Luis Moreno Ocampo
Luis Gabriel Moreno Ocampo is an Argentine lawyer and the first Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. He worked as a prosecutor in Argentina, where he gained fame by representing the public face of the prosecution in the military officials in the Trial of the Juntas, he is a Senior Fellow at the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy at Harvard Kennedy School, a visiting professor at Harvard Law School. Moreno Ocampo was an Associate Professor of Criminal Law at the University of Buenos Aires and a visiting professor at Stanford University and Harvard Law School, he has acted as a consultant to the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank and the United Nations. He is a former member of the advisory board of Transparency International and a former president of its Latin America and Caribbean office, he was a Senior Fellow at the Jackson Institute for Global Affairs at Yale University for the fall semester of 2013. In 2011, The Atlantic included him among its "Brave Thinkers", a guide to the people risking their reputations and lives in pursuit of big ideas.
In that same year, Foreign Policy magazine designated him one of its "100 Top Global Thinkers", the magazine’s portrait of the world marketplace of ideas. Born in Buenos Aires, Moreno Ocampo graduated from the University of Buenos Aires Law School in 1978, from 1980 to 1984 worked as a law clerk in the office of the Solicitor General. From 1984 to 1992, Moreno Ocampo worked as a prosecutor in Argentina, he first came to public attention in 1985, as Assistant Prosecutor in the "Trial of the Juntas" with Chief Prosecutor Julio César Strassera. This trial was the first since the Nuremberg Trials in which senior military commanders were prosecuted for mass killings. Nine senior commanders, including three former heads of state, were prosecuted and five were convicted. In 1986-7, he was involved in the cases against the Junta's subordinate officers. One of those trials, against two Chiefs of the Buenos Aires Police Force and 4 police officers involved in murders and tortures, ended in 1986. In 1987 he assisted the U.
S. Attorney's Office in the extradition process of General Guillermo Suarez Mason from California. From 1988 to 1992 he was the top federal criminal prosecutor of the Buenos Aires Federal Circuit, where he led the prosecution of 2 military rebellion cases, a military malpractice case against the top Army commanders in the Malvinas-Falkland war and dozens of public corruption cases against Federal Judges, National Ministers and Heads of public companies. In 1992 he opened the law firm; the firm worked pro bono on public interest cases such as political bribery. In the late 1990s, he starred in a reality television programme, Fórum, la corte del pueblo, in which he arbitrated private disputes. On 21 April 2003, Moreno Ocampo was unanimously elected as the first Prosecutor of the new International Criminal Court, he was sworn in for a nine-year non-renewable term on 16 June 2003. In his capacity as the Prosecutor of the Court he opened investigations in 11 situations: Burundi. Additionally, the Office of the Prosecutor is conducting preliminary examinations in eleven situations in Afghanistan.
The court publicly indicted 44 people. The ICC has issued arrest warrants for summonses to eight others. Six persons are in detention. Proceedings against 22 are ongoing: 15 are at large as fugitives, one is under arrest but not in the Court's custody, two are in the pre-trial phase, four are at trial. Proceedings against 22 have been completed: two are serving sentences, four have finished their sentences, two have been acquitted, six have had the charges against them dismissed, two have had the charges against them withdrawn, one has had his case declared inadmissible, four have died before trial. Moreno Ocampo's term in office ended in June 2012, replaced by Fatou Bensouda of Gambia. Moreno Ocampo led an investigation against leaders of the Lord's Resistance Army, who in 2005 faced ICC arrest warrants for crimes against humanity. Moreno Ocampo directed an investigation against Germain Katanga and Matthieu Ngudjolo Chui, who received arrest warrants in 2007 and 2008 for crimes against humanity in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
In March 2008, according to an Argentine online news report, Moreno Ocampo claimed that the FARC, the largest guerrilla group in Colombia, was appropriate for an investigation by the International Criminal Court. Moreno Ocampo began implementing preliminary tests in Colombia, which involved evaluating prosecutions of paramilitary commanders in Colombia, interviews with victims of the FARC, among others. Moreno-Ocampo claimed, he visited Colombia in August, after which the ICC launched an investigation on the "support network for FARC rebels outside Colombia". The ICC's first trial, of Congolese militia leader Thomas Lubanga, was suspended on 13 June 2008 when the court ruled that the Prosecutor's refusal to disclose exculpatory material had breached Lubanga's right to a fair trial; the prosecutor h
Operation Condor was a United States–backed campaign of political repression and state terror involving intelligence operations and assassination of opponents and formally implemented in November 1975 by the right-wing dictatorships of the Southern Cone of South America. It was described by the CIA as "a cooperative effort by the intelligence/security services of several South American countries to combat terrorism and subversion." Additionally, the program, nominally intended to eradicate communist or Soviet influence and ideas, was created to suppress active or potential opposition movements against the participating governments' neoliberal economic policies, which sought to reverse the economic policies of the previous era. Due to its clandestine nature, the precise number of deaths directly attributable to Operation Condor is disputed; some estimates are that at least 60,000 deaths can be attributed to Condor 30,000 of these in Argentina, the so-called "Archives of Terror" list 50,000 killed, 30,000 disappeared and 400,000 imprisoned.
