Romantic nationalism
Romantic nationalism is the form of nationalism in which the state derives its political legitimacy as an organic consequence of the unity of those it governs. This includes, depending on the particular manner of practice, the language, culture and customs of the nation in its primal sense of those who were born within its culture; this form of nationalism arose in reaction to dynastic or imperial hegemony, which assessed the legitimacy of the state from the top down, emanating from a monarch or other authority, which justified its existence. Such downward-radiating power might derive from a god or gods. Among the key themes of Romanticism, its most enduring legacy, the cultural assertions of romantic nationalism have been central in post-Enlightenment art and political philosophy. From its earliest stirrings, with their focus on the development of national languages and folklore, the spiritual value of local customs and traditions, to the movements that would redraw the map of Europe and lead to calls for self-determination of nationalities, nationalism was one of the key issues in Romanticism, determining its roles and meanings.
In Europe, the watershed year for romantic nationalism was 1848, when a revolutionary wave spread across the continent. While the revolutions fell to reactionary forces and the old order was re-established, the many revolutions would mark the first step towards liberalization and the formation of modern nation states across much of Europe; the ideas of Rousseau and of Johann Gottfried von Herder inspired much early Romantic nationalism in Europe. Herder argued nationality was the product of climate, geography'but more languages and characters,' rather than genetics. From its beginnings in the late 18th century, romantic nationalism has relied upon the existence of a historical ethnic culture which meets the romantic ideal; the Brothers Grimm, inspired by Herder's writings, put together an idealized collection of tales, which they labeled as authentically German. The concept of an inherited cultural patrimony from a common origin became central to a divisive question within romantic nationalism: is a nation unified because it comes from the same genetic source, because of race, or is the participation in the organic nature of the "folk" culture self-fulfilling?
Romantic nationalism formed a key strand in the philosophy of Hegel, who argued that there was a "spirit of the age" or zeitgeist that inhabited a particular people at a particular time, that, when that people became the active determiner of history, it was because their cultural and political moment had come. Because of the Germans' role in the Protestant Reformation, Hegel argued that his historical moment had seen the Zeitgeist settle on the German-speaking peoples. In continental Europe, Romantics had embraced the French Revolution in its beginnings found themselves fighting the counter-Revolution in the trans-national Imperial system of Napoleon; the sense of self-determination and national consciousness that had enabled revolutionary forces to defeat aristocratic regimes in battle became rallying points for resistance against the French Empire. In Prussia, the development of spiritual renewal as a means to engage in the struggle against Napoleon was argued by, among others, Johann Gottlieb Fichte, a disciple of Kant.
The word Volkstum, or "folkhood", was coined in Germany as part of this resistance to French hegemony. Fichte expressed the unity of language and nation in his thirteenth address "To the German Nation" in 1806: The first and natural boundaries of states are beyond doubt their internal boundaries; those who speak the same language are joined to each other by a multitude of invisible bonds by nature herself, long before any human art begins. Only when each people, left to itself and forms itself in accordance with its own peculiar quality, only when in every people each individual develops himself in accordance with that common quality, as well as in accordance with his own peculiar quality-then, only, does the manifestation of divinity appear in its true mirror as it ought to be. In the Balkans, Romantic views of a connection with classical Greece, which inspired Philhellenism infused the Greek War of Independence, in which the Romantic poet Lord Byron died of high fever. Rossini's opera William Tell marked the onset of the Romantic Opera, using the central national myth unifying Switzerland.
Verdi's opera choruses of an oppressed people inspired two generations of patriots in Italy with "Va pensiero". Under the influence of romantic nat
National anthem
A national anthem is a patriotic musical composition that evokes and eulogizes the history and struggles of its people, recognized either by a nation's government as the official national song, or by convention through use by the people. The majority of national anthems are hymns in style; the countries of Latin America, Central Asia, Europe tend towards more ornate and operatic pieces, while those in the Middle East, Oceania and the Caribbean use a more simplistic fanfare. Some countries that are devolved into multiple constituent states have their own official musical compositions for them. A national anthem is most in the national or most common language of the country, whether de facto or official, there are notable exceptions. Most states with more than one national language may offer several versions of their anthem, for instance: The "Swiss Psalm", the national anthem of Switzerland, has different lyrics for each of the country's four official languages; the national anthem of Canada, "O Canada", has official lyrics in both English and French which are not translations of each other, is sung with a mixture of stanzas, representing the country's bilingual nature.
