In England, a county palatine or palatinate was an area ruled by a hereditary nobleman enjoying special authority and autonomy from the rest of a kingdom or empire. The name derives from the Latin adjective palātīnus, "relating to the palace", from the noun palātium, "palace", it thus implies the exercise of a quasi-royal prerogative within a county, to say a jurisdiction ruled by an earl, the English equivalent of a count. A duchy palatine is similar but is ruled over by a duke, a nobleman of higher precedence than an earl or count; the nobleman swore allegiance to the king yet had the power to rule the county independently of the king. It should therefore be distinguished from the feudal barony, held from the king, which possessed no such independent authority. Rulers of counties palatine did however create their own feudal baronies, to be held directly from them in capite, such as the Barony of Halton. County palatine jurisdictions were created in England under the rule of the Norman dynasty.
On continental Europe, they have an earlier date. In general, when a palatine-type autonomy was granted to a lord by the sovereign, it was in a district on the periphery of the kingdom, at a time when the district was at risk from disloyal armed insurgents who could retreat beyond the borders and re-enter. For the English sovereign in Norman times this applied to northern England and Ireland; as the authority granted was hereditary, some counties palatine survived well past the end of the feudal period. Palatinates emerged in England in the decades following the Norman conquest, as various earls or bishops were granted palatine powers, i.e. powers of a sort elsewhere exercised by the king. In some places this may have been in part a defensive measure, enabling local authorities to organise the defence of vulnerable frontier areas at their own discretion, avoiding the delays involved in seeking decisions from court and removing obstructions to the coordinated direction of local resources at the discretion of a single official.
However, palatine powers were granted over areas such as the Isle of Ely which were not near any frontier. Palatine powers over Cheshire were acquired by the Earls of Chester, a title which has since 1254 been reserved for the heir apparent to the throne. Chester had its own parliament, consisting of barons of the county, was not represented in Parliament until 1543, while it retained some of its special privileges until 1830. Exceptional powers were granted to the Bishops of Durham, who during the aftermath of the Norman conquest had been put in charge of secular administration in what became County Durham; the autonomous power exercised by these "prince-bishops" over the County Palatine of Durham was enduring: Durham did not gain parliamentary representation until 1654, while the bishops of Durham retained their temporal jurisdiction until 1836. The bishop's mitre which crowns the bishop of Durham's coat of arms is encircled with a gold coronet, otherwise used only by dukes, reflecting his historic dignity as a palatine earl.
Palatine powers over Lancashire were conferred on the first Duke of Lancaster in 1351, at the same time as his promotion from the status of earl. This was only the second dukedom created in England, following that of Cornwall in 1337, which became associated with palatine powers; the dukedom was united with the Crown on the accession of Henry IV in 1399, but the vast estates of the Duchy of Lancaster were never assimilated into the Crown Estate, continuing today to be separately administered for the monarch as Duke of Lancaster. The rights exercised through the Duchy rather than the Crown included its palatine powers over Lancashire, the last of which were revoked only in 1873. In the county palatine of Lancaster, the loyal toast is to "the Queen, Duke of Lancaster"; the king's writs did not run in these three palatine counties until the nineteenth century and, until the 1970s, Lancashire and Durham had their own courts of chancery. The appeal against a decision of the county court of a county palatine had, in the first instance, to be to the court of common of that county palatine.
There are two kings in England, the lord king of England wearing a crown and the lord bishop of Durham wearing a mitre in place of a crown… At various times in history the following areas had palatinate status: Shropshire, the Isle of Ely, Hexhamshire in Northumberland, and, in Wales, the Earldom of Pembroke. Although not formally categorised as a palatinate, in Cornwall many of the rights associated with palatinates were conferred on the Duke of Cornwall, a title created in 1337 and always held by the heir apparent to the throne. In the history of Wales in the Norman era, the term most used is Marcher Lord, similar to, but not the same as, a Palatine Lord. A number of Palatine jurisdictions were created in Wales. There were several palatine districts in Ireland of which the most notable were those of the Earls of Desmond and the Earls of Ormond in County Tipperary; the latter continued in legal existence until the County Palatine of Tipperary Act 1715. In Scotland, the earldom of Strathearn was identified as a county palatine in the fourteenth century, although the title of Earl of Strathearn has been merged with the crown in subsequent centuries and there is little indication that the status of Strathearn differed in practice from other Scottish earldoms.
