a few kisaeng were able to maintain their business for long beyond this time, it may be for this reason. All kisaeng were obliged by law to retire at age 50; the best prospect most kisaeng had for long-term support was through becoming the concubine of a patron. However this was not an option unless their patron first purchased them from the state, which few men of the Joseon period could afford. Thus, most former kisaeng went on to manage a local tavern. In the period of Joseon, a three-tiered system developed; the highest tier was occupied by haengsu who danced at upper-class feasts. Haengsu kisaeng were not permitted to entertain.
However, they could continue working in other duties, such as dressmaking and medicine, until the age of fifty. They received guests only by choice. Most of the kisaeng of the court were of the haengsu tier called seonsang; the haengsu kisaeng of each district took charge of discipline and training new kisaeng. Kisaeng of the lowest tier were called samsu; the samsu were forbidden to perform the dances of the haengsu. The tiered system, like other aspects of Joseon class division, broke down in the late nineteenth century. In the course of their careers, some kisaeng were able to amass considerable personal wealth. However, these were the exception. Kisaeng were required to meet their expenses, including food and makeup, out of their own personal funds. Women entered the kisaeng class through various paths; some were the daughters of kisaeng. Others were sold into the wealthy by families. Most such families were of cheonmin rank, but sometimes poor families of higher status sold their children in this fashion.
On occasion women from the yangban aristocracy were made kisaeng because they had violated the strict sexual mores of the Joseon period. As kisaeng were skilled workers from the beginning, the government took an early interest in ensuring correct education; this first emerged with the establishment of gyobang, training institutes for palace kisaeng during the Goryeo period. During the Joseon period, this became further codified. Instruction focused on dance. In the three-tiered system of Joseon, more specialized training schools were established for kisaeng of the first tier; the course of study lasted three years and covered poetry, dance and art. The most advanced such school was located in Pyongyang; this system continued well into the Japanese colonial period, during which time the schools training kisaeng were known as gwonbeon. As slaves of the government, the lives of kisaeng were regulated, they were overseen by the officer in charge of kisaeng, known as the hojang. The hojang was in
Jjigae is a Korean dish similar to a Western stew. There are many varieties. Jjigae is served in a communal dish and boiling hot. A Korean meal always includes either a jjigae or a guk. During the Joseon dynasty, it was known as jochi, two varieties would always be present on the King's surasang; the types of jjigae are named according to their principal ingredients, such as saengseon jjigae made from fish or dubu jjigae made from tofu, or according to their broth and seasonings like gochujang jjigae or doenjang jjigae. Altang jjigae, made with pollock roe Dubu jjigae, made with firm tofu Ge jjigae, made with crab Kimchi jjigae, made with kimchi and other ingredients Kongbiji jjigae, made with soybeans Budae jjigae, made with a spicy broth and assorted meats and other ingredients Saengseon jjigae, made with fish. Dongtae jjigae is made from frozen pollack. Sundubu jjigae, made with uncurdled soft tofu Doenjang jjigae, made with a doenjang broth Cheonggukjang jjigae, made with cheonggukjang and other ingredients Saeujeot jjigae, made with saeujeot Gochujang jjigae, made with "gochujang" broth including pork Myeongranjeot jjigae, made with myeongran jeot Fish stew Korean cuisine List of Korea-related topics List of soups List of stews
Korean tea ceremony
The Korean tea ceremony or darye is a traditional form of tea ceremony practiced in Korea. Darye refers to "etiquette for tea" or "tea rite" and has been kept among Korean people for over a thousand years; the chief element of the Korean tea ceremony is the ease and naturalness of enjoying tea within an easy formal setting. Tea ceremonies are now being revived in Korea as a way to find relaxation and harmony in the fast-paced new Korean culture, continuing in the long tradition of intangible Korean art; the first historical record documenting the offering of tea to an ancestral god describes a rite in the year 661 in which a tea offering was made to the spirit of King Suro, the founder of the Geumgwan Gaya Kingdom. Records from the Goryeo Dynasty show that tea offerings were made in Buddhist temples to the spirits of revered monks. Important national rituals involving tea drinking were being presided over by the government officials of the "Tabang" department. There is at least one ritual recorded in the Goryeosa Yaeji, or The Official History of Goryeo, mentioned as part of receiving a Chinese messenger to the court.
