Electoral fraud, sometimes referred to as election fraud, election manipulation or vote rigging, is illegal interference with the process of an election, either by increasing the vote share of the favored candidate, depressing the vote share of the rival candidates, or both. What constitutes electoral fraud varies from country to country. Many kinds of election fraud are outlawed in electoral legislations, but others are in violation of general laws, such as those banning assault, harassment or libel. Although technically the term'electoral fraud' covers only those acts which are illegal, the term is sometimes used to describe acts which are legal, but considered morally unacceptable, outside the spirit of an election or in violation of the principles of democracy. Show elections, containing only one candidate, are sometimes classified as electoral fraud, although they may comply with the law and are presented more as referendums. In national elections, successful electoral fraud can have the effect of a coup d'état or corruption of democracy.
In a narrow election, a small amount of fraud may be enough to change the result. If the outcome is not affected, the revelation of fraud can have a damaging effect, if not punished, as it can reduce voters' confidence in democracy. A list of threats to voting systems, or electoral fraud methods considered as sabotage are kept by the National Institute of Standards and Technology. Electoral fraud can occur in advance of voting; the legality of this type of manipulation varies across jurisdictions. Deliberate manipulation of election outcomes is considered a violation of the principles of democracy. In many cases, it is possible for authorities to artificially control the composition of an electorate in order to produce a foregone result. One way of doing this is to move a large number of voters into the electorate prior to an election, for example by temporarily assigning them land or lodging them in flophouses. Many countries prevent this with rules stipulating that a voter must have lived in an electoral district for a minimum period in order to be eligible to vote there.
However, such laws can be used for demographic manipulation as they tend to disenfranchise those with no fixed address, such as the homeless, Roma and some casual workers. Another strategy is to permanently move people into an electoral district through public housing. If people eligible for public housing are to vote for a particular party they can either be concentrated into one area, thus making their votes count for less, or moved into marginal electorates, where they may tip the balance towards their preferred party. One notable example of this occurred in the City of Westminster in England under Shirley Porter. Immigration law may be used to manipulate electoral demography. For instance, Malaysia gave citizenship to immigrants from the neighboring Philippines and Indonesia, together with suffrage, in order for a political party to "dominate" the state of Sabah. A method of manipulating primary contests and other elections of party leaders are related to this. People who support one party may temporarily join another party in order to elect a weak candidate for that party's leadership.
The goal is to defeat the weak candidate in the general election by the leader of the party that the voter supports. There were claims that this method was being utilised in the UK Labour Party leadership election in 2015, where Conservative-leaning Toby Young encouraged Conservatives to join Labour and vote for Jeremy Corbyn in order to "consign Labour to electoral oblivion". Shortly after, #ToriesForCorbyn trended on Twitter; the composition of an electorate may be altered by disenfranchising some classes of people, rendering them unable to vote. In some cases, states have passed provisions that raised general barriers to voter registration, such as poll taxes and comprehension tests, record-keeping requirements, which in practice were applied against minority populations to discriminatory effect. From the turn of the century into the late 1960s, most African Americans in the southern states of the former Confederacy were disenfranchised by such measures. Corrupt election officials may misuse voting regulations such as a literacy test or requirement for proof of identity or address in such a way as to make it difficult or impossible for their targets to cast a vote.
If such practices discriminate against a religious or ethnic group, they may so distort the political process that the political order becomes grossly unrepresentative, as in the post-Reconstruction or Jim Crow era until the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Felons have been disenfranchised in many states as a strategy to prevent African Americans from voting. Groups may be disenfranchised by rules which make it impractical or impossible for them to cast a vote. For example, requiring people to vote within their electorate may disenfranchise serving military personnel, prison inmates, hospital patients or anyone else who cannot return to their homes. Polling can be set for inconvenient days, such as midweek or on holy days of religious groups: for example on the Sabbath or other holy days of a religious group whose teachings determine that voting is a prohibited on such a day. Communities may be disenfranchised if polling places are situated in areas perceived by voters as unsafe, or are not provided within reasonable proximity.
