Per capita income
Per capita income or average income measures the average income earned per person in a given area in a specified year. It is calculated by dividing the area's total income by its total population. Per capita income is national income divided by population size. Per capita income is used to measure an area's average income and compare the wealth of different populations. Per capita income is used to measure a country's standard of living, it is expressed in terms of a used international currency such as the euro or United States dollar, is useful because it is known, is calculable from available gross domestic product and population estimates, produces a useful statistic for comparison of wealth between sovereign territories. This helps to ascertain a country's development status, it is one of the three measures for calculating the Human Development Index of a country. In the United States, it is defined by the U. S. Census Bureau as the following: "Per capita income is the mean money income received in the past 12 months computed for every man and child in a geographic area."
Critics claim that per capita income has several weaknesses in measuring prosperity: Comparisons of per capita income over time need to consider inflation. Without adjusting for inflation, figures tend to overstate the effects of economic growth. International comparisons can be distorted by cost of living differences not reflected in exchange rates. Where the objective is to compare living standards between countries, adjusting for differences in purchasing power parity will more reflect what people are able to buy with their money, it does not reflect income distribution. If a country's income distribution is skewed, a small wealthy class can increase per capita income while the majority of the population has no change in income. In this respect, median income is more useful when measuring of prosperity than per capita income, as it is less influenced by outliers. Non-monetary activity, such as barter or services provided within the family, is not counted; the importance of these services varies among economies.
Per capita income does not consider whether income is invested in factors to improve the area's development, such as health, education, or infrastructure. List of countries by average wage List of countries by GDP per capita—GDP at market or government official exchange rates per inhabitant List of countries by GDP per capita—GDP calculated at purchasing power parity exchange per inhabitant List of countries by GNI per capita List of countries by GNI per capita List of countries by income equality Total personal income
A machine is a mechanical structure that uses power to apply forces and control movement to perform an intended action. Machines can be driven by animals and people, by natural forces such as wind and water, by chemical, thermal, or electrical power, include a system of mechanisms that shape the actuator input to achieve a specific application of output forces and movement, they can include computers and sensors that monitor performance and plan movement called mechanical systems. Renaissance natural philosophers identified six simple machines which were the elementary devices that put a load into motion, calculated the ratio of output force to input force, known today as mechanical advantage. Modern machines are complex systems that consist of structural elements and control components and include interfaces for convenient use. Examples include a wide range of vehicles, such as automobiles and airplanes, appliances in the home and office, including computers, building air handling and water handling systems, as well as farm machinery, machine tools and factory automation systems and robots.
The English word machine comes through Middle French from Latin machina, which in turn derives from the Greek. The word mechanical comes from the same Greek roots. A wider meaning of "fabric, structure" is found in classical Latin, but not in Greek usage; this meaning is found in late medieval French, is adopted from the French into English in the mid-16th century. In the 17th century, the word could mean a scheme or plot, a meaning now expressed by the derived machination; the modern meaning develops out of specialized application of the term to stage engines used in theater and to military siege engines, both in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. The OED traces the formal, modern meaning to John Harris' Lexicon Technicum, which has: Machine, or Engine, in Mechanicks, is whatsoever hath Force sufficient either to raise or stop the Motion of a Body... Simple Machines are reckoned to be Six in Number, viz. the Ballance, Pulley, Wheel and Screw... Compound Machines, or Engines, are innumerable.
The word engine used as a synonym both by Harris and in language derives from Latin ingenium "ingenuity, an invention". The hand axe, made by chipping flint to form a wedge, in the hands of a human transforms force and movement of the tool into a transverse splitting forces and movement of the workpiece; the idea of a simple machine originated with the Greek philosopher Archimedes around the 3rd century BC, who studied the Archimedean simple machines: lever and screw. Archimedes discovered the principle of mechanical advantage in the lever. Greek philosophers defined the classic five simple machines and were able to calculate their mechanical advantage. Heron of Alexandria in his work Mechanics lists five mechanisms that can "set a load in motion". However, the Greeks' understanding was limited to statics and did not include dynamics or the concept of work. During the Renaissance the dynamics of the Mechanical Powers, as the simple machines were called, began to be studied from the standpoint of how much useful work they could perform, leading to the new concept of mechanical work.