In the colonies, the historic Province of Avalon in Newfoundland was gr
Lancashire is a ceremonial county in North West England. The administrative centre is Preston; the county has an area of 1,189 square miles. People from Lancashire are known as Lancastrians; the history of Lancashire begins with its founding in the 12th century. In the Domesday Book of 1086, some of its lands were treated as part of Yorkshire; the land that lay between the Ribble and Mersey, Inter Ripam et Mersam, was included in the returns for Cheshire. When its boundaries were established, it bordered Cumberland, Westmorland and Cheshire. Lancashire emerged as a major industrial region during the Industrial Revolution. Liverpool and Manchester grew into its largest cities, with economies built around the docks and the cotton mills respectively; these cities dominated the birth of modern industrial capitalism. The county contained the collieries of the Lancashire Coalfield. By the 1830s 85% of all cotton manufactured worldwide was processed in Lancashire. Accrington, Bolton, Bury, Colne, Manchester, Oldham, Preston and Wigan were major cotton mill towns during this time.
Blackpool was a centre for tourism for the inhabitants of Lancashire's mill towns during wakes week. The historic county was subject to a significant boundary reform in 1974 which created the current ceremonial county and removed Liverpool and Manchester, most of their surrounding conurbations to form the metropolitan and ceremonial counties of Merseyside and Greater Manchester; the detached northern part of Lancashire in the Lake District, including the Furness Peninsula and Cartmel, was merged with Cumberland and Westmorland to form Cumbria. Lancashire lost 709 square miles of land to other counties, about two fifths of its original area, although it did gain some land from the West Riding of Yorkshire. Today the ceremonial county borders Cumbria to the north, Greater Manchester and Merseyside to the south, North and West Yorkshire to the east; the county palatine boundaries remain the same as those of the pre-1974 county with Lancaster serving as the county town, the Duke of Lancaster exercising sovereignty rights, including the appointment of lords lieutenant in Greater Manchester and Merseyside..
The county was established in 1182 than many other counties. During Roman times the area was part of the Brigantes tribal area in the military zone of Roman Britain; the towns of Manchester, Ribchester, Burrow and Castleshaw grew around Roman forts. In the centuries after the Roman withdrawal in 410AD the northern parts of the county formed part of the Brythonic kingdom of Rheged, a successor entity to the Brigantes tribe. During the mid-8th century, the area was incorporated into the Anglo-Saxon Kingdom of Northumbria, which became a part of England in the 10th century. In the Domesday Book, land between the Ribble and Mersey were known as "Inter Ripam et Mersam" and included in the returns for Cheshire. Although some historians consider this to mean south Lancashire was part of Cheshire, it is by no means certain, it is claimed that the territory to the north formed part of the West Riding of Yorkshire. It bordered on Cumberland, Westmorland and Cheshire; the county was divided into hundreds, Blackburn, Lonsdale and West Derby.
Lonsdale was further partitioned into Lonsdale North, the detached part north of the sands of Morecambe Bay including Furness and Cartmel, Lonsdale South. Lancashire is smaller than its historical extent following a major reform of local government. In 1889, the administrative county of Lancashire was created, covering the historic county except for the county boroughs such as Blackburn, Barrow-in-Furness, Wigan and Manchester; the area served by the Lord-Lieutenant covered the entirety of the administrative county and the county boroughs, was expanded whenever boroughs annexed areas in neighbouring counties such as Wythenshawe in Manchester south of the River Mersey and in Cheshire, southern Warrington. It did not cover the western part of Todmorden, where the ancient border between Lancashire and Yorkshire passes through the middle of the town. During the 20th century, the county became urbanised the southern part. To the existing county boroughs of Barrow-in-Furness, Bolton, Burnley, Liverpool, Oldham, Rochdale, Salford, St. Helens and Wigan were added Warrington and Southport.