In some cases, voters may be invalidly disenfranchised, true electoral fraud. For example, a legitimate vo
1943 Argentine coup d'état
The 1943 Argentine coup d'état known as the Revolution of'43, was a coup d'état on June 4, 1943, which ended the government of Ramón Castillo, fraudulently elected to the office of vice-president, as part of the period known as the Infamous Decade. The military was opposed to Governor Robustiano Patrón Costas, Castillo's hand-picked successor, a major landowner in the Salta Province and a primary stockholder in the sugar industry; the only serious resistance to the military coup came from the Argentine Navy, which confronted the advancing army columns at the Navy Petty-Officers School of Mechanics. Two primary factors influenced the coup of 4 June 1943: The Infamous Decade that preceded it and World War II. What is known as the Infamous Decade began on September 6, 1930 with the military coup led by the corporatist, catholic-nationalis General Jose Felix Uriburu. Uriburu overthrew President Hipólito Yrigoyen, a member of the Radical Civic Union party, democratically elected in 1928 to serve his second term.
On September 10, 1930, Uriburu was recognized as de facto president of the nation by the Supreme Court. This court order laid the foundation for the doctrine of de facto governments and would be used to legitimize all other military coups; the de facto government of Uriburu outlawed the Radical Civic Union. The local elections of Buenos Aires on 5 April 1931, had an unexpected result for the government; the radical candidate, Honorio Pueyrredón, won the election despite the national party's confidence of their own victory and despite the radical party's lack of leadership. Although the radical party still lacked a few votes in the electoral college and the national party could still negotiate with the socialists to prevent the radicals from winning the governorship, the government began to panic. Uriburu reorganized appointed ministers from the "liberal" sector, he cancelled the local government elections for the provinces of Santa Fe. On 8 May 1931 he cancelled the appeal to the provincial electoral college, on 12 May, he named Manuel Ramón Alvarado as de facto governor of Buenos Aires.
A few weeks a revolt led by Lieutenant Colonel Gregorio Pomar, broke out in the province of Corrientes. Although the revolt was brought under control, it gave Uriburu the excuse he was looking for, he closed all the premises of the Radical Civic Union, arrested dozens of its leaders, prohibited the electoral colleges from electing politicians that were directly or indirectly related with Yrigoyen. Because Pueyrredón had been a minister of Yrigoyen, this meant. However, Uriburu exiled Pueyrredón from the country with Alvear, a prominent leader of the radical party. In September he called for elections in November and shortly after, he annulled the elections in Buenos Aires. After the failure of the corporatist effort, Argentina was governed by the Concordancia, a political alliance formed between the conservative National Democratic Party, the Antipersonalist Radical Civic Union, the Independent Socialist Party; the Concordancia governed Argentina during the Infamous Decade, throughout the presidencies of Agustín Pedro Justo, Roberto María Ortiz, Ramón Castillo.
This period was characterized by the beginning of a new economic model known as Import substitution industrialization. In 1943, elections for a new president had to be held, an attempt to fraudulently award the presidency to the sugar entrepreneur Robustiano Patrón Costas, a powerful figure in the Salta Province during the previous four decade, was evaded. Costas's assumption of the presidency would have secured the continuation and deepening of the fraudulent regime; the Second World War had a decisive and complex influence on Argentinian political events on the coup of 4 June 1943. At the time when the second world war began, Great Britain had a pervading economic influence in Argentina. On the other hand, the United States had secured its hegemonic presence throughout the entire continent and was preparing to permanently replace Great Britain as a hegemonic power in Argentina; the war brought about an ideal moment for the U. S. from the moment it abandoned neutrality due to Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor on 7 December 1941.
Argentina had a long tradition of neutrality regarding European wars, sustained and defended by every political party since the 19th century. The reasons for Argentinian neutrality are complex, but one of the most important is connected with its position of food supplier to Britain and to Europe in general. In both the first as well as the second world war, Great Britain needed to guarantee the provision of food for its population and its troops, this would have been impossible if Argentina had not maintained neutrality, since the cargo ships would have been the first to be attacked, thus interrupting the supply. At the same time, Argentina had traditionally maintained a skeptical stance toward the hegemonic vision of Pan-Americanism that had driven the United States since the 19th century. In December 1939 the Argentine government consulted with Britain on the possibility of abandoning neutrality and joining the Allies; the British government flatly rejected the proposition, reiterating the principle that the main contribution of Argentina was its supplies and in order to guarantee them it was necessary to maintain neutrality.
