A school shooting is an attack at an educational institution, such as a primary school, secondary school, or university, involving the use of firearms. Incidents that involve four or more deaths are categorized as mass shootings. According to studies, factors behind school shooting include family dysfunction, lack of family supervision, mental illness. Among the topmost motives of attackers were: bullying/persecution/threatened and revenge, while 54% reported having numerous reasons; the remaining motives included an attempt to solve a problem, suicide or depression, seeking attention or recognition. School shootings have sparked a political debate over gun violence, zero tolerance policies, gun rights and gun control; the United States has the highest number of school-related shootings. The results from the study indicated that perpetrators came from varying backgrounds, making a singular profile difficult when identifying possible assailant. For example, some perpetrators were children of divorce, lived in foster homes, or came from intact nuclear families.
The majority of individuals had or never gotten into trouble at school and had a healthy social life. Some experts such as Alan Lipman have warned against the dearth of empirical validity of profiling methods. One assumption into the catalytic causes of school shootings comes from the "non-traditional" household perspective, which focuses on how family structure and family stability are related to child outcomes. Broadly speaking, proponents of this hypothesis claim that family structures such as single mothers, same-sex parents, extended family, or cohabitation are more harmful to the development of a child's mental well-being, than heterosexual, married parents; this perspective is found to back federal efforts such as the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 and US federal tax incentives. However, these assumptions on the detrimental effects of "non-traditional" family structures have been shown to be false flags, with the true issues lying within socio-economic realities.
Longitudinal research has shown the robust, positive effects of higher incomes and higher education levels on child well-being and emotional development, which reflects on the family stability, not family structure. Further, proponents of this hypothesis cite family statistics for those who commit crimes, but leave out how these compare to other populations, including the general population. For example, a 2009 survey conducted by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration revealed that substance abuse amongst children raised by single mothers was higher than children raised by their biological parents. However, the percentage of substance abuse amongst children raised by single-mothers was not only remarkably low, but only 1.2% higher than children raised by both their parents. Those rates reveal to be smaller when compared to other demographics of the same time period. According surveys commissioned by to the National Institute on Drug Abuse between 20%–30% of teenagers used/abused illicit substances, a much higher rate than single-mother households.
Another example of poorly cited statistics to further this narrative can be found in children who have lost at least one parent. In the U. S. the rate of parental death before age 16 is 8%. The rate of parental death is disproportionately high for prisoners, however, it is disproportionately high for high-performing scientists and US presidents. Harvard's Baker Foundation Professor, Emerita, Dr. Teresa M. Amabile states, "Those kinds of events can crush a child, they can lead to a lot of problems, they can lead to incredible resilience and superhuman behaviors if people can come through those experiences intact. I don’t know if we — we being the field in general — have discovered what the keys are, what makes the difference for kids." Understanding that socio-economic factors have greater effects on child development and emotional stability have led many to argue that single-parent and other non-traditional households should be afforded equivalent incentives by the state, as are afforded married households, that focussing on family structure rather than family stability derails efforts to understand the realities of mass-shooters.
“Studies have found that within offenders’ families, there is a lack of supervision, low emotional closeness, intimacy”. In a 2018 publication, Dr. George S. Everly, Jr, of The Johns Hopkins School of Medicine and The Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health outlined an accumulation of seven, recurring themes that warrant consideration regarding school shooters. One factor is that school shooters tended to isolate themselves, "exhibited an obsessive quality that led to detailed planning, but they seemed to lack an understanding of the consequences of their behavior and thus may have a history of adverse encounters with law enforcement." A criticism in the media of past shooters was questioning how so much planning could commence without alerting the parents or guardians to their efforts. However, this has proven to be as difficult of a question to answer as anticipating any of the past school shootings. Data from the National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, covering decades of US school shootings, reveals that 68% of shooters obtained weapons from their home or the home of a relative.