The song itself was written in French. "The Soldier's Song", the national anthem of Ireland, was written and adopted in English, but an Irish translation, although never formally adopted, is nowadays always sung instead. The current South African national anthem is unique in that five of the country's eleven official languages are used in the same anthem, it was created by combining two different songs together and modifying the lyrics and adding new ones. One of the two official national anthems of New Zealand, "God Defend New Zealand", is now sung with the first verse in Māori and the second in English; the tune is the same but the words are not a direct translation of each other. "God Bless Fiji" has lyrics in Fijian which are not translations of each other. Although official, the Fijian version is sung, it is the English version, performed at international sporting events. Although Singapore has four official languages, with English being the current lingua franca, the national anthem, "Majulah Singapura" is in Malay and by law can only be sung with its original Malay lyrics, despite the fact that Malay is a minority language in Singapore.
This is because Part XIII of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore declares, “the national language shall be the Malay language and shall be in the Roman script ” There are several countries that do not have official lyrics to their national anthems. One of these is the national anthem of Spain. Although it had lyrics those lyrics were discontinued after governmental changes in the early 1980s after Francisco Franco's dictactorship. In 2007 a national competition to write words was held. Other national anthems with no words include "Inno Nazionale della Repubblica", the national anthem of San Marino, that of Bosnia and Herzegovina and that of Kosovo, entitled "Europe"; the national anthem of India, "Jana Gana Mana", the official lyrics are in the Devnagari. The lyrics were adopted from a Bengali poem written by Rabindranath Tagore. Despite the most common language in Wales being English, the Welsh regional anthem "Hen Wlad Fy Nhadau" is sung in the Welsh language; the national anthem of Finland, was first written in Swedish and only translated to Finnish.
It is nowadays sung in both languages as there is a Swedish speaking minority of about 6% in the country. National anthems rose to prominence in Europe during the 19th century, but some originated much earlier; the presumed oldest national anthem belongs to the Netherlands and is called the "Wilhelmus". It was written between 1568 and 1572 during the Dutch Revolt and its current melody variant was composed shortly before 1626, it was a popular orangist march during the 17th century but it did not become the official Dutch national anthem until 1932. The Japanese national anthem, "Kimigayo", has the oldest lyrics, which were taken from a Heian period poem, yet it was not set to music until 1880; the Philippine national anthem "Lupang Hinirang" was composed in 1898 as wordless incidental music for the ceremony declaring independence from the Spanish Empire. The Spanish poem "Filipinas" was written the following year to serve as the anthem's lyrics. "God Save the Queen", the national anthem of the United Kingdom and the royal anthem reserved for use in the presence of the Monarch in some Commonwealth realms, was first performed in 1619 under the title "God Save the King".
It is not the national anthem of the UK, though it became such through custom and usage. Spain's national anthem, the "Marcha Real", written in 1761, was among the first to be adopted as such, in 1770. Denmark adopted the older of its two national anthems, "Kong Christian stod ved højen mast", in 1780. Serbia became the first Eastern European nation to have a national anthem – "Rise up, Serbia!" – in 1804."Ee Mungu Nguvu Yetu", the national anthem of Kenya, is one of the first national anthems to be specifical
Self-determination
The right of a people to self-determination is a cardinal principle in modern international law, binding, as such, on the United Nations as authoritative interpretation of the Charter's norms. It states that people, based on respect for the principle of equal rights and fair equality of opportunity, have the right to choose their sovereignty and international political status with no interference; the concept was first expressed in the 1860s, spread thereafter. During and after World War I, the principle was encouraged by both Vladimir Lenin and United States President Woodrow Wilson. Having announced his Fourteen Points on 8 January 1918, on 11 February 1918 Wilson stated: "National aspirations must be respected, it was recognized as an international legal right after it was explicitly listed as a right in the UN Charter. The principle does not state how the decision is to be made, nor what the outcome should be, whether it be independence, protection, some form of autonomy or full assimilation.