At that time the United States held a neutral position strengthened by the Neutrality Acts and its traditional Isolationism, although that would change radically when Japan attacked its military bases in the Pacific. In the wake of Pearl Harbor, at the Rio Conference of 1942, the United States called upon all Latin American countries to enter the w
The Argentine Army is the land armed force branch of the Armed Forces of the Argentine Republic and the senior military service of the country. Under the Argentine Constitution, the President of Argentina is the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, exercising his or her command authority through the Minister of Defense; the Army's official foundation date is May 29, 1810, four days after the Spanish colonial administration in Buenos Aires was overthrown. The new national army was formed out of several pre-existent colonial militia units and locally manned regiments; as of 2018, the active element of the Argentine Army numbered some 51,309 military personnel. Several armed expeditions were sent to the Upper Peru, Paraguay and Chile to fight Spanish forces and secure Argentina's newly gained independence; the most famous of these expeditions was the one led by General José de San Martín, who led a 5000-man army across the Andes Mountains to expel the Spaniards from Chile and from Perú. While the other expeditions failed in their goal of bringing all the dependencies of the former Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata under the new government in Buenos Aires, they prevented the Spaniards from crushing the rebellion.
During the civil wars of the first half of the 19th century, the Argentine Army became fractionalized under the leadership of the so-called caudillos, provincial leaders who waged a war against the centralist Buenos Aires administration. However, the Army was re-unified during the war with the Brazilian Empire.. It was only with the establishment of a Constitution and a national government recognized by all the provinces that the Army became a single force, absorbing the older provincial militias; the Army went on to fight the War of the Triple Alliance in the 1860s together with Brazil and Uruguay against Paraguay. After that war, the Army became involved in Argentina's Conquista del Desierto: the campaign to occupy Patagonia and root out the natives, who conducted looting raids throughout the country. Between 1880 and 1930, the Army sought to become a professional force without active involvement in politics though many a political figure -President Julio Argentino Roca, for example- benefitted from a past military career.
The Army prevented the fall of the government in a number of Radical-led uprisings. Meanwhile, the military in general and the Army, in particular, contributed to develop Argentina's unsettled southern frontier and its nascent industrial complex; the main foreign influence during this period was, by and large, the Prussian doctrine. Because of that, during both World Wars most of the officers supported the Germans, more or less while the Argentine Navy favored the British instead. In 1930, a small group of Army forces deposed President Hipólito Yrigoyen without much response from the rest of the Army and the Navy; this was the beginning of a long history of political intervention by the military. Another coup, in 1943, was responsible for bringing an obscure colonel into the political limelight: Juan Perón. Though Perón had the support of the military during his two consecutive terms of office, his repressive government alienated many officers, which led to a military uprising which overthrew him in September 1955.
Between 1955 and 1973 the Army and the rest of the military became vigilant over the possible re-emergence of Peronism in the political arena, which led to two new coups against elected Presidents in 1962 and 1966. It should be noted that political infighting eroded discipline and cohesion within the army, to the extent that there was armed fighting between contending military units during the early 1960s; the military government which ruled Argentina between 1966 and 1973 saw the growing activities of groups such as Montoneros and the ERP, a important social movement. During Héctor Cámpora's first months of government, a rather moderate and left-wing Peronist, approximatively 600 social conflicts and factory occupations had taken place. Following the June 20, 1973 Ezeiza massacre and right-wing Peronism broke apart, while the Triple A death squad, organized by José López Rega, closest advisor to María Estela Martínez de Perón, started a campaign of assassinations against left-wing opponents.
But Isabel Perón herself was ousted during the March 1976 coup by a military junta. The new military government, self-named Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, put a stop to the guerrilla's campaigns, but soon it became known that violent methods and severe violations of human rights had taken place, in what the dictatorship called a "Dirty War" — a term refused by jurists during the 1985 Trial of the Juntas. Batallón de Inteligencia 601 became infamous during this period, it was a special military intelligence service set up in the late 1970s, active in the Dirty War and Operation Condor, disbanded in 2000. Its personnel collected information on and infiltrated guerrilla groups and human rights organisations, coordinated killings and other abuses; the unit participated in the training of Nicaraguan Contras with US assistance, including from John Negroponte. Meanwhile, the Guevarist People's Revolutionary Army, led by Roberto Santucho and inspired by Che Guevara's foco theory, began a rural insurgency in the province of Tucumán, in the mountainous n
Pedro Pablo Ramírez
Pedro Pablo Ramirez Menchaca was de facto President of Argentina from June 7, 1943 to February 24, 1944. He was the leader of Guardia Nacional, Argentina's Fascist militia. After graduating from the Argentine military college in 1904 as a second lieutenant, Ramírez was promoted in 1910 as first lieutenant of the cavalry. In 1911, he was sent to Germany for training with the Fifth Hussars cavalry in Kaiser Wilhelm's Prussian Army, he returned home in 1913, with a German wife, prior to the outbreak of World War I. Advancing in rank as a specialist in cavalry tactics, he assisted fellow General José Félix Uriburu in a authoritarian coup that deposed Hipólito Yrigoyen in 1930. Ramírez was sent to Rome to observe Mussolini's army until his return in 1932; when Uriburu set free elections and died, General Ramírez worked behind the scenes to plan a return of fascism to Argentina. Over the next several years, he organized the Milicia Nacionalista, authored a program for a state ruled by the militia. In 1942, Ramírez was appointed as War Minister by President Ramón Castillo, began to reorganize the Argentine Army.