The county boroughs had many boundary extensions. The borders around the Manchester area were complicated, with narrow protrusions of the administrative county between the county boroughs – Lees urban district formed a detached part of the administrative county, between Oldham county borough and the West Riding of Yorkshire. By the census of 1971, the population of Lancashire and its county boroughs had reached 5,129,416, making it the most populous geographic county in the UK; the administrative county was the most populous of its type outside London, with a population of 2,280,359 in 1961. On 1 April 1974, under the Local Government Act 1972, the administrative county was abolished, as were the county boroughs; the urbanised southern part became part of two metropolitan counties and Greater Manchester. The new county of Cumbria incorporates the Furness exclave; the boroughs of Liverpool, Knowsley, St. Helens and Sefton were included in Merseyside. In Greater Manchester the successor boroughs were
The Honourable Society of Lincoln's Inn is one of the four Inns of Court in London to which barristers of England and Wales belong and where they are called to the Bar. Lincoln's Inn is recognised to be one of the world's most prestigious professional bodies of judges and lawyers. Lincoln's Inn is situated in Holborn, in the London Borough of Camden, just on the border with the City of London and the City of Westminster, across the road from London School of Economics and Political Science, Royal Courts of Justice and King's College London's Maughan Library; the nearest tube station is Chancery Lane. Lincoln's Inn is the largest Inn, it is believed to be named after 3rd Earl of Lincoln. During the 12th and early 13th centuries, the law was taught in the City of London by the clergy. Two events happened which ended this form of legal education: firstly, a papal bull in 1218 that prohibited the clergy from teaching the common law, rather than canon law; the secular lawyers migrated to the hamlet of Holborn, near to the law courts at Westminster Hall and outside the City.
As with the other Inns of Court, the precise date of founding of Lincoln's Inn is unknown. The Inn can claim the oldest records – its "black books" documenting the minutes of the governing Council go back to 1422, the earliest entries show that the Inn was at that point an organised and disciplined body; the third Earl of Lincoln had encouraged lawyers to move to Holborn, they moved to Thavie's Inn, one of the Inns of Chancery expanding into Furnival's Inn as well. It is felt that Lincoln's Inn became a formally organised Inn of Court soon after the Earl's death in 1310. At some point before 1422, the greater part of "Lincoln's Inn", as they had become known, after the Earl, moved to the estate of Ralph Neville, the Bishop of Chichester, near Chancery Lane, they retained Thavie's and Furnival's Inn, using them as "training houses" for young lawyers, purchased the properties in 1550 and 1547 respectively. In 1537, the land Lincoln's Inn sat on was sold by Bishop Richard Sampson to a Bencher named William Suliard, his son sold the land to Lincoln's Inn in 1580.
The Inn became formally organised as a place of legal education thanks to a decree in 1464, which required a Reader to give lectures to the law students there. During the 15th century, the Inn was not a prosperous one, the Benchers John Fortescue, are credited with fixing this situation. Lincoln's Inn had no constitution or fundamental form of governance, legislation was divided into two types. A third method used was to have individual Fellows promise to fulfill a certain duty; the increase of the size of the Inn led to a loss of its democratic nature, first in 1494 when it was decided that only Benchers and Governors should have a voice in calling people to the Bar and, by the end of the sixteenth century, Benchers were entirely in control. Admissions were recorded in the black books and divided into two categories: Clerks who were admitted to Clerks' Commons. All entrants swore the same oath regardless of category, some Fellows were permitted to dine in Clerks' Commons as it cost less, making it difficult for academics to sometimes distinguish between the two – Walker, the editor of the Black Books, maintains that the two categories were one and the same.
During the 15th century, the Fellows began to be called Masters, the gap between Masters and Clerks grew, with an order in 1505 that no Master was to be found in Clerks' Commons unless studying a point of law there. By 1466, the Fellows were divided into Benchers, those "at the Bar", those "not at the Bar". By 1502, the extra barram Fellows were being referred to as "inner barristers", in contrast to the "utter" or "outer" barristers. In Lord Mansfield's time, there was no formal legal education, the only requirement for a person to be called to the Bar was for him to have eaten five dinners a term at Lincoln's Inn, to have read the first sentence of a paper prepared for him by the steward. A Bencher, Benchsitter or Master of the Bench is a member of the Council, the governing body of the Honourable Society of Lincoln's Inn; the term referred to one who sat on the benches in the main hall of the Inn, which were used for dining and during moots, the term had no significance. In Lincoln's Inn, the idea of a Bencher was believed to have begun far earlier than elsewhere.