Since 1999, out of 145 US school shootings committed by children/adolescents, 80% of the guns used were taken from their homes or relative's home. The availability
Aircraft hijacking is the unlawful seizure of an aircraft by an individual or a group. In most cases, the pilot is forced to fly according to the orders of the hijackers. However, the hijackers have flown the aircraft themselves and used them in suicide attacks, such as the September 11 attacks, in at least three cases, the plane was hijacked by the official pilot or co-pilot. Unlike the typical hijackings of land vehicles or ships, skyjacking is not committed for robbery or theft: most aircraft hijackers intend to use the passengers as hostages, either for monetary ransom or for some political or administrative concession by authorities. Various motives have driven such occurrences, including demanding the release of certain inmates, highlighting the grievances of a particular community, or political asylum. Hijackers have used aircraft as a suicide weapon to target particular locations. Hijackings for hostages produce an armed standoff during a period of negotiation between hijackers and authorities, followed by some form of settlement.
Settlements do not always meet the hijackers' original demands. If the hijackers' demands are deemed too great and the perpetrators show no inclination to surrender, authorities sometimes employ armed special forces to attempt a rescue of the hostages; because it is considered an act of terrorism and how it can endanger the lives of those upon the aircraft and others, aircraft hijacking is treated as an serious crime. In most jurisdictions of the world, aircraft hijacking is punishable by life imprisonment or a lengthy prison sentence. In most jurisdictions where the death penalty is a legal punishment, aircraft hijacking is a capital crime, including in China and the U. S. states of Mississippi. 1929-1930: In the Fort Worth Star-Telegram daily newspaper 19 September 1970, J. Howard "Doc" DeCelles states that he was the victim of the first skyjacking in December 1929, he was flying a postal route for the Mexican company Transportes Aeras Transcontinentales, ferrying mail from San Luis Potosí to Toreon and on to Guadalajara.
He was approached by Gen. Saturnino Cedillo, governor of the state of San Luis Potosí and one of the last remaining lieutenants of Pancho Villa. Cedillo was accompanied by several other men, he was told through an interpreter. He stalled long enough to convey the information to his boss, he was guided by the men as he flew above Mexican mountains. He landed on a road as directed, was held captive for several hours under armed guard, he was released with a "Buenos" from Cedillo and his staff. DeCelles kept his flight log, according to the article, but he did not file a report with authorities, he went on to work for the FAA in Fort Worth after his flying career. 1931: The first recorded aircraft hijack took place on February 21, 1931, in Arequipa, Peru. Byron Richards, flying a Ford Tri-Motor, was approached on the ground by armed revolutionaries, he refused to fly them anywhere and after a 10-day standoff, Richards was informed that the revolution was successful and he could go in return for flying one group member to Lima.
25 September 1932: a Sikorsky S-38 registration P-BDAD still bearing the titles of Nyrba do Brasil was seized in the company's hangar by three men, who took a fourth as one hostage. None were aviators but they managed to take off. However, the aircraft crashed in São João de Meriti; the hijack was related to the events of the Constitutionalist Revolution in São Paulo and it is considered to be the first hijack that took place in Brazil. 28 October 1939: The first documented murder-hijacking. Earnest P. "Larry" Pletch shot Carl Bivens, 39, a flight instructor, offering Pletch lessons in a yellow Taylor Cub monoplane with tandem controls in the air after taking off in Brookfield, Missouri. Bivens, instructing from the front seat, was shot in the back of the head twice. "Carl was telling me I had a natural ability and I should follow that line," Pletch confessed to prosecutors in Missouri. "I had a revolver in my pocket and without saying a word to him, I took it out of my overalls and I fired a bullet into the back of his head.