At the same time, the Guardia Nacional joined with another party to form "Recuperacion Nacional," a fascist political party. Castillo fired Ramírez following a cabinet meeting on May 18, 1943. Two weeks on June 4, 1943, Ramírez assisted Arturo Rawson in overthrowing Castillo's government, was again made Minister of War. Three days on June 7 Ramírez forced Rawson's resignation and maintained Argentina's neutrality during World War II. Argentina was torn by between Britain, who wanted the country to stay neutral, the US, who wanted it to join the Allies. Ramírez stayed neutral and the United States refused requests for Lend-Lease aid. Argentina declared war on Germany and Japan during the government of Edelmiro Farrell. Despite having been brought to power through a coup d'état, Peronist historiography never calls him a dictator. Ramirez makes a brief appearance in the film Evita during the song "The Lady's Got Potential", which depicts Juan Peron's rise to power. Here he is depicted as a elderly man by Hector Malamud.
Mendelevich, Pablo. El Final. Buenos Aires: Ediciones B. ISBN 978-987-627-166-0. Pedro Pablo Ramírez at Find a Grave Newspaper clippings about Pedro Pablo Ramírez in the 20th Century Press Archives of the German National Library of Economics
Ramón Antonio Castillo Barrionuevo was a conservative Argentine politician who served as President of Argentina from June 27, 1942 to June 4, 1943. He was a leading figure in the period known as the Infamous Decade, characterised by electoral fraud and rule by conservative landowners heading the alliance known as the Concordancia. Castillo began a judicial career, he reached the Appeals Chamber of commercial law before dedicating himself to teaching. He was professor and dean at UBA between 1923 and 1928. Castillo was named Federal Intervenor of Tucumán Province in 1930. From 1932 until 1935 he was elected to the Argentine Senate for Catamarca Province for the National Democratic Party and was Minister of Interior. From 1938 to 1942, Castillo was vice-president of Argentina under President Roberto Ortiz, who won the election by fraud at the head of the Concordancia, he served as acting president from July 3, 1940 to June 27, 1942 due to the illness of President Ortiz, who did not resign until less than a month before his death.
Castillo maintained Argentina's neutrality during World War II. He was overthrown in the Revolution of'43 military coup in the midst of an unpopular attempt to impose Robustiano Patrón Costas as his successor. Juan Domingo Perón was a junior officer in the coup. Newspaper clippings about Ramón Castillo in the 20th Century Press Archives of the German National Library of Economics
The Infamous Decade in Argentina is the name given to the period of time that began in 1930 with the coup d'état against President Hipólito Yrigoyen by José Félix Uriburu and resulted in the rising to power of Juan Perón after the Military coup of 1943. This decade was marked by significant rural exodus, many small rural landowners being ruined by the Great Depression, which in turn pushed the country towards import substitution industrialization; the poor economic results of the policy and popular discontent led to another coup in 1943, the "Revolution of'43", by the Grupo de Oficiales Unidos, the nationalist faction of the Armed Forces, against acting president Ramón Castillo, putting an end to the Infamous Decade. This period was characterised by electoral fraud, persecution of the political opposition and generalised government corruption, against the background of the Great Depression; the impact of the economic crisis forced many farmers and other countryside workers to relocate to the outskirts of the larger cities, resulting in the creation of the first villas miseria.
Thus, the population of Buenos Aires jumped from 1.5 million inhabitants in 1914 to 3.5 million in 1935. Lacking in political experience, in contrast with the European immigrants who brought with them socialist and anarchist ideas, these new city-dwellers would provide the social base, in the next decade, for Peronism; the democratic liberal senator Lisandro de la Torre denounced various scandals, directing an investigation on the meat trade starting in 1935. In the midst of the investigation, de la Torre's disciple, senator-elect Enzo Bordabehere, was murdered by Ramón Valdez Cora on the Senate floor, the province of Santa Fe was intervened; the murder was depicted by Asesinato en el Senado de la Nación. CHADE was at the heart of an important political and financial scandal; the CHADE scandal, symbol of the Infamous Decade, led to investigations following the revolution of 1943 that deposed Ramón Castillo's government in a military coup, to the subsequent Rodríguez Conde report on concessions given to the electrical companies.