Neither does it state what the delimitation between peoples should be—nor what constitutes a people. There are conflicting definitions and legal criteria for determining which groups may legitimately claim the right to self-determination. By extension, the term self-determination has come to mean the free choice of one's own acts without external compulsion; the employment of imperialism, through the expansion of empires, the concept of political sovereignty, as developed after the Treaty of Westphalia explain the emergence of self-determination during the modern era. During, after, the Industrial Revolution many groups of people recognized their shared history, geography and customs. Nationalism emerged as a uniting ideology not only between competing powers, but for groups that felt subordinated or disenfranchised inside larger states; such groups pursued independence and sovereignty over territory, but sometimes a different sense of autonomy has been pursued or achieved. The world possessed several traditional, continental empires such as the Ottoman, Austrian/Habsburg, the Qing Empire.
Political scientists define competition in Europe during the Modern Era as a balance of power struggle, which induced various European states to pursue colonial empires, beginning with the Spanish and Portuguese, including the British, French and German. During the early 19th century, competition in Europe produced multiple wars, most notably the Napoleonic Wars. After this conflict, the British Empire became dominant and entered its "imperial century", while nationalism became a powerful political ideology in Europe. After the Franco-Prussian War in 1870, "New Imperialism" was unleashed with France and Germany establishing colonies in Asia, the Pacific, Africa. Japan emerged as a new power. Multiple theaters of competition developed across the world: Africa: multiple European states competed for colonies in the "Scramble for Africa"; the Ottoman Empire, Austrian Empire, Russian Empire, Qing Empire and the new Empire of Japan maintained themselves expanding or contracting at the expense of another empire.
All ignored notions of self-determination for those governed. The revolt of New World British colonists in North America, during the mid-1770s, has been seen as the first assertion of the right of national and democratic self-determination, because of the explicit invocation of natural law, the natural rights of man, as well as the consent of, sovereignty by, the people governed. Thomas Jefferson further promoted the notion that the will of the people was supreme through authorship of the United States Declaration of Independence which inspired Europeans throughout the 19th century; the French Revolution was motivated and legitimatized the ideas of self-determination on that Old World continent. Within the New World during the early 19th century, most of the nations of Spanish America achieved independence from Spain; the United States supported that status, as policy in the hemisphere relative to European colonialism, with the Monroe Doctrine. The American public, organized associated groups, Congressional resolutions supported such movements the Greek War of Independence and the demands of Hungarian revolutionaries in 1848.
Such support, never became official government policy, due to balancing of other national interests. After the American Civil War and with increasing capability, the United States government did not accept self-determination as a basis during its Purchase of Alaska and attempted purchase of the West Indian islands of Saint Thomas and Saint John in the 1860s, or its growing influence in the Hawaiian Islands, that led to annexation in 1898. With its victory in the Spanish–American War in 1899 and its growing stature in the world, the United States supported annexation of the former Spanish colonies of Guam, Puerto Rico and the Philippines, without the conse
Left-wing nationalism
Left-wing nationalism or leftist nationalism known as socialist nationalism, describes a form of nationalism based upon social equality, popular sovereignty and national self-determination. Left-wing nationalism can include anti-imperialism and national liberation movements, it stands in contrast to right-wing nationalism and rejects ethno-nationalism to this same end, although some forms of left-wing nationalism have included a platform of racialism, favoring a homogeneous society, a rejection of minorities and opposition to immigration. Notable left-wing nationalist movements in history have included Subhas Chandra Bose's Indian National Army, which promoted independence of India from Britain. Marxism identifies the nation as a socioeconomic construction created after the collapse of the feudal system, utilized to create the capitalist economic system. Classical Marxists have unanimously claimed that nationalism is a "bourgeois phenomenon", not associated with Marxism. In certain instances, Marxism has supported nationalist movements if they were in the interest of class struggle, but rejects other nationalist movements deemed to distract workers from their necessary goal of defeating the bourgeoisie.