American political scientist J. Patrice McSherry gives a figure of at least 402 killed in operations which crossed national borders in a 2002 source, mentions in a 2009 source that of those who "had gone into exile" and were "kidnapped and killed in allied countries or illegally transferred to their home countries to be executed... hundreds, or thousands, of such persons—the number still has not been determined—were abducted and murdered in Condor operations." Victims included dissidents and leftists and peasant leaders and nuns, students and teachers and suspected guerillas. Condor's key members were the governments in Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay and Brazil. Ecuador and Peru joined the operation in more peripheral roles; the United States government provided planning, training on torture, technical support and supplied military aid to the Juntas during the Johnson, Ford and the Reagan administrations. Such support was routed through the Central Intelligence Agency. Operation Condor garnered support from the US despite the initial belief that the effects of the counter-terrorist movements were disturbing.
According to a declassified document from the NSA Archives in which Henry Kissinger is being briefed regarding Operation Condor by Harry Shlaudeman discusses this belief. According to this document, "The broader implications for us are disturbing; the use of bloody counter-terrorism by these regimes threatens their increasing isolation from the West and opening deep ideological divisions among the countries of the hemisphere." Operation Condor, which took place in the context of the Cold War, had the tacit approval of the United States due to its battle against terrorism. In 1968, U. S. General Robert W. Porter stated that "in order to facilitate the coordinated employment of internal security forces within and among Latin American countries, we are... endeavoring to foster inter-service and regional cooperation by assisting in the organization of integrated command and control centers. Condor was part of this effort. According to American historian J. Patrice McSherry, based on secret CIA documents from 1976, in the 1960s and early 1970s plans were developed among international security officials at the US Army School of the Americas and the Conference of American Armies to deal with perceived threats in South America from political dissidents.
A declassified CIA document dated 23 June 1976, explains that "in early 1974, security officials from Argentina, Uruguay and Bolivia met in Buenos Aires to prepare coordinated actions against subversive targets." Condor was an operation similar to Operation Gladio, the strategy of tension used in Italy in the 1970s, of which Licio Gelli was a member. The program was developed following a series of government coups d'états by military groups in the 1970s: General Alfredo Stroessner took control of Paraguay in 1954; the Brazilian military overthrew the president João Goulart in 1964. General Hugo Banzer took power in Bolivia in 1971 through a series of coups. A civic-military dictatorship seized power in Uruguay on 27 June 1973. Forces loyal to General Augusto Pinochet bombed the presidential palace in Chile on 11 September 1973, overthrowing democratically elected president Salvador Allende. A military junta headed by General Jorge Rafael Videla seized power in Argentina on 24 March 1976. According to American journalist A. J. Langguth, the organization of the first meetings between Argentinian and Uruguayan security officials, concerning the watching of political refugees in these countries, can be attributed to the CIA, as well as its participation as intermediary in the Argentinian and Brazilian death squads meetings.