During the Joseon Dynasty, the ritualistic drinking of tea was further refined. "Tabang" organized main royal ceremony. The royal Yi family and the aristocracy used tea for simple rites, the "Day Tea Rite" was a common daytime ceremony, whereas the "Special Tea Rite" was reserved for specific occasions, they were codified in the 1474 "National Five Rites". These terms are not found in other countries, but plantation problems changed many ways. Unlike tea plantation areas in China or Japan, the climate of the Korean Peninsula is much colder and Tea harvesting season occurs just before the spring. So at that period, the tea tree forested areas in the mountains were still so cold and dangerous because of wildlife; the old Korean name of tea, 설록, means the first flush tea leaf was harvested on the snow field of a mountain. This situation brought lots of trouble during the Goryeo Joseon Dynasty; the tea tree forested area is the traditional Breadbasket of Korea and the tea leaf harvesting season and cereal seeding season overlap each other.
Because of its value, farmers who lived around tea tree forested regions paid a steep tea tax to the King. So harvesting and treating tea leaf is pointed out as the major cause of the decrease in annual tea crop harvest. In the Goryeo Dynasty, there were hundreds of appeals by many lieges and scholars as Lee Je-hyun or Lee Gyu-bo, and at the end of the Goryeo Dynasty, recorded in the "YuDuRyuRok", farmers burnt or chopped their tea trees to protest their tea tax. In the case of Joseon Dynasty, governed based by Confucianism, Tabang was sustained for tea ceremony but reduced the scale of tea production in order to protect the agricultural balance; because of this reason, the development of the tea industry was prevented for a long time. And except Yangban and the Royal family, Korean original tea drinking culture and ceremony remained in a limited area around tea tree forested regions. However, by the middle of the Joseon dynasty, there appears to have been a decline in tea drinking except for the ceremony for anniversary.
It is said, that when the Ming Commander, Yang Hao, told King Seonjo during the Japanese invasion that he had discovered high-quality tea plants in Korea, that "if you were to sell the tea in Liaodong, you could get a silver coin for every ten pounds of tea. Altogether, that would be enough silver to buy ten thousand horses." King Seonjo, replied "We do not have a tea drinking custom in our country."Towards the end of the Joseon Dynasty, commoners joined the trend and used tea for ancestral rites. Scholars of Silhak, like Jeong Yak-yong, Kim Jeong-hui, had interests in tea "drinking" culture and its production at their exile period on tea forested region; these people corresponded with monks. It started from Silla and Goryeo Dynasty that monks formed and administrated tea forest around the temple and it passed down as their possession, and Buddhist tea ceremony and drinking culture stylized in the traditional temple. And these two cultural leader group's relationship influenced both Seonbi society and contemporary monks.
Korean tea ceremonies follow the seasons, the ceramics and metalware used vary. Religious traditions were influential. Stoneware was common, earthenware more frequent made in provincial kilns, with porcelain rare, imperial porcelain with dragons the rarest. Examples of equipment used in this ceremony are discussed in the general entry Korean Ceramics as well as the more specific Korean pottery with images cited; the appearance of the bowls and cups is naturalistic, with a division according to religious influence. Celadon or jade green, "punchong", or bronze-like weathered patinas for Buddhist tea rituals. An aesthetic of rough surface texture from a clay and sand mix with a thin glazing were prized and copied; the randomness of this creation was said to provide a "now moment of reality" treasured by tea masters. Glazing has rich texture and variations between many tones occur that change colour according to light and season. Clay used was light, with celadon clays being prized. Glazing tricks could imitate most materials: from bamboo, through pebbles in rivers, through tree-bark, to human skin, with rare and unique glazes that gave tiger's eye, peach
Right-wing populism is a political ideology which combines right-wing politics and populist rhetoric and themes. The rhetoric consists of anti-elitist sentiments, opposition to the Establishment and speaking for the common people. In Europe, right-wing populism is an expression used to describe groups and political parties known for their opposition to immigration from the Islamic world and in most cases Euroscepticism. Right-wing populism in the Western world is generally—though not exclusively—associated with ideologies such as neo-nationalism, anti-globalization, nativism and opposition to immigration. Anti-Muslim ideas and sentiments serve as the "great unifiers" among right-wing political formations throughout the United States and Europe. Traditional right-wing views such as opposition to an increasing support for the welfare state and a "more lavish, but more restrictive, domestic social spending" scheme is described under right-wing populism and is sometimes called "welfare chauvinism".