Marxists have evaluated certain nations to be "progressive" and other nations to be "reactionary". Joseph Stalin, for instance, supported interpretations of Marx tolerating the use of proletarian nationalism that promoted class struggle within an internationalist framework. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels interpreted issues concerning nationality on a social evolutionary basis. Marx and Engels claim that the creation of the modern nation state is the result of the replacement of feudalism with the capitalist mode of production. With the replacement of feudalism with capitalism, capitalists sought to unify and centralize populations' culture and language within states in order to create conditions conducive to a market economy in terms of having a common language to coordinate the economy, to contain a large enough population in the state to insure an internal division of labour and to contain a large enough territory for a state to maintain a viable economy. Though Marx and Engels saw the origins of the nation state and national identity as bourgeois in nature, both believed that the creation of the centralized state as a result of the collapse of feudalism and creation of capitalism had created positive social conditions to stimulate class struggle.
Marx followed Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel's view that the creation of individual-centred civil society by states as a positive development in that it dismantled previous religious-based society and freed individual conscience. In The German Ideology, Marx claims that although civil society is a capitalist creation and represents bourgeois class rule, it is beneficial to the proletariat because it is unstable in that neither states nor the bourgeoisie can control a civil society. Marx described this in detail in The German Ideology, saying: Civil society embraces the whole material intercourse of individuals within a definite stage of development of productive forces, it embraces the whole commercial and industrial life of a given stage, insofar, transcends the state and the nation, though on the other hand, it must assert itself in its foreign relations as nationality and inwardly must organize itself as a state. Marx and Engels evaluated progressive nationalism as involving the destruction of feudalism and believed that it was a beneficial step, but evaluated nationalism detrimental to the evolution of international class struggle as reactionary and necessary to be destroyed.
Marx and Engels believed that certain nations that could not consolidate viable nation-states should be assimilated into other nations that were more viable and further in Marxian evolutionary economic progress. On the issue of nations and the proletariat, The Communist Manifesto says: The working men have no country. We can not take from them. Since the proletariat must first of all acquire political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the nation, must constitute itself the nation, it is so far, itself national, though not in the bourgeois sense of the word. National differences and antagonism between peoples are daily more and more vanishing, owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, to freedom of commerce, to the world market, to uniformity in the mode of production and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto; the supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still faster. United action, of the leading civilised countries at least, is one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat.
In general, Marx preferred internationalism and interaction between nations in class struggle, saying in Preface to the Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy that "ne nation can and should learn from others". Though Marx and Engels criticized Irish unrest for delaying a worker's revolution in England, both Marx and Engels believed that Ireland was oppressed by Great Britain, but that the Irish people would better serve their own interests by joining proponents of class struggle in Europe as Marx and Engels claimed that the socialist workers of Europe were the natural allies of Ireland. Marx and Engels believed that it was in Britain's best interest to let Ireland go as the Ireland issue
Floral emblem
In a number of countries, plants have been chosen as symbols to represent specific geographic areas. Some countries have a country-wide floral emblem. Different processes have been used to adopt these symbols – some are conferred by government bodies, whereas others are the result of informal public polls; the term floral emblem, which refers to flowers is used in Australia and Canada. In the United States, the term state flower is more used; the national flower of Mauritius is Trochetia boutoniana. Lotus "Nelumbo nucifera"; the national flower of the Seychelles is the tropicbird orchid. The national flower of South Africa is the King Protea; the national flower and floral emblem of Bangladesh is the shapla, or Nymphaea nouchali) See also: National Emblem of Bangladesh. Brunei – Simpoh Ayer Cambodia formally adopted the romduol as its national flower in the year 2005 by a royal decree; the royal decree designates the taxon as Mitrella mesnyi, however this is a taxonomically illegitimate synonym for Sphaerocoryne affinis Ridley.