It was discovered in 2010 that Henry Kissinger canceled a warning against the international assassination of political opponents, to be issued to some of the countries participating in Operation Condor. The National Security Archive reported, "Founded by the Pinochet regime in November 1975, Operation Condor was the codename for a formal Southern Cone collaboration that included transnational secret intelligence activities, torture and assassination, according to the National Security Archive's documentary evidence from U. S. Paraguayan and Chilean files." Under this codename mission, several people were killed. As the report stated
Alfredo Stroessner Matiauda was a Paraguayan Army officer who served as President of Paraguay from 1954 to 1989. He ascended to the position after leading an army coup in 1954, his 35-year-long rule, marked by an uninterrupted period of repression in his country, is the longest in modern South American history. Stroessner's rule is ranked 20th-longest among non-royal national leaders since 1900 and made him one of the world's longest-serving non-royal heads of state. In 1954, he ousted Federico Chávez, becoming president after winning an election in which he was the sole candidate. A staunch anti-communist, Stroessner had the backing of the United States for most of his time in power, his supporters packed the legislature and ran the courts, he ruthlessly suppressed all opposition. He kept his country in what he called a constant "state of siege" that overruled civil liberties, enforced a cult of personality, tortured and killed political opponents. Membership in his Colorado Party was a prerequisite for job promotion, free medical care and other services.
The constitution had to be modified in 1967 and 1977 to legitimize his six consecutive elections to the presidency. Stroessner provided exile for Nicaragua's Anastasio Somoza Debayle. In 1988, he won an unprecedented eighth term on a majority, according to official figures, of over 89 percent of the registered vote. Less than a year he was overthrown in a military coup d'état led by his former confidant, General Andrés Rodríguez, forced into exile in Brazil, where he spent the last 17 years of his life. Following a bout of pneumonia, he tried to return to his homeland to die, but was rejected by the government, he died in Brasília on August 2006, of complications from a hernia operation. Stroessner's parents were Hugo Strößner, who emigrated from Hof, Bavaria and worked as an accountant for a brewery, Heriberta Matiauda, who grew up in a wealthy Paraguayan family of Criollo Spanish descent. Stroessner was born in Encarnación on November 3, 1912, he enrolled in the Francisco López Military Academy in 1929, received his commission as a lieutenant in the Paraguayan Army in 1931.
In 1932, he fought against Bolivian forces in the Battle of Boquerón during the Chaco War. After the war he rose in rank; when the Paraguayan Civil War broke out in 1947, he commanded the artillery division at Paraguarí that ensured that President Higinio Morínigo won the war by destroying a working-class rebel area of Asunción. President Morínigo found Stroessner's military skills useful and promoted him rapidly; as one of the few officers who had remained loyal to Morínigo, Stroessner became a formidable political and social player once he entered the higher echelons of the Paraguayan armed forces. He became a brigadier — and the youngest general officer in South America — in 1948, his accurate political sense failed him only once, when he found himself in 1948 on the wrong side of a failed coup attempt and had to be driven to the Brazilian embassy in the trunk of a car, earning him the nickname of "Colonel Trunk". Stroessner backed Felipe Molas López in a successful coup against Juan Natalicio González.
He backed Federico Chávez against Molas López and by 1951 he was Commander-in-chief of the Armed forces of Paraguay in 1951. Stroessner objected to President Federico Chávez's plans to arm the national police and threw him out of office in a coup on May 4, 1954. After a brief interim presidency by Tomás Romero, Stroessner was the only candidate in a special election on July 11 to complete Chávez's term, he was reelected seven times—in 1958, 1963, 1968, 1973, 1978, 1983 and 1988. He appeared alone on the ballot in 1958. In his other elections, he won by implausibly high margins, he served for 35 years, with only Fidel Castro having a longer tenure among 20th-century Latin American leaders. Soon after taking office, Stroessner declared a state of siege, which allowed him to suspend civil liberties; the state-of-siege provisions allowed the government to arrest and detain anyone indefinitely without trial, as well as forbid public meetings and demonstrations. It was renewed every 90 days until 1987, except for a brief period in 1959.
Although it technically only applied to Asunción after 1970, the courts ruled that anyone charged with security offenses could be brought to the capital and charged under the state-of-siege provisions—even if the offense took place outside the capital. Apart from one 24-hour period on election days, Stroessner ruled under what amounted to martial law for nearly all of his tenure. A devoted anti-communist who brought Paraguay into the World Anti-Communist League, he justified his repression as a necessary measure to protect the country. Paraguay enjoyed close military and economic ties with the United States and supported US invasion of the Dominican Republic; the Stroessner regime offered to send troops to Vietnam alongside the Americans. The United States played a "critical supporting role" in the domestic affairs of Stoessner's Paraguay. Between 1962 and 1975 the US provided $146 million to Paraguay's military government and Paraguayan officers were trained at the US Army School of the Americas.