William Holdsworth and the editor of the Black Books both concluded that Benchers were, from the earliest times, the governors of the Inn, unlike other Inns who started with Readers. A. W. B. Simpson, writing at a date, decided based on the Black Books that the Benchers were not the original governing body, that the Inn was instead ruled by Governors, sometimes called Rulers, who led the Inn; the Governors were elected to serve a year-long term, with between four and six sitting at any one time. The first record of Benchers comes from 1478, when John Glynne was expelled from the Society for using "presumptious and unsuitable words" in front
1832 United Kingdom general election
The 1832 United Kingdom general election, the first after the Reform Act, saw the Whigs win a large majority, with the Tories winning less than 30% of the vote. The Earl Grey had been Prime Minister since November 1830, he headed the first predominantly Whig administration since the Ministry of All the Talents in 1806–07. In addition to the Whigs themselves, Grey was supported by other allied politicians; the Whigs and their allies were coming to be referred to as liberals, but no formal Liberal Party had been established at the time of this election, so all the politicians supporting the ministry are referred to as Whig in the above results. The Leader of the House of Commons since 1830 was Viscount Althorp, who served as Chancellor of the Exchequer; the last Tory prime minister, at the time of this election, was the Duke of Wellington. After leaving government office, Wellington continued to lead the Tory peers and was the overall Leader of the Opposition; the Tory Leader of the Opposition in the House of Commons was Bt.
John Wilson Croker had used the term "conservative" in 1830, but the Tories at the time of this election had not yet become known as the Conservative Party. This distinction would take hold after the Liberal Party was created. In Irish politics, Daniel O'Connell was continuing his campaign for repeal of the Act of Union, he had founded the Irish Repeal Association and it presented candidates independent of the two principal parties. Following the passage of the Reform Act 1832 and related legislation to reform the electoral system and redistribute constituencies, the tenth United Kingdom Parliament was dissolved on 3 December 1832; the new Parliament was summoned to meet on 29 January 1833, for a maximum seven-year term from that date. The maximum term could be and was curtailed, by the monarch dissolving the Parliament, before its term expired. At this period there was not one election day. After receiving a writ for the election to be held, the local returning officer fixed the election timetable for the particular constituency or constituencies he was concerned with.
Polling in seats with contested elections could continue for many days. The general election took place between December 1832 and January 1833; the first nomination was on 8 December, with the first contest on 10 December and the last contest on 8 January 1833. It was usual for polling in the University constituencies and in Orkney and Shetland to take place about a week after other seats. Disregarding contests in the Universities and Orkney and Shetland, the last poll was on 1 January 1833. For the distribution of constituencies in the unreformed House of Commons, before this election, see the United Kingdom general election, 1831. Apart from the disenfranchisement of Grampound for corruption in 1821 and the transfer of its two seats as additional members for Yorkshire from 1826, there had been no change in the constituencies of England since the 1670s. In some cases the county and borough seats had remained unaltered since the 13th century. Welsh constituencies had been unchanged since the 16th century.
Those in Scotland had remained the same since 1708 and in Ireland since 1801. In 1832 politicians were facing an unfamiliar electoral map, as well as an electorate including those qualified under a new uniform householder franchise in the boroughs; however the reform legislation had not removed all the anomalies in the electoral system. Table of largest and smallest electorates 1832–33, by country and number of seats Monmouthshire is included in Wales in these tables. Sources for this period may include the county in England. Table 1: Constituencies and MPs, by type and country Table 2: Number of seats per constituency, by type and country List of United Kingdom general elections List of MPs elected in the United Kingdom general election, 1832 Craig, F. W. S. British Electoral Facts: 1832–1987, Dartmouth: Gower, ISBN 0900178302 Rallings, Colin. British Electoral Facts 1832–1999, Ashgate Publishing Ltd Walker, B. M. ed. Parliamentary Election Results in Ireland 1801–1922, Royal Irish Academy Spartacus: Political Parties and Election Results
Stockdale v Hansard
Stockdale v Hansard 9 Ad & El 1 is a UK constitutional law case in which the Parliament of the United Kingdom unsuccessfully challenged the common law of parliamentary privilege, leading to legislative reform. The Prisons Act 1835 had introduced the first national prison system in the United Kingdom, along with a regime of prison inspections. Whitworth Russell was one of the first inspectors and had been the reforming champion of the austere regime at the Millbank penitentiary. In Newgate prison and his fellow inspector, William Crawford, had discovered a well-thumbed edition of John Roberton's On Diseases of the Generative System, edited by Thomas Little, a pseudonym of John Joseph Stockdale. Roberton was a radical and something of an outsider to the medical profession, Stockdale was a notorious pornographer; the book had attracted some distaste on its publication for its explicit anatomical plates. In 1836, the official parliamentary reporter Hansard, by order of the House of Commons and published a report stating that an indecent book published by a Mr. Stockdale was circulating in Newgate.