He never knew what struck him." The Chicago Daily Tribune called it "One of the most spectacular crimes of the 20th century, what is believed to be the first airplane kidnap murder on record." Because it occurred somewhere over three Missouri counties, involved interstate transport of a stolen airplane, it raised questions in legal circles about where, by whom, whether he could be prosecuted. Ernest Pletch was sentenced to life in prison without parole. However, his sentence was commuted, he was released on 1 March 1957, after serving 17 years, he died in Eldredge, Missouri, in June 2001. 1948: The first hijacking of a commercial flight was of the Cathay Pacific Miss Macao on 16 July 1948. 1956: The first hijacking of a commercial flight with political purposes was of the Lloyd Aereo Boliviano on 26 September 1956. The airplane, carried 47 prisoners, they were being transported from Bolivia to the town of El Alto, in La Paz. There, a political group was waiting to take them to a concentration camp l
A letter bomb called parcel bomb, mail bomb, package bomb, note bomb, message bomb, gift bomb, present bomb, delivery bomb, surprise bomb, postal bomb, or post bomb, is an explosive device sent via the postal service, designed with the intention to injure or kill the recipient when opened. They have been used in Israeli assassinations and in terrorist attacks such as those of the Unabomber; some countries have agencies whose duties include the interdiction of letter bombs and the investigation of letter bombings. The letter bomb may have been in use for nearly as long as the common postal service has been in existence, as far back as 1764. Letter bombs are designed to explode on opening, with the intention of injuring or killing the recipient. A related threat is mail containing unidentified powders or chemicals, as in the 2001 anthrax attacks. Letter-bombs, along with anti-personnel mines, are typical examples of subject-matter excluded from patentability under the European Patent Convention, because the publication or exploitation of such inventions are contrary to the "ordre public" and/or morality.
What might be the first recorded case of a device broadly similar to a modern parcel bomb featured in the 18th Century affair known as the Bandbox Plot. On November 4, 1712 a bandbox was sent to Earl of Oxford, the British Lord Treasurer, it contained a number of loaded and cocked pistols, to whose triggers was attached a thread - which would have made the pistols fire the moment the box was opened. The plot was foiled by the perspicacity of Jonathan Swift, who happened to be visiting the Earl of Oxford. Swift, perceiving the thread, cut the thread, thus disarming the device; the attack was laid at the door of the opposition Whig party and threw enormous popular sympathy behind Harley. The precise perpetrators were never apprehended. One of the world's first mail bombs is mentioned in the 18th century diary of Danish official and historian Bolle Willum Luxdorph, his diary consists of concise references to news from Denmark and abroad. In the entry for January 19, 1764 he writes the following: Colonel Poulsen residing at Børglum Abbey was sent by mail a box.
When he opens it, therein is to be found gunpowder and a firelock which sets fire unto it, so he became injured. The entry for February 15 same year says: Colonel Poulsen receives a letter in German, that soon the dose will be increased, it is referring to the dose of gunpowder in the box. The perpetrator was never found. In a reference Luxdorph has found a mention of a similar bomb being used in 1764, but in Savona in Italy. June 1889: Edward White an artist at Madame Tussauds, was alleged to have sent a parcel bomb to John Theodore Tussaud after being dismissed. August 20, 1904: A Swedish man named Martin Ekenberg sent a mail bomb to businessman Karl Fredrik Lundin in Stockholm, it was a box loaded with explosives. 1915: Vice President of the United States Thomas R. Marshall was the target of an assassination attempt by letter bomb. 1946: Several British high officials, including Sir Stafford Cripps, Ernest Bevin, Anthony Eden received letter bombs sent by the extreme Zionist Stern Gang. 1947: Several letter bombs were sent to President Harry Truman in the White House.