Although the military and security forces under Stroessner received less material support from the United States than other South American countries, strong inter-military connections existed through military advisors and military training. Between 1962 and 1966, nearly 400 Paraguayan military personnel were trained
History of Peru
The history of Peru spans 4 millennia, extending back through several stages of cultural development in the mountain region and the lakes. Peru was home to the Norte Chico civilization, the oldest civilization in the Americas and one of the six oldest in the world, to the Inca Empire, the largest and most advanced state in Pre-Columbian America, it was conquered by the Spanish Empire in the 16th century, which established a Viceroyalty with jurisdiction over most of its South American domains. The nation declared independence from Spain in 1821, but consolidated only after the Battle of Ayacucho, three years later. Hunting tools dating back to more than 11,000 years ago have been found inside the caves of Pachacamac, Telarmachay and Lauricocha; some of the oldest civilizations appeared circa 6000 BC in the coastal provinces of Chilca and Paracas, in the highland province of Callejón de Huaylas. Over the following three thousand years, inhabitants switched from nomadic lifestyles to cultivating land, as evidence from sites such as Jiskairumoko and Huaca Prieta demonstrates.
Cultivation of plants such as corn and cotton began, as well as the domestication of animals such as the wild ancestors of the llama, the alpaca and the guinea pig. Inhabitants practiced spinning and knitting of cotton and wool and pottery; as these inhabitants became sedentary, farming allowed them to build settlements and new societies emerged along the coast and in the Andean mountains. The first known city in the Americas was Caral, located in the Supe Valley 200 km north of Lima, it was built in 2500 BC. What is left from the civilization called Norte Chico, is about 30 pyramidal structures built up in receding terraces ending in a flat roof. Caral is one of the world centers of the rise of civilization. In the early 21st century, archeologists have discovered new evidence of ancient pre-Ceramic complex cultures. In 2005 Tom D. Dillehay and his team announced the discovery of three irrigation canals that were 5,400 years old, a possible fourth, 6,700 years old, all in the Zaña Valley in northern Peru, evidence of community activity to support improved agriculture at a much earlier date than believed.
In 2006, Robert Benfer and a research team discovered a 4,200-year-old observatory at Buena Vista, a site in the Andes several kilometers north of present-day Lima. They believe the observatory was related to the society's reliance on agriculture and understanding the seasons; the site includes. In 2007 the archeologist Walter Alva and his team found a 4,000-year-old temple with painted murals at Ventarrón, in the northwest Lambayeque region; the temple contained ceremonial offerings gained from exchange with Peruvian jungle societies, as well as those from the Ecuadoran coast. Such finds show sophisticated, monumental construction requiring large-scale organization of labor, suggesting that hierarchical, complex cultures arose in South America much earlier than scholars had thought. Many other civilizations developed and were absorbed by the most powerful ones such as Kotosh, Paracas, Nasca, Tiwanaku, Lambayeque and Chincha, among others; the Paracas culture emerged on the southern coast around 300 BC.
They are known for their use of vicuña fibers instead of just cotton to produce fine textiles—innovations that did not reach the northern coast of Peru until centuries later. Coastal cultures such as the Moche and Nazca flourished from about 100 BC to about AD 700: the Moche produced impressive metalwork, as well as some of the finest pottery seen in the ancient world, while the Nazca are known for their textiles and the enigmatic Nazca lines; these coastal cultures began to decline as a result of recurring el Niño floods and droughts. In consequence, the Huari and Tiwanaku, who dwelt inland in the Andes became the predominant cultures of the region encompassing much of modern-day Peru and Bolivia, they were succeeded by powerful city-states, such as Chancay and Cajamarca, two empires: Chimor and Chachapoyas culture These cultures developed advanced techniques of cultivation and silver craft, pottery and knitting. Around 700 BC, they appear to have developed systems of social organization that were the precursors of the Inca civilization.