In 1931, a year after the execution of the Italian anarchist Severino Di Giovanni and his comrade Paulino Scarfó--who had implemented a propaganda of the deed campaign aimed both at international support of the Sacco and Vanzetti case and at attacking Fascist Italy's interests in Argentina--three anarchists were given life sentences during a show trial in which they were tortured, on the charges of having assassinated family members of conservative politician José M. Blanch. Known as the "prisoners of Bragado", the case raised international public indignation. Anarchists, who had created a solidarity network with comrades expelled under the 1902 Law on Residency which legalised the expulsion of immigrants who "compromise national security or disturb public order", were considered as public enemies by Uriburu's dictatorship. Prior to their execution, three anarchist bombs had detonated at three strategic places on the Buenos Aires railway network on 20 January 1931, killing three and wounding 17.
In 1942 Minister Solano Lima signed the prisoners' releases. In 2003 a law granted a pension to the daughter of one of the anarchist victims of this show trial. In 1933 Arturo Jauretche took part in a failed uprising, led by Col. Francisco Bosch and Col. Gregorio Pomar in Paso de los Libres, in the province of Corrientes, he was subsequently detained. It was during Justo's term that Argentina signed the Roca-Runciman Treaty with the United Kingdom, which assured the UK a provision of fresh meat in exchange for important investments in the field of transportation in Argentina, given certain economic concessions from Argentina, such as giving control over the public transport in Buenos Aires to a British company, the Corporación de Transportes. At the 1932 Ottawa Conference, the British had adopted measures that favored imports from its own colonies and dominions; the pressure from Argentine landowners for whom the government restored trade with the main buyer of Argentine grain and meat had been strong.
Led by the president of the British Trade Council, Viscount Walter Runciman, they were intense and resulted in the signing on April 27 of the Roca-Runciman Treaty. The treaty created a scandal, because the UK allotted Argentina a quota less than any of its dominions--390,000 tons of meat per year were allotted to Argentina in exchange for many concessions to British companies, 85% of exportation had to be arranged through British refrigerated shippers. In addition, the tariffs of the railways operated by the UK were not regulated, the treaty did not establish customs fees over coal, had given special dispensation to British companies with investments in Argentina and had reduced the prices of their exports. So many problems resulted from the treaty that Vice President Roca, after the signing of the treaty, declared, "By its economic importance, Argentina resembles just a large British dominion." Lisandro de la Torre, one of Roca's principal and most vociferous opponents, mocking his words in an editorial, wrote, "In these conditions we wouldn't be able to say that Argentina had been converted into a British dominion because England does not take the liberty to impose similar humiliations upon its dominions."The National Democratic Party, one of the parties that had supported the nomination of Justo for President, had split because of this controversy.
The Senate rescinded the treaty on July 28. Many workers stri
Edelmiro Julián Farrell
Edelmiro Julián Farrell Plaul was an Argentine general. He was the de facto president of Argentina between 1944 and 1946. Farrell had a great influence on Argentine history by introducing his subordinate Juan Perón into government and paving the way for Perón's subsequent political career, he was born in 1887 in Villa de los Industriales. He was the tenth son of Juan C. Farrell and Catalina Plaul and the grandson of Matthew Farrell of County Longford, Ireland and Mónica Ibáñez. Farrell graduated from Argentine military school in 1907 as an infantry sub-lieutenant, he served in an Italian alpine regiment in Fascist Italy between 1924 and 1926. He returned to Argentina. After the 1943 coup, Farrell was promoted to Brigadier General and became vice-president during the military government of General Pedro Pablo Ramírez, who had deposed President Arturo Rawson, he was Minister of War. Farrell appointed Juan Perón as his secretary. Ramírez named Farrell as president on February 25, 1944. Farrell appointed Perón as vice-president.
After popular demonstrations in favour of Perón in 1945 made Perón the most influential and important man in the government, Farrell announced presidential elections for 1946, Perón was elected. On June 4, 1946, Farrell was succeeded as president by Perón. Farrell had been his commander. Despite having been brought to power through a coup d'état, Peronist historiography never calls him a dictator, he married on July 1921, to Conrada Victoria Torni, a teacher. They had three children: Nelly Victoria, Jorge Edelmiro, Susana Mabel. A widower, he died in 1980. Farrell, in the movie Evita, is portrayed by British actor Denis Lill. Mendelevich, Pablo. El Final. Buenos Aires: Ediciones B. ISBN 978-987-627-166-0. Short Biography