A veto is the power to unilaterally stop an official action the enactment of legislation. A veto can be absolute, as for instance in the United Nations Security Council, whose permanent members can block any resolution, or it can be limited, as in the legislative process of the United States, where a two-thirds vote in both the House and Senate will override a Presidential veto of legislation. A veto may give power only to stop changes, like the US legislative veto, or to adopt them, like the legislative veto of the Indian President, which allows him to propose amendments to bills returned to the Parliament for reconsideration; the concept of a veto body originated with the Roman tribunes. Either of the two consuls holding office in a given year could block a military or civil decision by the other; the institution of the veto, known to the Romans as the intercessio, was adopted by the Roman Republic in the 6th century BC to enable the tribunes to protect the mandamus interests of the plebeians from the encroachments of the patricians, who dominated the Senate.
A tribune's veto did not prevent the senate from passing a bill, but meant that it was denied the force of law. The tribunes could use the veto to prevent a bill from being brought before the plebeian assembly; the consuls had the power of veto, as decision-making required the assent of both consuls. If one disagreed, either could invoke the intercessio to block the action of the other; the veto was an essential component of the Roman conception of power being wielded not only to manage state affairs but to moderate and restrict the power of the state's high officials and institutions. In Westminster systems and most constitutional monarchies, the power to veto legislation by withholding the Royal Assent is a used reserve power of the monarch. In practice, the Crown follows the convention of exercising its prerogative on the advice of its chief advisor, the prime minister. Since the Statute of Westminster, the United Kingdom Parliament may not repeal any Act of the Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia on the grounds, repugnant to the laws and interests of the United Kingdom.
Other countries in the Commonwealth of Nations, such as Canada and New Zealand, are affected. However, according to the Australian Constitution, the Queen may veto a bill, given royal assent by the Governor-General within one year of the legislation being assented to; this power has never been used. The Australian Governor-General himself or herself has, in theory, power to veto, or more technically, withhold assent to, a bill passed by both houses of the Australian Parliament, contrary to the advice of the prime minister; this may be done without consulting the sovereign as per Section 58 of the constitution: When a proposed law passed by both Houses of the Parliament is presented to the Governor-General for the Queen's assent, he shall declare, according to his discretion, but subject to this Constitution, that he assents in the Queen's name, or that he withholds assent, or that he reserves the law for the Queen's pleasure. The Governor-General may return to the house in which it originated any proposed law so presented to him, may transmit therewith any amendments which he may recommend, the Houses may deal with the recommendation.
This reserve power is however, constitutionally arguable, it is difficult to foresee an occasion when such a power would need to be exercised. It is possible that a Governor-general might so act if a bill passed by the Parliament was in violation of the Constitution. One might argue, that a government would be hardly to present a bill, so open to rejection. Many of the viceregal reserve powers are untested, because of the brief constitutional history of the Commonwealth of Australia, the observance of the convention that the head of state acts upon the advice of his or her chief minister; the power may be used in a situation where the parliament a hung parliament, passes a bill without the blessing of the executive. The governor general on the advice of the executive could withhold consent from the bill thereby preventing its passage into law. With regard to the six governors of the states which are federated under the Australian Commonwealth, a somewhat different situation exists; until the Australia Act 1986, each state was constitutionally dependent upon the British Crown directly.
Since 1986, they are independent entities, although the Queen still appoints governors on the advice of the state head of government, the premier. So the Crown may not veto any act of a state state legislature. Paradoxically, the states are more independent of the Crown than the federal government and legislature. State constitutions determine. In general the governor exercises the powers the sovereign would have, including the power to withhold the Royal Assent. According to the Constitution Act, 1867, the Queen in Counsel may instruct the Governor General to withhold the Queen's assent, allowing the sovereign two years to disallow the bill, thereby vetoing the law in question; this was last used in 1873, the power was nullified by the Balfour Declaration of 1926. Provincial viceroys, called "Lieutenants Governor" are able to reserve Royal Assent
The Malayan Communist Party known as the Communist Party of Malaya, was a political party in the Federation of Malaya and Malaysia. It was founded in 1930 and laid down its arms in 1989, it is most known for its role in the Malayan Emergency. It contributed to the independence of Malaya, in which this subject is still a taboo and is systematically erased and hidden from the public due to political interests of the dominating parties within Malaysia. In April 1930 the South Seas Communist Party was dissolved and was replaced by the Communist Party of Malaya. While its primary responsibility was Malaya and Singapore, the party was active in Thailand and the Dutch East Indies, which did not have their own Communist parties; the party operated as an illegal organisation under British colonial rule. In June 1931, many party leaders were arrested after a Comintern courier was intercepted by the police, sending the party into disarray. Information extracted from the courier indicated at this point there were 1,500 members and 10,000 sympathisers.