In the highlands, both the Tiahuanaco culture, near Lake Titicaca in both Peru and Bolivia, the Wari culture, near the present-day city of Ayacucho, developed large urban settlements and wide-ranging state systems between 500 and 1000 AD. Not all Andean cultures were willing to offer their loyalty to the Incas as the Incas expanded their empire, many were hostile; the people of the Chachapoyas culture were an example of this, but the Inca conquered and integrated them into their empire. The Incas built dynasty of pre-Columbian America; the Tahuantinsuyo—which is derived from Quechua for "The Four United Regions"—reached its greatest extension at the beginning of the 16th century. It dominated a territory that included: the southwest part of Ecuador, part of Colombia, the northern part of Chile, the northwest part of Argentina; the empire originated from a tribe based in Cusco. Pachacutec wasn't the first Inca, but he was the first ruler to expand the boundaries of the Cusco state- he could be compared to Alexander the great, Julius Caesar and Genghis Khan.
History of Chile
The territory of Chile has been populated since at least 3000 BC. By the 16th century, Spanish conquistadors began to subdue and colonize the region of present-day Chile, the territory was a colony between 1540 and 1818, when it gained independence from Spain; the country's economic development was successively marked by the export of first agricultural produce saltpeter and copper. The wealth of raw materials led to an economic upturn, but led to dependency, wars with neighboring states. Chile was governed during most of its first 150 years of independence by different forms of restricted government, where the electorate was vetted and controlled by an elite. Failure to address the economic and social increases and increasing political awareness of the less-affluent population, as well as indirect intervention and economic funding to the main political groups by the CIA, as part of the Cold War, led to a political polarization under Socialist President Salvador Allende; this in turn resulted in the 1973 coup d'état and the military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet, whose subsequent 17-year regime was responsible for both numerous human rights violations and deep market-oriented economic reforms.
In 1990, Chile made a peaceful transition to democracy. About 10,000 years ago, migrating Native Americans settled in the fertile valleys and coastal areas of what is present day Chile. Pre-Hispanic Chile was home to over a dozen different Amerindian societies; the current prevalent theories are that the initial arrival of humans to the continent took place either along the Pacific coast southwards in a rather rapid expansion long preceding the Clovis culture, or trans-Pacific migration. These theories are backed by findings in the Monte Verde archaeological site, which predates the Clovis site by thousands of years. Specific early human settlement sites from the early human habitation in Chile include the Cueva del Milodon and the Pali Aike Crater's lava tube. Despite such diversity, it is possible to classify the indigenous people into three major cultural groups: the northern people, who developed rich handicrafts and were influenced by pre-Incan cultures. No elaborate, sedentary civilization reigned supreme.
The Araucanians, a fragmented society of hunters and farmers, constituted the largest Native American group in Chile. A mobile people who engaged in trade and warfare with other indigenous groups, they lived in scattered family clusters and small villages. Although the Araucanians had no written language, they did use a common tongue; those in what became central Chile were more settled and more to use irrigation. Those in the south combined slash-and-burn agriculture with hunting. Of the three Araucanian groups, the one that mounted the fiercest resistance to the attempts at seizure of their territory were the Mapuche, meaning "people of the land." The Inca Empire extended their empire into what is now northern Chile, where they collected tribute from small groups of fishermen and oasis farmers but were not able to establish a strong cultural presence in the area. As the Spaniards would after them, the Incas encountered fierce resistance and so were unable to exert control in the south. During their attempts at conquest in 1460 and again in 1491, the Incas established forts in the Central Valley of Chile, but they could not colonize the region.
The Mapuche fought against his army. The result of the bloody three-day confrontation known as the Battle of the Maule was that the Inca conquest of the territories of Chile ended at the Maule river, which subsequently became the boundary between the Incan empire and the Mapuche lands until the arrival of the Spaniards. Scholars speculate that the total Araucanian population may have numbered 1.5 million at most when the Spaniards arrived in the 1530s. During the conquest, the Araucanians added horses and European weaponry to their arsenal of clubs and bows and arrows, they became adept at raiding Spanish settlements and, albeit in declining numbers, managed to hold off the Spaniards and their descendants until the late 19th century. The Araucanians' valor inspired the Chileans to mythologize them as the nation's first national heroes, a status that did nothing, however, to elevate the wretched living standard of their descendants; the Chilean Patagonia located south of the Calle-Calle River in Valdivia was composed of many tribes Tehuelches, who were considered giants by Spaniards during Magellan's voyage of 1520.