In 1586 Flemish engineer Simon Stevin derived the mechanical advantage of the inclined plane, it was included with the other simple machines. The complete dynamic theory of simple machines was worked out by Italian scientist Galileo Galilei in 1600 in Le Meccaniche, he was the first to understand that simple machines do not create energy, they transform it. The classic rules of sliding friction in machines were discovered by Leonardo da Vinci, but remained unpublished in his notebooks, they were rediscovered by Guillaume Amontons and were further developed by Charles-Augustin de Coulomb. James Watt patented his parallel motion linkage in 1782, which made the double acting steam engine practical; the Boulton and Watt steam engine and designs powered steam locomotives, steam ships, factories. The Industrial Revolution was a period from 1750 to 1850 where changes in agriculture, mining and technology had a profound effect on the social and cultural conditions of the times, it began in the United Kingdom subsequently spread throughout Western Europe, North America and the rest of the world.
Starting in the part of the 18th century, there began a transition in parts of Great Britain's manual labour and draft-animal-based economy towards machine-based manufacturing. It started with the mechanisation of the textile industries, the development of iron-making techniques and the increased use of refined coal; the idea that a machine can be decomposed into simple movable elements led Archimedes to define the lever and screw as simple machines. By the time of the Renaissance this list increased to include the wheel and axle and inclined plane; the modern approach to characterizing machines focusses on the components that allow movement, known as joints. Wedge: Perhaps the first example of a device designed to manage power is the hand axe called biface and Olorgesailie. A hand axe is made by chipping stone flint, to form a bifacial edge, or wedge. A wedge is a simple machine that transforms lateral force and movement o
Colin Clark (economist)
Colin Grant Clark was a British and Australian economist and statistician who worked in both the United Kingdom and Australia. He pioneered the use of gross national product as the basis for studying national economies. Colin Clark was educated at the Dragon School in Oxford, he studied at Winchester College at Brasenose College, Oxford where he graduated in Chemistry in 1928. After graduation he worked as a research assistant with William Beveridge at the London School of Economics and with Sir Alexander Carr-Saunders and Allyn Young at the University of Liverpool. During this time he ran unsuccessful campaigns to be elected to parliament for the British Labour Party in the seat of North Dorset, for Liverpool Wavertree and South Norfolk. In 1930 he was appointed a research assistant to the National Economic Advisory Council newly convened by Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald, he resigned shortly after his appointment, after being asked to write a background memorandum to make a case for protectionism.
Despite this, he had sufficiently impressed one of the council members to secure an appointment as a lecturer in statistics at Cambridge University. He was a lecturer in Statistics in Cambridge from 1931 to 1938 where he completed three books: "The National Income 1924–31", "The Economic Position of Great Britain" and "National Income and Outlay", his first book was sent to the publisher Daniel Macmillan with a recommendation from Keynes: " Clark is, I think, a bit of a genius: the only economic statistician I have met who seems to me quite first-class." During a visit to Australia and New Zealand in 1937 and 1938 he accepted a position with the Queensland Government at the invitation of the premier Forgan Smith. At the time he wrote to Keynes about his decision to stay in Australia; as he put it, the chance to advise the Queensland Premier on'practically everything connected with economic matters' was'too remarkable an opportunity to be missed for putting economics into practice'On 6 May 1938, he was appointed Government Statistician, Director of the Bureau of Industry, Financial Advisor to Queensland Treasury, provided the State's first set of economic accounts in 1940.
He held the position of Deputy Director of the Commonwealth Department of War Organisation of Industry from 1942 to 1946. Clark resigned as Government Statistician on 28 February 1947 to become Under Secretary of the Queensland Department of Labour and Industry. Unusually for a public servant he continued his academic work, publishing numerous articles in Economics and preparing his book "Conditions of Economic Progress", published in 1940. In 1951 he took a secondment to the Food and Agriculture Organization in Rome and to the University of Chicago before taking the Directorship of the Institute for Agricultural Economics at Oxford University, he returned to Australia in 1969 as the Director of the Institute of Economic Progress at Monash University and as a Research Consultant to the Department of Economics at the University of Queensland until his death in 1989. He was on the Council of the Econometric Society from 1948 to 1952. Clark married Marjorie Tattersall in 1931, they had 8 sons and 1 daughter who in turned produced a total of 40 grandchildren.