Despite this setback, the MCP gained influence in the trade union movement and organised several strikes, most notably at the Batu Arang coal mine in 1935. They set up workers' committees at some workplaces; these committees, the strikes, were promptly crushed by troops and police. Many ethnic Chinese strikers were deported to China, where they were executed by the Chinese Nationalist government as Communists. After Japan invaded China in 1937, there was a rapprochement between the Malayan Guomindang and Communists, paralleling that in China. Under the wing of the Guomindang, the MCP was able to operate more easily. Anti-Japanese sentiment among Malayan Chinese gave the party with a great opportunity to recruit members and raise funds under the banner of defence of China. At this time, the party was infiltrated by an apparent British agent, Lai Teck, who became Secretary-General in April 1939. Despite this severe security breach, the Party continued to operate effectively. By mid-1939 it claimed about half in Singapore.
The MCP was headed by a Central Executive Committee of twelve to fifteen members. About six of these were appointed to the Political Bureau which ran the party when the C. E. C was not in session; each State was in turn subdivided into several Districts. The smallest unit of organisation was the Party cell, which consisted of the members from one workplace or village. Large Party Congresses were held on an occasional basis. On 8 December 1941, the Japanese Empire invaded Malaya; the British colonial authorities now accepted the MCP's standing offer of military co-operation. On 15 December, all left-wing political prisoners were released. From 20 December the British military began to train party members in guerilla warfare at the hastily established 101st Special Training School in Singapore. About 165 MCP members were trained; these fighters, scantily armed and equipped by the hard-pressed British, hurriedly dispersed and attempted to harass the occupying army. Just before Singapore fell to the Japanese on 15 February 1942, the party began organising armed resistance in the state of Johore.
Soon four armed groups, which became known as'Regiments', were formed, with 101st STS trainees serving as nuclei. In March this force was dubbed the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army and began sabotage and ambushes against the Japanese; the Japanese responded with reprisals against Chinese civilians. These reprisals, coupled with increasing economic hardship, caused large numbers of Malayan Chinese to flee the cities, they became squatters at the forest margins, where they became the main source of recruits and other assistance for the MPAJA. The MPAJA consolidated this support by providing protection. O'Ballance estimates that in mid-1942 the regimental strengths were about 100 in the first Regiment, 160 in the 2nd, 360 in the 3rd, 250 in the 4th. At this time a 5th, 6th, 7th Regiment were formed; this army, which included women, was conceived as both a military and political force, along Maoist lines. When Singapore fell, Lai Teck became their agent. On 1 September 1942, acting on his information, the Japanese launched a dawn raid on a secret conference of more than 100 MCP and MPAJA leaders at the Batu Caves just north of Kuala Lumpur, killing most.
The loss of personnel forced the MPAJA to abandon its political commissar system, the military commanders became the heads of the regiments. Following this setback the MPAJA avoided engagements and concentrated on consolidation, amassing 4,500 soldiers by Spring 1943. From May 1943, British commandos from Force 136 infiltrated Malaya and made contact with the guerillas. Early in 1944 an agreement was reached whereby the MPAJA would accept some direction from the Allied South East Asia Command and the Allies would give the MPAJA weapons and supplies, it was not until the spring of 1945, that significant amounts of material began to arrive by air drop. Japan's surrender on 15 August 1945 caught the combatants in Malaya by surprise; the first British contingent of reoccupation troops did not arrive until 3 September. The Japanese garrison withdrew from the countryside, leaving a power vacuum, filled by the MPAJA. In many places Chinese areas, they were greeted as heroes as they emerged from the forest.
The British recognised the MPAJA's authority. The guerillas, seized Japanese arms and recruited forming an 8th Regiment and lifting their armed strength over 6,000. At the same time they launched reprisals against c
The 1951 Missouri Tigers football team was an American football team that represented the University of Missouri in the Big Seven Conference during the 1951 college football season. The team compiled a 2–8 record, finished in a tie for fourth place in the Big 7, was outscored by all opponents by a combined total of 292 to 169. Don Faurot was the head coach for the 14th of 19 seasons; the team played its home games at Memorial Stadium in Missouri. The team's statistical leaders included Junior Wren with 451 rushing yards and 708 yards of total offense, Tony Scardino with 653 passing yards, Harold Carter with 456 receiving yards, James Hook with 36 points scored