Publication of such parliamentary papers for circulation among Members of Parliament alone was and, as of 2008 remains, protected by absolute privilege under common law. However, a further development from 1835 had resulted from MP Joseph Hume's campaign to make better use of the mass of parliamentary papers and to improve freedom of information by publishing parliamentary papers to the public; the aldermen of the City of London who were responsible for Newgate were incensed. They saw Roberton's book as a scientific work, but the inspectors affirmed their original description by observing, "We applied to several medical booksellers, who all gave it the same character, they described it as'one of Stockdale's obscene books'". Stockdale sued for £500 damages for libel, admitting that he had published the book but denying its obscenity. Stockdale sued as Mr Justice Park assigned him counsel. Attorney-General Sir John Campbell appeared for Hansard; the first trial took place in 1837 before a jury. Denman dismissed Campbell's defence that the publication was privileged, the jury had to consider only the defence that the published statement had been true and the book was indeed indecent.
When they first returned, the jury foreman said that it found the book indecent and obscene but did not all agree that it was disgusting and that it wished to award Stockdale a farthing in damages. After a rebuke from Lord Denman on its faulty logic, the jury conferred and found for Hansard. Stockdale now found a copy of the City aldermen's response to the original report and sued again, but Hansard was ordered by the House to plead that he had acted under order of the Commons and was protected by parliamentary privilege; the Commons claimed that: The Commons was a court superior to any court of law. The court was led by Lord Denman, who had had some support on the case from barrister Charles Rann Kennedy; the court held that only the Crown in both Houses of Parliament could make or unmake laws and no resolution of one house alone was beyond the control of law. Further, where it was necessary to establish the rights of those outside Parliament, the courts would decide the nature of privilege.
The court found that the House held no privilege to order publication of defamatory material outside parliament. In consequence, parliament passed the Parliamentary Papers Act 1840 to establish privilege for publications under the House's authority. Bradley, A. W. & Ewing, K. D.. Constitutional and Administrative Law. London: Pearson. Pp. 219–220. ISBN 0-582-43807-1. Loveland, I.. Political Libels: A Comparative Study. London: Hart Publishing. Pp. 21–22. ISBN 1-84113-115-6. McGrath, R.. Seeing Her Sex: Medical Archives and the Female Body. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Pp. Ch.2. ISBN 0-7190-4167-8. Stockdale, E.. "The unnecessary crisis: The background to the Parliamentary Papers Act 1840". Public Law: 30–49. Select Committee on Publication of Printed Papers, Report with the Minutes of Evidence, Appendix, House of Commons sessional papers, XIII, 286, p. 97, retrieved 2 June 2017
Edward Smith-Stanley, 14th Earl of Derby
Edward George Geoffrey Smith-Stanley, 14th Earl of Derby, was a British statesman, three-time Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and, to date, the longest-serving leader of the Conservative Party. He was known before 1834 as Edward Stanley, from 1834 to 1851 as Lord Stanley, he is one of only four British prime ministers. However, his ministries each totalled three years and 280 days. Historian Frances Walsh says it was,Derby who educated the party and acted as its strategist to pass the last great Whig measure, the 1867 Reform Act, it was his greatest achievement to create the modern Conservative Party in the framework of the Whig constitution, though it was Disraeli who laid claim to it. Stanley was born to Lord Stanley and his wife, Charlotte Margaret, the daughter of the Reverend Geoffrey Hornby; the Stanleys were a long-established and wealthy landowning family whose principal residence was Knowsley Hall in Lancashire. Stanley was educated at Christ Church, Oxford. In 1822 Edward Stanley, as he was was elected to Parliament in the rotten borough of Stockbridge as a Whig, the traditional party of his family.