There are three types of floral emblems that symbolize Indonesia: the puspa bangsa of Indonesia is melati the puspa pesona is anggrek bulan the puspa langka is padma raksasa rafflesia. All three were chosen on World Environment Day in 1990. and enforced by law through Presidential Decree No. 4 1993, On the other occasion Bunga Bangkai was added as puspa langka together with Rafflesia. Melati, a small white flower with sweet fragrance, has long been considered as a sacred flower in Indonesian tradition, as it symbolizes purity, graceful simplicity and sincerity. For example, on her wedding day, a traditional Indonesian bride's hair is adorned with arrangements of jasmine, while the groom's kris is adorned with a lock of jasmine. However, jasmine is often used as floral offering for spirits and deities, often present during funerals which gave it its mystical and sacred properties. Moon Orchid was chosen for its beauty, while the other two rare flowers, Rafflesia arnoldii and Titan arum were chosen to demonstrate uniqueness and Indonesian rich biodiversity.
Each of the 33 provinces of Indonesia has a native plant as its provincial flower. The Israeli national flower is the poppy anemone, chosen in 2013 to replace Cyclamen persicum; the national flower is the plumeria, despite it being no longer endemic. The national flower of Malaysia is the bunga raya; the national flower of the Maldives is the pink polyantha rose Myanmar – Pterocarpus indicus Nepal – Rhododendron Magnolia The Philippines adopted the sampaguita in 1934 as its national flower because it symbolises purity and cleanliness due to its colour and sweet smell. It is popularly strung into garlands that are presented to visitors and dignitaries, is a common offering to religious images. Singapore Singapore – Vanda Miss Joaquim Sri Lanka – Nil mānel, blue-star water-lily. Although nil means ‘blue’ in Sinhala, the Sinhalese name of this plant is rendered as "water-lily" in English; this beautiful aquatic flower appears in the Sigiriya frescoes and has been mentioned in ancient Sanskrit and Sinhala literary works.
Buddhist lore in Sri Lanka claims that this flower was one of the 108 auspicious signs found on Prince Siddhartha's footprint. The national flower was designated as the plum blossom by the Executive Yuan of the Republic of China on July 21, 1964; the plum blossom, known as the meihua, is symbol for resilience and perseverance in the face of adversity, because plum trees bloom most vibrantly during the harshest winters. The triple grouping of stamens represents Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Three Principles of the People, while the five petals symbolize the five branches of the government; the national flower for Thailand is Golden Shower Tree, locally known as dok rachapruek. Belarus – Wild blue flax, Centaurea Brussels – iris pseudacorus Flanders – Poppy Wallonia – Gaillardia Bulgaria – Rose Croatia - Iris croatica Cyprus - "Cyclamen Cyprium" Denmark - "Marguerite Daisy" Estonia – Cornflower Finland – Lily of the valley France - Fleur-de-Lis, which may be a stylised Iris Guernsey – Nerine sarniensis Hungary – Tulip Iceland – White dryad Lithuania – Rue Poland – Red poppy Russia – ChamomileSlovakia Slovakia – Tilia England – Rose, Oak Wales – Daffodil, Leek Northern Ireland – Flax Flower, Clover Leaf Scotland – Thistle Ukraine – Viburnum, cherry The national flower of Antigua and Barbuda is Agave karatto known as ‘dagger log’ or ‘batta log’.
The national flower of the Bahamas is the Yellow Elder. The national flower of Barbados is the known locally as the Pride of Barbados; the national flower of Belize is the Black Orchid The maple leaf is used as a symbol for Canada. The maple tree was recognized as Canada's arboreal emblem in 1996; the official Provincial and Territorial floral emblems are: Ontario: white trillium, adopted in 1937 Quebec: blue flag, adopted in November 1999 Nova Scotia: mayflower, adopted in 1901 New Brunswick: purple violet (Vio
Types of nationalism
Many scholars argue that there is more than one type of nationalism. Nationalism may manifest itself as part of official state ideology or as a popular non-state movement and may be expressed along civic, cultural, religious or ideological lines; these self-definitions of the nation are used to classify types of nationalism. However, such categories are not mutually exclusive and many nationalist movements combine some or all of these elements to varying degrees. Nationalist movements can be classified by other criteria, such as scale and location; some political theorists make the case. In all forms of nationalism, the populations believe. A main reason why such typology can be considered false is that it attempts to bend the simple concept of nationalism to explain its many manifestations or interpretations. Arguably, all types of nationalism refer to different ways academics throughout the years have tried to define nationalism; this school of thought accepts that nationalism is the desire of a nation to self-determine.