The name Patagonia comes from the word patagón used by Magellan to describe the native people whom his expedition thought to be giants. It is now believed the Patagons were Tehuelches with an average height of 1.80 m compared to the 1.55 m average for Spaniards of the time. The Argentine portion of Patagonia includes the provinces of Neuquén, Río Negro and Santa Cruz, as well as the eastern portion of Tierra del Fuego archipelago; the Argentine politico-economic Patagonic Region includes the Province of La Pampa. The Chilean part of Patagonia embraces the southern part of Valdivia, Los Lagos in Lake Llanquihue, Chiloé, Puerto Montt and the Archaeological site of Monte Verde the fiords and islands south to the regions of Aisén and Magallanes, including the west side of Tierra del Fuego and Cap
In international human rights law, a forced disappearance occurs when a person is secretly abducted or imprisoned by a state or political organization or by a third party with the authorization, support, or acquiescence of a state or political organization, followed by a refusal to acknowledge the person's fate and whereabouts, with the intent of placing the victim outside the protection of the law. According to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, which came into force on 1 July 2002, when committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed at any civilian population, a "forced disappearance" qualifies as a crime against humanity and, thus, is not subject to a statute of limitations. On 20 December 2006, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. Forced disappearance implies murder; the victim in such a case is abducted, illegally detained and tortured during interrogation, killed, with the body hidden.
A murder will be surreptitious, with the corpse disposed of to escape discovery so that the person vanishes. The party committing the murder has plausible deniability, as nobody can provide evidence of the victim's death. "Disappearing" political rivals is a way for regimes to engender feelings of complicity in populations. The difficulty of publicly fighting a government that murders in secret can result in widespread pretense that everything is normal, as it did in the Dirty War in Argentina. In international human rights law, disappearances at the hands of the state have been codified as "enforced" or "forced disappearances" since the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action. For example, the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court defines enforced disappearance as a crime against humanity, the practice is addressed by the OAS's Inter-American Convention on Forced Disappearance of Persons. There is some authority indicating that enforced disappearances occurring during armed conflict, such as the Third Reich's Night and Fog program, may constitute war crimes.
In February 1980 the United Nations established the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, "the first United Nations human rights thematic mechanism to be established with a universal mandate". Its main task "is to assist families in determining the fate or whereabouts of their family members who are disappeared". In August 2014, the Working Group reported 43,250 unresolved cases of disappearances in 88 different States; the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, adopted by the UN General Assembly on 20 December 2006 states that the widespread or systematic practice of enforced disappearances constitutes a crime against humanity. It gives victims' families the right to seek reparations, to demand the truth about the disappearance of their loved ones; the Convention provides for the right not to be subjected to enforced disappearance, as well as the right for the relatives of the disappeared person to know the truth. The Convention contains several provisions concerning prevention and sanctioning of this crime, as well as the rights of victims and their relatives, the wrongful removal of children born during their captivity.
The Convention further sets forth the obligation of international co-operation, both in the suppression of the practice, in dealing with humanitarian aspects related to the crime. The Convention establishes a Committee on Enforced Disappearances, which will be charged with important and innovative functions of monitoring and protection at international level. An international campaign of the International Coalition against Enforced Disappearances is working towards universal ratification of the Convention. Disappearances work on two levels: not only do they silence opponents and critics who have disappeared, but they create uncertainty and fear in the wider community, silencing others who would oppose and criticise. Disappearances entail the violation of many fundamental human rights. For the disappeared person, these include the right to liberty, the right to personal security and humane treatment, the right to a fair trial, to legal counsel and to equal protection under the law, the right of presumption of innocence among others.