In 1824, however, he alienated his Whig colleagues by voting against Joseph Hume's motion for an investigation into the established Protestant Church of Ireland. When the Whigs returned to power in 1830, Stanley became Chief Secretary for Ireland in Lord Grey's Government, entered the Cabinet in 1831; as Chief Secretary Stanley pursued a series of coercive measures which brought him into conflict with the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Lord Anglesey. In October 1831, Stanley wrote a letter, the Stanley Letter, to the Duke of Leinster establishing the system of National Education in Ireland—this letter remains today the legal basis for the predominant form of primary education in Ireland. In 1833, Stanley moved up to the more important position of Secretary of State for War and the Colonies, overseeing the passage of the Abolition of Slavery Bill. Stanley, a conservative Whig, broke with the ministry over the reform of the Church of Ireland in 1834 and resigned from the government, he formed a group called the "Derby Dilly" and attempted to chart a middle course between what they saw as the radical Whiggery of Lord John Russell and the conservatism of the Tories.
Tory leader Sir Robert Peel's turn to the centre with the 1834 Tamworth Manifesto, published three days before Stanley's "Knowsley Creed" speech, robbed the Stanleyites of much of the uniqueness of their programme. The term "Derby Dilly" was coined by Irish Nationalist leader Daniel O'Connell. Besides Stanley, the other principal members of the Dilly were Sir James Graham, who had resigned as First Lord of the Admiralty; these four ministers had all come from notably different political backgrounds—Stanley and Graham were old Whigs, Ripon was a former Canningite Tory prime minister, while Richmond was an arch-conservative Tory who had incongruously found himself in the Grey cabinet. Although they did not participate in Peel's short-lived 1835 ministry, over the next several years they merged into Peel's Conservative Party, with several members of the "Derby Dilly" taking prominent positions in Peel's second ministry. Joining the Conservatives, Stanley again served as Colonial Secretary in Peel's second government in 1841.
In 1844 he was summoned to the House of Lords as Lord Stanley of Bickerstaffe in his father's Barony of Stanley by Writ of Acceleration. He broke with the Prime Minister again in 1845, this time over the repeal of the Corn Laws, managed to bring the majority of the Conservative Party with him, he thereafter led the protectionist faction of the Conservative Party. In the House of Lords, on 23 November 1847, he accused the Irish Catholic clergy of using the confessional to encourage lawlessness and crime; this was disputed in a series of letters by the coadjutor Bishop of Edward Maginn. In 1851 he succeeded his father as Earl of Derby; the party system was in a state of flux when the Conservatives left office in 1846, the outstanding issues being the question of Ireland and the unresolved franchise. The protectionists had a core of leaders, but in opposition, the party was still in-fighting. Derby formed a minority government in February 1852 following the collapse of Lord John Russell's Whig Government.
In this new ministry, Benjamin Disraeli was appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer. With many senior Conservative ministers having followed Peel, Derby was forced to appoint many new men to office—of the Cabinet, only three were pre-existing Privy Counsellors; when the aged Duke of Wellington, by very deaf, heard the list of inexperienced cabinet ministers being read aloud in the House of Lords, he gave the government its nickname by shouting "Who? Who?". From this government would be known as the "Who? Who?" ministry. Traditionally Derby's ministries were thought in hindsight to have been dominated by Disraeli. However, recent research suggests that this was not always the case in the government's conduct of foreign policy. There and his Foreign Secretaries, Lord Malmesbury and his son Lord Stanley, pursued a course of action, aimed at building up power through financial strength, seeking to avoid wars at all costs, co-operating with other powers, working through the Concert of Europe to resolve diplomatic problems.