They were intercepted by White House mail room workers, who were on alert because of the letter bombs to British officials. These were claimed by the Stern Gang. August 30, 1958: A parcel bomb sent by Ngo Dinh Nhu, younger brother and chief adviser of South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem, failed to kill King Sihanouk of Cambodia. 1961: The Nazi war criminal Alois Brunner received a letter bomb that caused the loss of an eye. In 1980 another letter bomb cost him the fingers of his left hand. Two Damascus postal workers were killed; the senders are unknown but some suspect the Israeli intelligence agency Mossad. November 27, 1962: A parcel sent to rocket scientist Wolfgang Pilz exploded in his office in Egypt when opened, injuring his secretary. Another parcel sent to the Heliopolis rocket factory killed five Egyptian workers. 1960s, 1970s and early 1980s: Several terrorist organizations in Argentina such as Montoneros and ERP included letter bombs into their weaponry. December 28, 1977: In Malta, Karen Grech, age 15, was killed when she opened a letterbomb addressed to her father Edwin Grech.
On the same day, another bomb was sent to Labour MP Dr. Paul Chetcuti Caruana, but it did not detonate. Late 1970s to the early 1990s: Theodore Kaczynski, the "UNAbomber", killed three and injured 23 in a series of mail bombings in the United States. August 17, 1982: Ruth First, a South African communist anti-apartheid activist was killed by a parcel bomb mailed by the South African government to her home in Mozambique. August 1985: A woman in Rotorua, New Zealand, Michele Sticovich, was killed and a close friend of hers injured after she opened a parcel addressed to her containing a number of sticks of gelignite. Mrs Sticovich's estranged husband, David Sticovich, was arrested and pleaded guilty to her murder. October 19, 1986: Dele Giwa, a Nigerian journalist and editor of the Newswatch magazine was killed with a mail bomb, claimed to be sent by Nigeria's former dictator, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida; the general has never admitted complicity. December 16, 1989: Robert Smith Vance, a U. S. federal judge, was killed upon opening a letter bomb in the kitchen of his home in Birmingham, with his wife, Helen injured.
Walter Leroy Moody, Jr was convicted of killing both V
In criminal law, kidnapping is the unlawful carrying away and confinement of a person against their will. Thus, it is a composite crime, it can be defined as false imprisonment by means of abduction, both of which are separate crimes that when committed upon the same person merge as the single crime of kidnapping. The asportation/abduction element is but not conducted by means of force or fear; that is, the perpetrator may use a weapon to force the victim into a vehicle, but it is still kidnapping if the victim is enticed to enter the vehicle willingly, e.g. in the belief it is a taxicab. Kidnapping may be done to demand for ransom in exchange for releasing the victim, or for other illegal purposes. Kidnapping can be accompanied by bodily injury. Kidnapping of a child is known as child abduction, these are sometimes separate legal categories. Kidnapping of children is by one parent against the wishes of a parent or guardian. Kidnapping of adults is for ransom or to force someone to withdraw money from an ATM, but may be for the purpose of sexual assault.
In the past, presently in some parts of the world, kidnapping is a common means used to obtain slaves and money through ransom. In less recent times, kidnapping in the form of shanghaiing men was used to supply merchant ships in the 19th century with sailors, whom the law considered unfree labour. Criminal gangs are estimated to make up to $500 million a year in ransom payments from kidnapping. Kidnapping has been identified as one source by which terrorist organizations have been known to obtain funding; the Perri and MacKenzie article identified "tiger" kidnapping as a specific method used by either the Real Irish Republican Army or Continuity Irish Republican Army, in which a kidnapped family member is used to force someone to steal from their employer. Bride kidnapping is a term applied loosely, to include any bride "abducted" against the will of her parents if she is willing to marry the "abductor", it still is traditional amongst certain nomadic peoples of Central Asia. It has seen a resurgence in Kyrgyzstan since the fall of the Soviet Union and the subsequent erosion of women's rights.
Express kidnapping is a method of abduction used in some countries from Latin America, where a small ransom, that a company or family can pay, is demanded. Tiger kidnapping is taking a hostage to make a loved one or associate of the victim do something: e.g. a child is taken hostage to force the shopkeeper to open the safe. The term originates from the long preceding observation, like a tiger does on the prowl. Kidnapping that does not result in a homicide is a hybrid offence that comes with a maximum possible penalty of life imprisonment. A murder that results from kidnapping is classified as 1st-degree, with a sentence of life imprisonment that results from conviction. Article 282 prohibits hostaging. Part 1 of Article 282 allows sentencing kidnappers to maximum imprisonment of 8 years or a fine of the fifth category. Part 2 allows maximum imprisonment of 9 years or a fine of the fifth category if there are serious injuries. Part 3 allows maximum imprisonment of 12 years or a fine of the fifth category if the victim has been killed.
