The National Union for the Total Independence of Angola is the second-largest political party in Angola. Founded in 1966, UNITA fought alongside the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola in the Angolan War for Independence and against the MPLA in the ensuing civil war; the war was one of the most prominent Cold War proxy wars, with UNITA receiving military aid from People's Republic of China from 1966 until October 1975 and from the United States and South Africa while the MPLA received support from the Soviet Union and its allies Cuba. Until 1996, UNITA was funded through Angolan diamond mines its northeast Lunda provinces of both Lunda Norte and Lunda Sul along the Cuango River valley the Catoca mine, Angola's only Kimberlite mine at that time. Valdemar Chidondo served as Chief of Staff in the government of UNITA, pro-Western rebels, during the Angolan Civil War. Jonas Savimbi, leader of UNITA ordered Chidondo's assassination. Savimbi's successor as president of UNITA is Isaías Samakuva.
Following Savimbi's death, UNITA participated in electoral politics. The party won 51 out of 220 seats in the 2017 parliamentary election. Jonas Savimbi and Antonio da Costa Fernandes founded UNITA on 13 March 1966 in Muangai in Moxico province in Portuguese Angola. 200 other delegates were present in the event. UNITA launched its first attack on Portuguese colonial authorities on 25 December 1966. Savimbi was affiliated with Holden Roberto's National Liberation Front of Angola. UNITA moved to Jamba in Angola's southeastern province of Cuando Cubango. UNITA's leadership was drawn from Angola's majority Ovimbundu ethnic group and its policies were Maoist influenced by Savimbi's early training in China, they recognized ethnic divisions. During the 1980s, however, UNITA became more aligned with the United States under Presidents Ronald Reagan and George Herbert Walker Bush and South Africa, espousing support for capitalism in Angola. After the 1992 Angolan general election, UNITA lost its support from the United States and was only supported by South Africa.
After the Portuguese withdrawal from Angola in 1974–75 and the end of their colonial rule, the MPLA and UNITA splintered, civil war began as the movements clashed militarily and ideologically. MPLA leader Agostinho Neto became the first president of post-colonial Angola. Backed by Soviet and Cuban money and troops, the MPLA defeated the FNLA militarily and forced them into exile. UNITA was nearly destroyed in November 1975, but it managed to survive and set up a second government, the Democratic People's Republic of Angola, in the provincial capital of Huambo. UNITA was hard-pressed but recovered with South African aid and was strengthened by U. S. support during the 1980s. The MPLA's military presence was strongest in Angolan cities, the coastal region and the strategic oil fields, but UNITA controlled much of the highland's interior, notably the Bié Plateau, other strategic regions of the country. Up to 300,000 Angolans died in the civil war. In the 1980s and early 1990s, Savimbi sought out vastly expanded relations with the U.
S. He received considerable guidance from The Heritage Foundation, an influential conservative research institute in Washington, D. C. that maintained strong relations with both the Reagan administration and the U. S. Congress. Michael Johns, the Heritage Foundation's leading expert on Africa and Third World Affairs issues, visited Savimbi in his clandestine southern Angolan base camps, offering the UNITA leader both tactical military and political advice. In 1986, U. S. conservatives convinced President Ronald Reagan to meet with Savimbi at the White House. While the meeting itself was confidential, Reagan emerged from it with support and enthusiasm for Savimbi's efforts, stating that he could envision a UNITA "victory that electrifies the world," suggesting that Reagan saw the outcome of the Angolan conflict as critical to his entire Reagan Doctrine foreign policy, consisting of support for anti-communist resistance movements in Central America, Southeast Asia, elsewhere. Under Savimbi's leadership, UNITA proved effective militarily before and after independence, becoming one of the world's most effective armed resistance movements of the late 20th century.
According to the U. S. State Department, UNITA came to control "vast swaths of the interior". Savimbi's survival in Angola in and of itself was viewed as an incredible accomplishment, he came to be known as "Africa's most enduring bush fighter" given assassination attempts, aided by extensive Soviet and East German military troops and support, that he survived; as Savimbi gained ground despite the forces aligned against him, American conservatives pointed to his success, that of Afghan mujahideen and the Nicaraguan contras, all of which, with U. S. support, were opposing Soviet-sponsored governments, as evidence that the U. S. was beginning to gain an upper hand in the Cold War conflict and that the Reagan Doctrine was working. Critics, on the other hand, responded that the support given to UNITA, the contras, the Afghan mujahideen was inflaming regional conflicts at great expense to these nations. Furthermore, UNITA, like the Angolan government it fought, was criticized for human rights abuses.