His son Gregory became an author and academic in Japan. His nephew is computer scientist Geoffrey Hinton. Clark died in Brisbane, Australia in 1989, he is buried together with his wife Marjorie at the Mount Gravatt Cemetery in Brisbane. In 1984 he was named by the World Bank as one of the pioneers of development along with Sir Arthur Lewis, Gunnar Myrdal, W. W. Rostow and Jan Tinbergen. In 1987 Clark was together with Professor Trevor Swan the first recipient of the Distinguished Fellow awards, presented by The Economic Society of Australia. Fellow of the Econometric Society. Corresponding Fellow of the British Academy. Distinguished Fellow Award, The Economic Society of Australia. HonDEcon Tilburg University, DLitt Oxford University, HonDSc University of Milan, Hon DEcon, Monash University, HonDEcon University of Queensland; the Australasian Meeting of the Econometric Society has a Colin Clark Lecture at its meetings. A building at the University of Queensland is named for him, it is reputed that a stone grotesque in the University's Great Court was made in his likeness.
"A System of Equations Explaining the United States Trade Cycle, 1921 to 1941," Econometrica, Vol. 17, No. 2, pp. 93–124. "The Economic Functions of a City in Relation to Its Size," Econometrica, Vol. 13, No. 2, pp. 97–113. "Economic Development in Communist China," The Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 84, No. 2, pp. 239–264. "Theory of Economic Growth," Econometrica, Vol. 17, Supplement: Report of the Washington Meeting, pp. 112–116. "The Measurement of National Wealth: Discussion,", Vol. 17, Supplement: Report of the Washington Meeting. Pp. 255–272. "A Critique of Russian Statistics by Colin Clark," Economica, May 1941, NS 8, p. 212. "Russian Income and Production Statistics," The Review of Economics and Statistics, Vol. 29, No. 4, pp. 215–217. "Afterthoughts on Paley," The Review of Economics and Statistics, Vol. 36, No. 3, pp. 267–273. ""Mr. Colin Clark on the Limits of Taxation": A Rejoinder," The Review of Economics and Statistics, Vol. 36, No. 1, p. 101
Economics is the social science that studies the production and consumption of goods and services. Economics focuses on the behaviour and interactions of economic agents. Microeconomics analyzes basic elements in the economy, including individual agents and markets, their interactions, the outcomes of interactions. Individual agents may include, for example, firms and sellers. Macroeconomics analyzes the entire economy and issues affecting it, including unemployment of resources, economic growth, the public policies that address these issues. See glossary of economics. Other broad distinctions within economics include those between positive economics, describing "what is", normative economics, advocating "what ought to be". Economic analysis can be applied throughout society, in business, health care, government. Economic analysis is sometimes applied to such diverse subjects as crime, the family, politics, social institutions, war and the environment; the discipline was renamed in the late 19th century due to Alfred Marshall, from "political economy" to "economics" as a shorter term for "economic science".
At that time, it became more open to rigorous thinking and made increased use of mathematics, which helped support efforts to have it accepted as a science and as a separate discipline outside of political science and other social sciences. There are a variety of modern definitions of economics. Scottish philosopher Adam Smith defined what was called political economy as "an inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations", in particular as: a branch of the science of a statesman or legislator a plentiful revenue or subsistence for the people... to supply the state or commonwealth with a revenue for the publick services. Jean-Baptiste Say, distinguishing the subject from its public-policy uses, defines it as the science of production and consumption of wealth. On the satirical side, Thomas Carlyle coined "the dismal science" as an epithet for classical economics, in this context linked to the pessimistic analysis of Malthus. John Stuart Mill defines the subject in a social context as: The science which traces the laws of such of the phenomena of society as arise from the combined operations of mankind for the production of wealth, in so far as those phenomena are not modified by the pursuit of any other object.
Alfred Marshall provides a still cited definition in his textbook Principles of Economics that extends analysis beyond wealth and from the societal to the microeconomic level: Economics is a study of man in the ordinary business of life. It enquires how he uses it. Thus, it is on the one side, the study of wealth and on the other and more important side, a part of the study of man. Lionel Robbins developed implications of what has been termed "erhaps the most accepted current definition of the subject": Economics is a science which studies human behaviour as a relationship between ends and scarce means which have alternative uses. Robbins describes the definition as not classificatory in "pick out certain kinds of behaviour" but rather analytical in "focus attention on a particular aspect of behaviour, the form imposed by the influence of scarcity." He affirmed that previous economists have centred their studies on the analysis of wealth: how wealth is created and consumed. But he said that economics can be used to study other things, such as war, that are outside its usual focus.