Their families, who spend the rest of their lives searching for information on the disappeared, are victims. The evocation of the crime of forced disappearance begins with the history of the rights in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, formulated on 26 August 1789 in France by the authorities that came out of the French Revolution, where it was stated in Articles 7 and 12: art. 7. No person may be charged, detained or imprisoned except in cases determined by law and in the manner prescribed therein; those requesting, executing or executing arbitrary orders must be punished...... art. 12. The guarantee of the rights of man and of the citizen needs a public force; this force is therefore instituted for the benefit of all, not for the particular utility of those who are in charge of it. Throughout
The Dirty War is the name used by the military junta or civic-military dictatorship of Argentina for the period of United States-backed state terrorism in Argentina from 1974 to 1983 as a part of Operation Condor, during which military and security forces and right-wing death squads in the form of the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance hunted down any political dissidents and anyone believed to be associated with socialism, left-wing Peronism or the Montoneros movement. About 30,000 people disappeared, many of whom were impossible to formally report due to the nature of state terrorism; the justification for the Dirty War was the armed actions of the Montoneros and the ERP. From 1969 to 1979, there were 1,020 murders by the guerrillas. Therefore, the targets were students, trade unionists, journalists and anyone suspected to be a left-wing activist, including Peronist guerrillas; the "disappeared" included those thought to be politically or ideologically a threat to the military junta vaguely, or contrary to the plan of neoliberal economic policies dictated by Operation Condor.
They were killed in an attempt by the junta to silence the political opposition. Many of the members of the juntas are in prison for crimes against humanity and genocide. In the decades before the 1976 coup, the Argentinian military, supported by the Argentine establishment, opposed Juan Domingo Perón's populist government and attempted a coup in 1951 and two in 1955 before succeeding with the self-proclaimed Revolución Libertadora. After taking control, the armed forces proscribed Peronism, a decision that triggered the organization of Peronist resistance in workplaces and trade unions, as the working classes sought to protect the economic and social improvements obtained under Perón's rule. Soon after the coup, Peronist resistance began organizing in workplaces and trade unions as the working classes sought economic and social improvements. Over time, as democratic rule was restored, but promises of legalizing the expression and political liberties for Peronism were not respected, guerrilla groups began to operate in the 1960s, namely Uturuncos and the EGP.
Both were small and defeated. As Perón returned from exile in 1973, the Ezeiza massacre marked the end of the alliance between left- and right-wing factions of Peronism. In 1974, Perón withdrew his support for the Montoneros shortly before his death. During the presidency of his widow Isabel, the far-right paramilitary death squad Argentine Anticommunist Alliance emerged. In 1975, Isabel signed a number of decrees empowering the military and the police to "annihilate" left-wing activists. In 1976, her government was overthrown as a part of Operation Condor by a military coup led by General Jorge Rafael Videla; the junta, calling itself the National Reorganization Process and carried out strong repression of political dissidents through the government's military and security forces. They were responsible for the arrest, killings and/or forced disappearances of an estimated 30,000 people; the junta would dictate Argentina's future. With the help of Washington, the junta was aided with $50 million in military aid.
Another group in the far right, responsible for the death of many was, Alianza Anticomunista Argentina other wise known as Triple A. Triple A was ruled under Jose Lopez Rega, the Minister of Social Welfare who used Triple A as a death squad regime. Both the junta and Triple A targeted young professionals, high school and college students and trade union members; these groups of people became main targets because of their involvement in political organizations that exploited the work of the right-wing group. Assassination occurred domestically in Argentina via mass shootings and the throwing of live citizens from airplanes to death in the South Atlantic. Additionally, 12,000 prisoners, many of whom had not been convicted through legal processes, were detained in a network of 340 secret concentration camps located throughout Argentina. Triple A partnered with the army and the air force to terrorize the population. Navy captains such as Adolfo Scilingo performed massive number of executions; these actions against victims called desaparecidos because they "disappeared" without explanation were confirmed via Scilingo, who has publicly confessed his participation in the Dirty War, stating that the Argentinian military "did worse things than the Nazis".
In 1983, the National commission on Disappeared People forced Scilingo to testify where he described how "prisoners were drugged, loaded onto military planes, thrown and semi-conscious, into the Atlantic Ocean". A vast majority of those who were killed left with no record of their disappearance; the junta referred to their policy of suppressing opponents as the National Reorganization Process. Argentine military and security forces created paramilitary death squads, operating behind "fronts" as independent units. Argentina coordinated actions with other South American dictatorships as in Operation Condor. Faced with increasing public opposition and severe economic problems, the military tried to regain popularity by occupying the disputed Falkland Islands. During the resulting Falklands War, the military government lost any remaining favour after its defeat by Britain, forcing it to step aside in disgrace and allow for free elections to be held in late 1983; the democratic government of Raúl Alfonsín was elected to office in 1983