UNITA gained some international notoriety in 1983 after abducting 66 Czechoslovak civilians and detaining a third of them for about 15 months. Belgium negotiated the release of the civilians. Fighting in Angola continued until 1989, when
Windsor Forest and Great Park is a 1,778.9-hectare biological Site of Special Scientific Interest in Berkshire and Surrey, located south of Windsor. It is a Special Area of Conservation and Windsor Forest is a Nature Conservation Review site, Grade I. Landscaped woodland gardens are Grade I listed on the Register of Historic Parks and Gardens of Special Historic Interest. Windsor Great Park is a Royal Park of 2,020 hectares, including a deer park,This large site has woodland with many ancient trees and large areas of parkland, it is second only to the New Forest for the diversity of its invertebrates, including many Red Data Book beetles and flies. There is an internationally important population of the violet click beetle; the fungi species are diverse, including some which are rare
Council elections in England were held on Thursday 3 May 2018. Elections were held in all 32 London boroughs, 34 metropolitan boroughs, 67 district and borough councils and 17 unitary authorities. There were direct elections for the mayoralties of Hackney, Newham, Tower Hamlets and Watford. With the exception of those areas that have had boundary changes, the seats up for election were last contested in the 2014 local elections. A parliamentary by-election in West Tyrone took place the same day. Various other local by-elections took place. According to a BBC News estimate, taking into account boundary changes, the major political parties are defending the following'notional' numbers of council seats on election day: Labour Party – 2,278 seats Conservative Party – 1,365 seats Liberal Democrats – 462 seats UK Independence Party – 126 seats Greens – 31 seatsThese numbers are how many seats each party won at the previous comparable election in 2014, rather than which party held the seat on the eve of the election.
Some other news agencies, such as the Press Association, compare against the party holding a seat on the eve of the election, leading to a different analysis of gains and losses. There are 48 Residents Associations' councillors, 100'other' / independent councillors. All registered electors aged 18 or over on polling day were entitled to vote in the local elections. A person with two homes was able to register to vote at both addresses as long as the addresses were not in the same electoral area, was able to vote in the local elections for the two different local councils. In certain councils, there was a trial system in place; these councils were: Swindon, Woking and Watford. An estimated 4,000 electors were turned away from polling stations across these trial areas as a result of not having the appropriate form of ID; the number of councils controlled by each party following the election are shown in the table below. Both Labour and the Liberal Democrats made modest gains in terms of their respective number of councillors, whereas the Conservatives made a net loss of 35 seats.
UKIP lost nearly all of the 126 seats, with only 3 councillors elected. The following table shows the aggregate results for the 32 councils that were up for election in London. †Due to boundary changes, the figures for seat losses/gains are notional changes calculated by the BBC, do not match up to the London-wide results in 2014. The following table shows the aggregate results for the 118 councils that were up for election outside of London. Only four councils switched from a majority for one party to another; the Conservatives gained Redditch from Labour, lost control of three councils to the Liberal Democrats: Kingston upon Thames, Richmond upon Thames and South Cambridgeshire. The Liberal Democrats gained Three Rivers District Council from no overall control. Labour gained a majority on three councils, under no overall control while losing their majority on two; the Conservatives gained a majority on one council, under no overall control while losing their majority on two. Labour won the inaugural mayoral election for the Sheffield City Region.
Five other mayoral elections saw no change in the winning party: Labour held four and the Liberal Democrats held one. This was the first set of local elections since the 2017 general election. Most of the seats up for election had last been contested in the 2014 local elections; because the group of local councils varies with each cycle of local elections, the BBC and other analysts calculated a projected national vote share, which aims to assess what the council results indicate the UK-wide vote would be if the results were repeated at a general election. The BBC's estimate put Labour on 35% of the vote, the Conservatives on 35%, the Liberal Democrats on 16%. In the May 2017 local elections, the projected national voteshare was 38% for the Conservatives, 27% for Labour, 18% for the Liberal Democrats and 5% for UKIP; when votes were still being counted, media reports described the result as "mixed" for both Labour and the Conservatives. The results suggested that support for the parties had not moved much since the general election 11 months earlier.
Some reports considered the results a relief for the Conservatives. Ben Margulies, a research fellow at the University of Warwick, noted how the United Kingdom Independence Party's collapse in vote share directly benefited the Conservatives as they committed to exiting the European Union. Margulies stated that the Conservatives' position with the electorate will "remain perched on a precipice". Matthew Mokhefi-Ashton, a politics lecturer at Nottingham Trent University, argued that Labour had set their expectations too high and thus made the actual result look disappointing by comparison. David Cutts, a professor of political science at the University of Birmingham, described the Liberal Democrats' performance in the election as "underwhelming" in contrast to the media response, arguing that the party only made moderate gains in their strongholds from before the Liberal-Conservative coalition and council areas that were seen as "Strong Remain" and "Strong Leave". Cutts argued that the next local elections in England are a greater test of their stability as they feature more strongholds.
All seats in the 32 London borough councils were up for election. 4 metropolitan boroughs had all of their seats up for electio