Ethnic nationalism defines the nation in terms of ethnicity, which always includes some element of descent from previous generations, i.e. genophilia. It includes ideas of a culture shared between members of the group and with their ancestors, a shared language. Membership in the nation is hereditary; the state derives political legitimacy from its status as homeland of the ethnic group, from its duty to protect of the national group and facilitate its family and social life, as a group. Ideas of ethnicity are old, but modern ethnic nationalism was influenced by Johann Gottfried von Herder, who promoted the concept of the Volk, Johann Gottlieb Fichte. Theorist Anthony D. Smith uses the term'ethnic nationalism' for non-Western concepts of nationalism, as opposed to Western views of a nation defined by its geographical territory; the term "ethnonationalism" is used only in reference to nationalists who espouse an explicit ideology along these lines. The pejorative form of both is "ethnocentric nationalism" or "tribal nationalism," though "tribal nationalism" can have a non-pejorative meaning when discussing African, Native American, or other nationalisms that assert a tribal identity.
Civic nationalism is the form of nationalism in which the state derives political legitimacy from the active participation of its citizenry, from the degree to which it represents the "will of the people". It is seen as originating with Jean-Jacques Rousseau and the social contract theories which take their name from his 1762 book The Social Contract. Civic nationalism lies within the traditions of rationalism and liberalism, but as a form of nationalism it is contrasted with ethnic nationalism. Membership of the civic nation is considered voluntary. Civic-national ideals influenced the development of representative democracy in countries such as the United States and France. State nationalism is a variant of civic nationalism combined with ethnic nationalism, it implies that the nation is a community of those who contribute to the maintenance and strength of the state, that the individual exists to contribute to this goal. Italian fascism is the best example, epitomized in this slogan of Benito Mussolini: "Tutto nello Stato, niente al di fuori dello Stato, nulla contro lo Stato".
It is no surprise that this conflicts with liberal ideals of individual liberty, with liberal-democratic principles. The revolutionary Jacobin creation of a unitary and centralist French state is seen as the original version of state nationalism. Francoist Spain is a example of state nationalism. However, the term "state nationalism" is used in conflicts between nationalisms, where a secessionist movement confronts an established "nation state"; the secessionists speak of state nationalism to discredit the legitimacy of the larger state, since state nationalism is perceived as less authentic and less democratic. Flemish separatists speak of Belgian nationalism as a state nationalism. Basque separatists and Corsican separatists refer to Spain and France in this way. There are no undisputed external criteria to assess which side is right, the result is that the population is divided by conflicting appeals to its loyalty and patriotism. Critiques of supposed "civic nationalism" call for the elimination of the term as it represents either imperialism, patriotism, or an extension of "ethnic", or "real" nationalism.
Expansionist nationalism is an aggressive and radical form of nationalism that incorporates autonomous, patriotic sentiments with a belief in expansionism or recovering owned territories. The term was coined during the late nineteenth century as European powers indulged in the'Scramble for Africa' in the name of national glory, but has been most associated with militarist governments during the 20th century including Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany, the Japanese empire, the Balkans countries of Albania, Croatia, Hungary and Serbia. What distinguishes expansionist nationalism from liberal nationalism is its acceptance of chauvinism, a belief in superiority or dominance. Nations are thus not thought to be equal to their right to self-determination.