From the 1990s, right-wing populist parties became established in the legislatures of various democracies, including Australia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Germany and Sweden. Although extreme right-wing movements in the United States have been studied separately, where they are called "radical right", some writers consider them to be a part of the same phenomenon. Right-wing populism in the United States is closely linked to paleoconservatism. Right-wing populism is distinct from conservatism, but several right-wing populist parties have their roots in conservative political parties. Other populist parties have links to fascist movements founded during the interwar period when Italian, Hungarian and Japanese fascism rose to power. Since the Great Recession, right-wing populist movements such as the National Rally in France, the Northern League in Italy, the Party for Freedom in the Netherlands and the UK Independence Party began to grow in popularity, in large part because of increasing opposition to immigration from the Middle East and Africa, rising Euroscepticism and discontent with the economic policies of the European Union.
U. S. President Donald Trump's 2016 political views have been summarized by pundits as right-wing populist and nationalist. Classification of right-wing populism into a single political family has proved difficult and it is not certain whether a meaningful category exists, or a cluster of categories since the parties differ in ideology and leadership rhetoric. Unlike traditional parties, they do not belong to international organizations of like-minded parties, they do not use similar terms to describe themselves. Scholars use terminology inconsistently, sometimes referring to right-wing populism as "radical right" or other terms such as new nationalism. Pippa Norris noted that "standard reference works use alternate typologies and diverse labels categorising parties as'far' or'extreme' right,'new right','anti-immigrant' or'neofascist','antiestablishment','national populist','protest','ethnic','authoritarian','antigovernment','antiparty','ultranationalist','neoliberal','right-libertarian' and so on".
Piero Ignazi divided right-wing populist parties, which he called "extreme right parties", into two categories: he placed traditional right-wing parties that had developed out of the historical right and post-industrial parties that had developed independently. He placed the British National Party, the National Democratic Party of Germany, the German People's Union and the former Dutch Centre Party in the first category, whose prototype would be the disbanded Italian Social Movement. Right-wing populist parties in the English-speaking world include the UK Independence Party and Australia's One Nation; the U. S. Republican Party and Conservative Party of Canada include right-wing populist factions; the main right-wing populist party in Australia is One Nation, led by Pauline Hanson, Senator for Queensland. One Nation supports the governing Coalition. Other parties represented in the Australian Parliament with right-wing populist elements and rhetoric include the Australian Conservatives, led by Cory Bernardi, Senator for South Australia, the libertarian Liberal Democratic Party, led by David Leyonhjelm, Senator for New South Wales, Katter's Australian Party, led by Queensland MP Bob Katter.
The Liberal Democratic Party and the Australian Conservatives form a voting bloc in the Australian Senate. Some figures within the Liberal Party of Australia, part of the Coalition, have been described as right-wing populists, including former Prime Minister Tony Abbott and Home Affairs Minister Peter Dutton. On 9 October 2018 Jair Bolsonaro, a right-wing candidate from the conservative Social Liberal Party, won the presidential election after a run off with left-wing candidate Fernando Haddad in the second round. Canada has a history of right-wing populist protest parties and politicians, most notably in Western Canada due to Western alienation; the successful Social Credit Party of Canada won seats in British Columbia and Saskatchewan, but fell into obscurity by the 1970s. The