Part 4 allows sentencing people. Part 1, 2 and 3 will apply to them. Kidnapping is an offence under the common law of Wales. Lord Brandon said in 1984 R v D: First, the nature of the offence is an attack on, infringement of, the personal liberty of an individual. Secondly, the offence contains four ingredients as follows: the taking or carrying away of one person by another. In all cases of kidnapping of children, where it is alleged that a child has been kidnapped, it is the absence of the consent of that child, material; this is the case regardless of the age of the child. A small child will not have the understanding or intelligence to consent; this means. It is a question of fact for the jury whether an older child has sufficient understanding and intelligence to consent. Lord Brandon said: "I should not expect a jury to find at all that a child under fourteen had sufficient understanding and intelligence to give its consent." If the child did consent to being taken or carried away, the fact that the person having custody or care and control of that child did not consent to that child being taken or carried away is immaterial.
If, on the other hand, the child did not consent, the consent of the person having custody or care and control of the child may support a defence of lawful excuse. It is known as Gillick competence. Regarding Restriction on prosecution, no prosecution may be instituted, except by or with the consent of the Director of Public Prosecutions, for an offence of kidnapping if it was committed against a child under the age of sixteen and by a person connected with the child, within the meaning of section 1 of the Child Abduction Act 1984. Kidnapping is an indictable-only offence. Kidnapping is punishable with fine at the discretion of the court. There is no limit on the fine or the term of imprisonment that may be imposed provided the sentence is not inordinate. A parent should only be prosecuted for kidnapping their own child "in exceptional cases
Leaderless resistance, or phantom cell structure, is a social resistance strategy in which small, independent groups, or individuals, challenge an established institution such as a law, economic system, social order, or government. Leaderless resistance can encompass anything from non-violent protest and civil disobedience to vandalism and other violent activity. Leaderless cells lack vertical command links and so operate without hierarchical command, but they have a common goal that links them to the social movement from which their ideology was learned. Leaderless resistance is difficult to stamp out, it has been employed by a wide range of movements, including animal-liberation, radical environmentalist, anti-abortion, military invasion resistance, colonialism resistance and hate groups. A covert cell may be a small group; the basic characteristic of the structure is that there is no explicit communication between cells that are acting toward shared goals. Members of one cell have little or no information about who else is agitating on behalf of their cause.
Leaderless movements may have a symbolic figurehead. This can be a public figure, a multiple-use name, or an inspirational author, who picks generic targets and objectives, but does not manage or execute plans. Media, in this case create a positive feedback loop: by publishing declarations of a movement’s role model, this instills motivation and assumed sympathy in the minds of potential agitators who in turn lend further authority to the figurehead. While this may loosely resemble a vertical command structure, it is notably unidirectional: a titular leader makes pronouncements, activists may respond, but there is no formal contact between the two levels of organization; as a result, leaderless resistance cells are resistant to traitors. As there is neither a center that may be destroyed, nor links between the cells that may be infiltrated, it is more difficult for established authorities to arrest the development of a leaderless resistance movement than it is with movements that adopt more conventional hierarchies.
Given the asymmetrical character of leaderless resistance, the fact that it is strategically adopted in the face of a power imbalance, it has much in common with guerrilla warfare. The latter strategy, however retains some form of organized, bidirectional leadership and is more broad-based than the individualized actions of leaderless cells. In some cases, a leaderless movement may evolve into a coherent insurgency or guerrilla movement, as with the Yugoslav partisans of World War II. Leaderless resistance involves resistance by violent means, but it is not limited to them. Non-violent groups can use the same structure to author and distribute samizdat literature, to create self-propagating boycotts against political opponents via the internet, to maintain an alternative electronic currency outside of the reach of taxing governments and transaction-logging banks, so forth; the concept of leaderless resistance was developed by Col. Ulius Louis Amoss, a former U. S. intelligence officer, in the early 1960s.