This contrasted with the policy of m
The Times is a British daily national newspaper based in London. It began in 1785 under the title The Daily Universal Register, adopting its current name on 1 January 1788; the Times and its sister paper The Sunday Times are published by Times Newspapers, since 1981 a subsidiary of News UK, itself wholly owned by News Corp. The Times and The Sunday Times do not share editorial staff, were founded independently, have only had common ownership since 1967. In 1959, the historian of journalism Allan Nevins analysed the importance of The Times in shaping the views of events of London's elite: For much more than a century The Times has been an integral and important part of the political structure of Great Britain, its news and its editorial comment have in general been coordinated, have at most times been handled with an earnest sense of responsibility. While the paper has admitted some trivia to its columns, its whole emphasis has been on important public affairs treated with an eye to the best interests of Britain.
To guide this treatment, the editors have for long periods been in close touch with 10 Downing Street. The Times is the first newspaper to have borne that name, lending it to numerous other papers around the world, such as The Times of India and The New York Times. In countries where these other titles are popular, the newspaper is referred to as The London Times or The Times of London, although the newspaper is of national scope and distribution; the Times is the originator of the used Times Roman typeface developed by Stanley Morison of The Times in collaboration with the Monotype Corporation for its legibility in low-tech printing. In November 2006 The Times began printing headlines in Times Modern; the Times was printed in broadsheet format for 219 years, but switched to compact size in 2004 in an attempt to appeal more to younger readers and commuters using public transport. The Sunday Times remains a broadsheet; the Times had an average daily circulation of 417,298 in January 2019. An American edition of The Times has been published since 6 June 2006.
It has been used by scholars and researchers because of its widespread availability in libraries and its detailed index. A complete historical file of the digitised paper, up to 2010, is online from Gale Cengage Learning; the Times was founded by publisher John Walter on 1 January 1785 as The Daily Universal Register, with Walter in the role of editor. Walter had lost his job by the end of 1784 after the insurance company where he worked went bankrupt due to losses from a Jamaican hurricane. Unemployed, Walter began a new business venture. Henry Johnson had invented the logography, a new typography, reputedly faster and more precise. Walter bought the logography's patent and with it opened a printing house to produce a daily advertising sheet; the first publication of the newspaper The Daily Universal Register in Great Britain was 1 January 1785. Unhappy because the word Universal was omitted from the name, Walter changed the title after 940 editions on 1 January 1788 to The Times. In 1803, Walter handed editorship to his son of the same name.
In spite of Walter Sr's sixteen-month stay in Newgate Prison for libel printed in The Times, his pioneering efforts to obtain Continental news from France, helped build the paper's reputation among policy makers and financiers. The Times used contributions from significant figures in the fields of politics, science and the arts to build its reputation. For much of its early life, the profits of The Times were large and the competition minimal, so it could pay far better than its rivals for information or writers. Beginning in 1814, the paper was printed on the new steam-driven cylinder press developed by Friedrich Koenig. In 1815, The Times had a circulation of 5,000. Thomas Barnes was appointed general editor in 1817. In the same year, the paper's printer James Lawson and passed the business onto his son John Joseph Lawson. Under the editorship of Barnes and his successor in 1841, John Thadeus Delane, the influence of The Times rose to great heights in politics and amongst the City of London.
Peter Fraser and Edward Sterling were two noted journalists, gained for The Times the pompous/satirical nickname'The Thunderer'. The increased circulation and influence of the paper was based in part to its early adoption of the steam-driven rotary printing press. Distribution via steam trains to growing concentrations of urban populations helped ensure the profitability of the paper and its growing influence; the Times was the first newspaper to send war correspondents to cover particular conflicts. W. H. Russell, the paper's correspondent with the army in the Crimean War, was immensely influential with his dispatches back to England. In other events of the nineteenth century, The Times opposed the repeal of the Corn Laws until the number of demonstrations convinced the editorial board otherwise, only reluctantly supported aid to victims of the Irish Potato Famine, it enthusiastically supported the Great Reform Bill of 1832, which reduced corruption and increased the electorate from 400,000 people to 800,000 people.
During the American Civil War, The Times represented the view of the wealthy classes, favouring the secessionists, but it was not a supporter of slavery. The third John Walter, the founder's grandson, succeeded his father in 1847; the paper continued as more or less independent, but from t