This is because war has as the goal winning it, generates both cost and benefits. If the war is not winnable or if the expected costs outweigh the benefits, the deciding actors may never go to war but rather explore other alternatives. We cannot define economics as the science that studies wealth, crime and any other field economic analysis can be applied to; some subsequent comments criticized the definition as overly broad in failing to limit its subject matter to analysis of markets. From the 1960s, such comments abated as the economic theory of maximizing behaviour and rational-choice modelling expanded the domain of the subject to areas treated in other fields. There are other criticisms as well, such as in scarcity not accounting for the macroeconomics of high unemployment. Gary Becker, a contributor to the expansion of economics into new areas, describes the approach he favours as "combin assumptions of maximizing behaviour, stable preferences, market equilibrium, used relentlessly and unflinchingly."
One commentary characterizes the remark as making economics an approach rather than a subject matter but with great specificity as to the "choice process and the type of social interaction that analysis involves." The same source reviews a range of definitions included in principles of economics textbooks and concludes that the lack of agreement need not affect the subject-matter that the texts treat. A
Tertiary sector of the economy
The tertiary sector or service sector is the third of the three economic sectors of the three-sector theory. The others are the secondary sector, the primary sector; the service sector consists of the production of services instead of end products. Services include attention, access and affective labor; the production of information has long been regarded as a service, but some economists now attribute it to a fourth sector, the quaternary sector. The tertiary sector of industry involves the provision of services to other businesses as well as final consumers. Services may involve the transport and sale of goods from producer to a consumer, as may happen in wholesaling and retailing, pest control or entertainment; the goods may be transformed in the process of providing the service, as happens in the restaurant industry. However, the focus is on people interacting with people and serving the customer rather than transforming physical goods, it is sometimes hard to define whether a given company is part and parcel of the secondary or tertiary sector.
And it is not only companies. In order to classify a business as a service, one can use classification systems such as the United Nations' International Standard Industrial Classification standard, the United States' Standard Industrial Classification code system and its new replacement, the North American Industrial Classification System, the Statistical Classification of Economic Activities in the European Community in the EU and similar systems elsewhere; these governmental classification systems have a first-level hierarchy that reflects whether the economic goods are tangible or intangible. For purposes of finance and market research, market-based classification systems such as the Global Industry Classification Standard and the Industry Classification Benchmark are used to classify businesses that participate in the service sector. Unlike governmental classification systems, the first level of market-based classification systems divides the economy into functionally related markets or industries.
The second or third level of these hierarchies reflects whether goods or services are produced. For the last 100 years, there has been a substantial shift from the primary and secondary sectors to the tertiary sector in industrialized countries; this shift is called tertiarisation. The tertiary sector is now the largest sector of the economy in the Western world, is the fastest-growing sector. In examining the growth of the service sector in the early Nineties, the globalist Kenichi Ohmae noted that: "In the United States 70 percent of the workforce works in the service sector; these are not busboys and live-in maids. Many of them are in the professional category, they are earning as much as manufacturing workers, more.”Economies tend to follow a developmental progression that takes them from a heavy reliance on agriculture and mining, toward the development of manufacturing and toward a more service-based structure. The first economy to follow this path in the modern world was the United Kingdom.
The speed at which other economies have made the transition to service-based economies has increased over time. Manufacturing tended to be more open to international trade and competition than services. However, with dramatic cost reduction and speed and reliability improvements in the transportation of people and the communication of information, the service sector now includes some of the most intensive international competition, despite residual protectionism. Service providers face obstacles selling services that goods-sellers face. Services are intangible, making it difficult for potential customers to understand what they will receive and what value it will hold for them. Indeed, such as consultants and providers of investment services, offer no guarantees of the value for price paid. Since the quality of most services depends on the quality of the individuals providing the services, "people costs" are a high fraction of service costs. Whereas a manufacturer may use technology and other techniques to lower the cost of goods sold, the service provider faces an unrelenting pattern of increasing costs.