An anti-communist, Amoss saw leaderless resistance as a way to prevent the penetration and destruction of CIA-supported resistance cells in Eastern European countries under Soviet control. The concept was revived and popularized in an essay published by the anti-government Ku Klux Klan member Louis Beam in 1983 and again in 1992. Beam advocated leaderless resistance as a technique for white nationalists to continue the struggle against the U. S. government, despite an overwhelming imbalance in power and resources. Beam argued that conventional hierarchical pyramidal organizations are dangerous for their participants, when employed in a resistance movement against government, because of the ease of disclosing the chain of command. A less dangerous approach would be to convince like-minded individuals to form independent cells without close communication between each other but operating in the same direction. Further information: Animal liberation movement, Abolitionism and Anarchism and animal rightsThe first recorded direct action for animal liberation which progressed into a movement of leaderless resistance was by the original "Band of Mercy" in 1824 whose goal was to thwart fox hunters.
Inspired by this group and after seeing a pregnant deer driven into the village by fox hunters to be killed, John Prestige decided to oppose this sport and formed the Hunt Saboteurs Association in 1964. Within a year, a leaderless model of hunt-sabotage groups was formed across the country. A new Band of Mercy was formed in 1972, it used direct action to liberate animals and cause economic sabotage against those thought to be abusing animals. Ronnie Lee and others changed the name of the movement to the Animal Liberation Front in 1976 and adopted a leaderless resistance model focusing broadly on animal liberation. Earth First! and the environmental movement in the 1980s adopted the leaderless resistance model. An animal liberation movement advocating violence emerged with the name Animal Rights Militia in 1982. Letter bombs were sent to the British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher. Two years the name Hunt Retribution Squad was used; the Earth Liberation Front formed in 1992, breaking from Earth First! when that organization decided to focus on public direct action, instead of the ecotage that the ELF participated in.
A violent group called the Justice Department was established in 1993, in 1994 sent razor blades to hunters such as Prince Charles and to animal researchers. In 1999 the lea
Communist terrorism describes terrorism carried out in the advancement of, or by groups who adhere to, communism or related ideologies, such as Leninism, Maoism, or Marxism–Leninism. In history communist terrorism has sometimes taken the form of state-sponsored terrorism, supported by communist nations such as the Soviet Union, North Korea and Cambodia. In addition, non-state actors such as the Red Brigades, the Front Line and the Red Army Faction have engaged in communist terrorism; these groups hope to inspire the masses to rise up and begin a revolution to overthrow existing political and economic systems. This form of terrorism can sometimes be called left terrorism; the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Soviet Union have been credited with leading to a marked decrease in this form of terrorism. Brian Crozier and director of the Institute for the Study of Conflict, has said that communism was the primary source of both state-sponsored and non-state terrorism. In the 1930s, the term "communist terrorism" was used by the Nazi Party in Germany as part of a propaganda campaign to spread fear of communism.
The Nazis blamed communist terrorism for the Reichstag fire, which they used as an excuse to push through legislation removing personal freedom from German citizens. In the 1940s and 1950s, various Southeast Asian countries, such as the Philippines and Vietnam, witnessed the rise of communist groups engaging in terrorism. John Slocum has written that communists in present-day Malaysia used terrorism to draw attention to their ideological beliefs, but Phillip Deery has written that the Malaysian insurgents were called communist terrorists only as part of a propaganda campaign. In the 1960s, the Sino–Soviet split led to a marked increase in terrorist activity in the region; that decade saw various terrorist groups commencing operations in Europe and the Americas. Yonah Alexander deemed these groups Fighting Communist Organizations, says they rose out of the student union movement protesting against the Vietnam War. In Western Europe, these groups' actions were known as Euroterrorism; the founders of FCOs argued that violence was necessary to achieve their goals, that peaceful protest was both ineffective and insufficient to attain them.