Pan-nationalism
Pan-nationalism is a form of nationalism distinguished by being associated with a claimed national territory which does not correspond to existing political boundaries. It defines the nation as a "cluster" of related ethnic or cultural groups, it shares the general nationalist premises that the nation is a fundamental unit of human social life, that it is the only legitimate basis for the state. Some pan-nationalisms, such as pan-Germanism for the Germans, concern what outside anthropologists might consider a single ethnic group. For adherents of Pan-Turkism, by contrast, the suppression of the primacy of the separate national or ethnic identities of the non-Turkish Turkic peoples, like the Kazakh people of Kazakhstan and the Kyrgyz people of Kyrgyzstan, is much less accepted by non-adherents of the ideologyis much less accepted by non-adherents; when striving for a pan-Turkic or pan-Islamic Empire, the Ottoman Turks carried out a genocide of all non-Turks and non-Muslims in the first genocide of the 20th century, the Armenian genocide, which still remains unrecognized as a genocide by Turkey and many other countries today.
Pan-nationalism emerged out of the nineteenth-century European nationalism, beginning with the Pan-Slavism movement, which developed among various Slavic nations within the Austro-Hungarian and Turkish empires. At the heart of this development was Ján Kollár, who maintained that the Slavs as a fundamentally single people, sharing the same cultural heritage; this was followed by the Pan-German thought, which assumed a somewhat similar view, with a goal of German unification where a greater Germany can be created, including Austrians and other German speakers. These pan-nationalistic movements embraced the European intellectual discourses on race those about the preservation of the racial unit; this gave the concept a mantle of permanence because it called upon a biological connection that bound a "Volk" together. Pan-nationalism implies, it is not identical to irredentism – nationalist claims on adjoining territories on the grounds that they form part of the national homeland. Scale is a factor here, however.
Greater Albania in the largest version, would still be a small country. An irredentist Greater Germany if it is limited to contiguous German-speaking regions, would have about 100 million inhabitants. Pan-nationalism is not the same as diaspora nationalism, such as Zionism, which implies the concentration of a dispersed group on an ancestral homeland. Colonies fall outside most definitions of a nation, since both coloniser and colonised recognise that they share no ethnicity and language. Nationalist movements in large nations, such as the German and Russian nations, are therefore difficult to distinguish from pan-nationalist movements, there are explicitly pan-nationalist elements. Aside from these cases, most pan-nationalist movements failed. Pan-national states are rare. Yugoslavia attempted to unify a category of South Slavs, the prefix "jugo" means "south". After 1945, it did recognise separate internal nations, with their own governments. Other large states are difficult to classify as pan-national.
Around 1942 Nazi Germany controlled a vast collection of annexed territories, German-administered civilian entities, puppet states, collaborationist states, front-line areas run by the military. The conquests were inspired by the idea of Lebensraum, but, not in itself a pan-nationalist concept; the Soviet Union had but no "Soviet" ethnicity, culture, or language. It was influenced by pan-Russian ideas, but by other geopolitical ideals which implied a large territory. China has a long tradition of administrative unity; the general failure of the pan-nationalist movements is illustrated by several examples, which had a clear idea of their ideal state, but never got anywhere near achieving it. Modern Turkey is the former core area of the Ottoman Empire; the present state is modelled on the classic European nation state, was a deliberate break with that empire. Beside the strong Turkish nationalism there are three pan-nationalisms. In ascending order of scale: pan-Turkism, a sometimes distinct pan-Turkic ideology referring to the Turkic peoples, pan-Turanism, which covers most of central Asia and Finland and Hungary.
As in Turkey, pan-nationalist movements operate on the margin of a more limited "standard-nationalist" movement, in the existing core area of the claimed mega-state. Pan-Slavism is another notable example of an influential ideal that never resulted in the corresponding mega-state – if Russian territory was included, it would extend from the Baltic to the Pacific and right down to central Asia and the Caucasus/Black Sea/Mediterranean in the south. Pan-Americanism as an ideal was influential around the time of the independence movements in Latin America. However, the new nation-states soon diverged in policy and interests, no federation emerged; the term acquired another meaning, namely U. S.-led co-operation among the separate nation-states, with a connotation of U. S. hegemony. That is why there is a pan-Latin-Americanism which proposes inter-Americanism with the United States. An important exponent of this philosophy is Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre, from Peru, while Bolivarianism represents a current variation on the theme.
Pan-Arabism favors the unification of the countries of the Arab world, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Arabian Sea. Unlik