Product differentiation is difficult. For example, how does one choose one investment adviser over another, since they are seen to provide identical services? Charging a premium for services is an option only for the most established firms, who charge extra based upon brand recognition. Examples of tertiary industries may include: Telecommunication Hospitality industry/tourism Mass media Healthcare/hospitals Public health Pharmacy Information technology Waste disposal Consulting Gambling Retail sales Fast-moving consumer goods Franchising Real estate Education Financial services Banking Insurance Investment management Professional services Accounting Legal services Management consultingTransportation Below is a list of countries by service output at market exchange rates in 2016. Quaternary sector of the economy Indigo Era National Occupational Research Agenda Service Sector Council, USA Media related to Service industries at Wikimedia Commons
Jean Fourastié was a French economist, notable for having coined the expression Trente Glorieuses to describe the period of prosperity that France experienced from the end of World War II until the 1973 oil crisis. Fourastié received his elementary and secondary education at the private Catholic College of Juilly from 1914 to 1925. In 1930, he graduated from the prestigious École Centrale Paris, in 1933 received a degree from the École Libre des Sciences Politiques. In 1936, he received a doctor of law degree. Following his studies, he entered the civil service as a tax official until 1951. In 1941, he headed the insurance program at Conservatoire National des Arts et Métiers. Following the war, he began his career as an economic advisor, with a strong liberal, pro-European stance, while at the same time becoming one of the most recognized academic experts on industrial society. In 1945, Jean Monnet—often regarded as the father of the European Union—asked Fourastié to serve as an economic advisor on the Commissariat général du Plan, a body of domestic policy experts under the authority of the Prime Minister of France.
He served four terms as president of the workforce modernization commission, in 1961 he was chosen as a member of the "1985 working group" of the commissariat. Fourastié was recruited in 1948 as vice president of the scientific and technical committee of the European Economic Cooperation Organization. From 1954 to 1957, he led the European Coal and Steel Community's study group on the conditions and effects of technical progress in the steel industry. In 1957 he was appointed as a United Nations expert for the Mexican government and to the economic commission for Latin America. Fournastié was a professor at the Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris until his retirement in 1978, he became professor at the VIth section of the École Pratique des Hautes Études in 1951, from 1960 he held the chair of Economics and Industrial Statistics at CNAM. In 1966, Fourastié became an editor of Le Figaro and until 1968 he presented the monthly program "Quart d'heure" on French television. In 1968, he was elected to the French Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, became its president in 1978.
In 1981, he was named president of the central administrative commission of the French Institute. Le Contrôle de l'État sur les sociétés d'assurances. Paris, Faculté de Droit, 1937, 275 p. Le Nouveau Régime juridique et technique de l'assurance en France. Paris, L'Argus, 1941, 282 p. La Comptabilité. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1943, 128 p. Coll. Que sais-je? Comptabilité générale conforme au plan comptable général. Paris, Librairie générale de droit et de jurisprudence, 1944, 271 p. L'Économie française dans le monde, avec la collaboratioun de Henri Montet. Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1945, 136 p. Coll. Que sais-je? N° 191 Les Assurances au point de vue économique et social. Paris, Payot, 1946, 132 p.. Esquisse d'une théorie générale de l'évolution économique contemporaine, Presses Universitaires de France, 1947, 32 p. Note sur la philosophie des sciences, Presses Universitaires de France, 1948, 36 p. Le Grand Espoir du XXe siècle. Progrès technique, progrès économique, progrès social.
Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1949, 224 p. - Réed 1989 collection Tel Gallimard La Civilisation de 1960. Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1947. 120 p.. Ed. remaniée en 1953 sous le titre: La Civilisation de 1975, en 1974, sous le titre: La Civilisation de 1995 et en 1982 sous le titre: La Civilisation de 2001. 11e éd.: 1982. Le progrès technique et l'évolution économique, Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris, les cours de Droit, 1951-52, 249 p. Machinisme et bien-être. Paris, Ed. de Minuit, 1951, 256 p. La Productivité Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1952, 120 p.. La prévision économique et la direction des entreprises. Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1955, 152 p. Productivité, prix et salaires, Paris, O. E. C. E. 1957, 115 p. Pourquoi nous travaillons. Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1959, 128 p.... La Grande Métamorphose du XXe siècle. Essais sur quelques problèmes de l'humanité d'aujourd'hui. Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1961, 224 p. La Planification économique en France, avec la collaboration de Jean-Paul Courthéoux.
Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1963, 208 p. Les Conditions de l'esprit scientifique. Paris, Gallimard, 1966, 256 p.. Les 40 000 heures. Paris, Gonthier-Laffont, 1965. 247 p.. Essais de morale prospective. Paris, Gonthier. Paris, A. Michel, 1970, 167 p. Prévision, prospective, Cours de l'Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris. 1973-74. Paris, Les cours de droit, 1974, 113 p.. L'Église a-t-elle trahi? Dialogue entre Jean Fourastié et René Laurentin. Paris, Beauchesne, 1974, 192 p. Pouvoir d'achat, prix et salaires, avec la collaboration de Jacqueline Fourastié. Paris, Gallimard, 1977, 223 p.. La réalité économique. Vers la révision des idées dominantes en France, avec la collaboration de Jacqueline Fourastié, Paris, R. Laffont, 1978, 365 p. (Réédité en 1986, Hachette
In sociology, the post-industrial society is the stage of society's development when the service sector generates more wealth than the manufacturing sector of the economy. The term was originated by Alain Touraine and is related to similar sociological theoretical constructs such as post-Fordism, information society, knowledge economy, post-industrial economy, liquid modernity, network society, they all can be used in economics or social science disciplines as a general theoretical backdrop in research design. As the term has been used, a few common themes, including the ones below have begun to emerge; the economy undergoes a transition from the production of goods to the provision of services. Knowledge becomes a valued form of capital. Producing ideas is the main way to grow the economy. Through processes of globalization and automation, the value and importance to the economy of blue-collar, unionized work, including manual labor decline, those of professional workers grow in value and prevalence.
Behavioral and information sciences and technologies are implemented. Daniel Bell popularized the term through his 1974 work The Coming of Post-Industrial Society. Although some have credited Bell with coining the term, French sociologist Alain Touraine published in 1969 the first major work on the post-industrial society; the term was used extensively by social philosopher Ivan Illich in his 1973 paper Tools for Conviviality and appears in Leftist texts throughout the mid-to-late 1960s. The term has changed as it became mainstream; the term is now used by admen such as Seth Godin, public policy PhDs such as Keith Boeckelman, sociologists such as Neil Fligstein and Ofer Sharone. Former U. S. President Bill Clinton used the term to describe Chinese growth in a round-table discussion in Shanghai in 1998; the post-industrialized society is marked by an increased valuation of knowledge. This itself is unsurprising, having been foreshadowed in Daniel Bell's presumption as to how economic employment patterns will evolve in such societies.
He asserts employment will grow faster in the tertiary sector relative to employment in the primary and secondary sector and that the tertiary sectors will take precedence in the economy. This will continue to occur such that the“impact of the expert”will expand and power will be monopolized by knowledge; as tertiary and quaternary sector positions are knowledge-oriented, this will result in a restructuring of education, at least in its nuances. The“new power… of the expert”consequently gives rise to the growing role of universities and research institutes in post-industrial societies. Post-industrial societies themselves become oriented around these places of knowledge production and production of experts as their new foci; the greatest beneficiaries in the post-industrial society are young urban professionals. As a new and politicized generation more impassioned by liberalism, social justice, environmentalism the shift of power into their hands, as a result of their knowledge endowments, is cited as a good thing.
The increasing importance of knowledge in post-industrial societies results in a general increase in expertise through the economy and throughout society. In this manner, it eliminates what Alan Banks and Jim Foster identify as “undesirable work as well as the grosser forms of poverty and inequality.” This effect is supplemented by the aforementioned movement of power into the hands of young educated people concerned with social justice. Economists at Berkeley have studied the value of knowledge as a form of capital, adding value to material capital, such as a factory or a truck. Speaking along the same lines of their argument, the addition or'production' of knowledge, could become the basis of what would undoubtedly be considered'post-industrial' policies meant to deliver economic growth. Post-industrial society has serviced the creative culture. Many of those most well-equipped to thrive in an technological society are young adults with tertiary education; as education itself becomes more and more oriented towards producing people capable of answering the need for self-actualization and self-expression, successive generations become more endowed with the ability to contribute to and perpetuate such industries.
This nuanced change in education, as well among the emerging class of young professionals, is itself initiated by what James D Wright identifies as an “unprecedented economic affluence and the satiation of basic material needs.” Ellen Dunham-Jones as well observes this feature of post-industrial society where “abundant goods equitably distributed laborless leisure and self-determination” can be consumed. The post-industrial society is stressed to be one where knowledge is power and technology is the instrument. Where one is creatively inclined, they are advantaged by such a society; the doctrine of “speed and malleability” is well suited to a dynamic creative industry and as industries of good production decrease in precedence, the way is paved for artists and other such types, whose skills are better utilized by the tertiary and quaternary sector. Urban geographer Trevor Barnes, in his work outlining the Vancouver experience in post-war development, evokes the post-industrial condition, citing the emergence and consolidation of a significant video games industry as a constituent of the elite service sector.
This increased faculty of the post-industrialist society with respects t