In the 1970s, there were an estimated 50 Marxist or Leninist groups operating in Turkey, an estimated 225 groups operating in Italy. Groups began operations in Ireland and the United Kingdom; these groups were deemed a major threat by NATO and the Italian and British governments. Communist terrorism did not enjoy full support from all ideologically sympathetic groups; the Italian Communist Party, for example, condemned such activity. While Vladimir Lenin systematically denounced the terrorism practiced by the Socialist Revolutionaries and opposed regicide, he supported terror as a tool, considered mass terror to be a strategic and efficient method for advancing revolutionary goals. According to Leon Trotsky, Lenin emphasized the absolute necessity of terror and as early as 1904, Lenin said, "The dictatorship of the proletariat is an meaningless expression without Jacobin coercion." In 1905, Lenin directed members of the St. Petersburg "Combat Committee" to commit acts of robbery and other terrorist acts.
Not all scholars agree on Lenin's position towards terrorism. Joan Witte contends that he opposed the practice except when it was wielded by the party and the Red Army after 1917, she suggests that he opposed the use of terrorism as a mindless act but endorsed its use in order to advance the communist revolution. Chaliand and Blin contend that Lenin advocated mass terror but objected to disorderly, unorganized, or petty acts of terrorism. According to Richard Drake, Lenin had abandoned any reluctance to use terrorist tactics by 1917, believing that all resistance to communist revolution should be met with maximum force. Drake contends that the terrorist intent in Lenin's program was unmistakable, as acknowledged by Trotsky in his book Terrorism and Communism: a Reply, published in 1918. In the book, Trotsky provided an elaborate justification for the use of terror, stating "The man who repudiates terrorism in principle, i.e. repudiates measures of suppression and intimidation towards determined and armed counterrevolution, must reject all ideas of the political supremacy of the working class and its revolutionary dictatorship."
Trotsky's justification rests on a criticism of the usage of the term "terrorism" to describe all political violence on behalf of the Left, but not vicious political violence carried out by Liberal or reactionary factions. Scholars on the Left argue that while it is a matter of historical record that communist movements did at times employ violence, the label of "terrorism" is disproportionately used in Western media sources to refer to all political violence employed by the left, while violent tactics employed by the United States and its allies remain unscrutinized. A similar phenomenon is visible with respect to Islamic terrorism; the St Nedelya Church assault on the 16 of April 1925 was committed by a group from the Bulgarian Communist Party. They blew up the roof of the St Nedelya Church in Bulgaria. 150 people were killed and around 500 were injured. The Cambodian genocide committed by the Khmer Rouge, which led to the death of an estimated 1.7 million to 2.5 million people has been described as an act of terrorism by Joseph S. Tuman.
Benjamin A. Valentino has estimated that the atrocities committed by both the Nationalist government and the Communists during the Chinese Civil War resulted in the death of between 1.8 million and 3.5 million people between 1927 and 1949. In the late 1940s, the United States Department of State report
Propaganda of the deed
Propaganda of the deed is specific political action meant to be exemplary to others and serve as a catalyst for revolution. It is associated with acts of violence perpetrated by proponents of insurrectionary anarchism in the late 19th and early 20th century, including bombings and assassinations aimed at the ruling class, but had non-violent applications; these "deeds" were to ignite the "spirit of revolt" in the people by demonstrating the state was not omnipotent and by offering hope to the downtrodden, to expand support for anarchist movements as the state grew more repressive in its response. In 1881, the International Anarchist Congress of London gave the tactic its approval. One of the first individuals to conceptualise propaganda by the deed was the Italian revolutionary Carlo Pisacane, who wrote in his "Political Testament" that "ideas spring from deeds and not the other way around." Mikhail Bakunin, in his "Letters to a Frenchman on the Present Crisis" stated that "we must spread our principles, not with words but with deeds, for this is the most popular, the most potent, the most irresistible form of propaganda."
The concept, in a broader setting, has a rich heritage, as the words of Francis of Assisi reveal: "Let them show their love by the works they do for each other, according as the Apostle says:'let us not love in word or in tongue, but in deed and in truth.'" Some anarchists, such as Johann Most, advocated publicizing violent acts of retaliation against counter-revolutionaries because "we preach not only action in and for itself, but action as propaganda." It was not advocacy for mass murder, but a call for targeted killings of the representatives of capitalism and government at a time when such action might garner sympathy from the population, such as during periods of government repression or labor conflicts, although Most himself once boasted that "the existing system will be quickest and most radically overthrown by the annihilation of its exponents. Therefore, massacres of the enemies of the people must be set in motion." In 1885, he published The Science of Revolutionary Warfare, a technical manual for acquiring and detonating explosives based on the knowledge he acquired by working at an explosives factory in New Jersey.
Most was an early influence on American anarchists Emma Alexander Berkman. Berkman attempted propaganda by the deed when he tried in 1892 to kill industrialist Henry Clay Frick following the deaths by shooting of several striking workers. Beverly Gage, professor of U. S. history at Yale University, elaborates on what the concept meant to outsiders and those within the anarchist movement: To outsiders, the talk of bombing and assassination that pulsed through revolutionary circles in the late 1870s sounded like little more than an indiscriminate call to violence. To Most and others within the anarchist movement, by contrast, the idea of propaganda by deed, or the attentat, had a specific logic. Among anarchism's founding premises was the idea that capitalist society was a place of constant violence: every law, every church, every paycheck was based on force. In such a world, to do nothing, to stand idly by while millions suffered, was itself to commit an act of violence; the question was not whether violence per se might be justified, but how violence might be maximally effective for, in Most's words, annihilating the "beast of property" that "makes mankind miserable, gains in cruelty and voracity with the progress of our so called civilization."
By the 1880s, the slogan "propaganda of the deed" had begun to be used both within and outside of the anarchist movement to refer to individual bombings and tyrannicides. In 1881, "propaganda by the deed" was formally adopted as a strategy by the anarchist London Congress. In 1886, French anarchist Clément Duval achieved a form of propaganda of the deed, stealing 15,000 francs from the mansion of a Parisian socialite, before accidentally setting the house on fire. Caught two weeks he was dragged from the court crying "Long live anarchy!", condemned to death. Duval's sentence was commuted to hard labor on Devil's Island, French Guiana. In the anarchist paper Révolte, Duval famously declared that, "Theft exists only through the exploitation of man by man... when Society refuses you the right to exist, you must take it... the policeman arrested me in the name of the Law, I struck him in the name of Liberty". As early as 1887, a few important figures in the anarchist movement had begun to distance themselves from individual acts of violence.
Peter Kropotkin thus wrote that year in Le Révolté that "a structure based on centuries of history cannot be destroyed with a few kilos of dynamite". A variety of anarchists advocated the abandonment of these sorts of tactics in favor of collective revolutionary action, for example through the trade union movement; the anarcho-syndicalist, Fernand Pelloutier, argued in 1895 for renewed anarchist involvement in the labor movement on the basis that anarchism could do well without "the individual dynamiter."State repression of the anarchist and labor movements following the few successful bombings and assassinations may have contributed to the abandonment of these kinds of tactics, although reciprocally state repression, in the first place, may have played a role in these isolated acts. The dismemberment of the French socialist movement, into many groups and, following the suppression of the 1871 Paris Commune, the execution and exile of many communards to penal colonies, favored individualist political expression and acts.
Anarchist historian Max Nettlau provided a more complex concept of propaganda when he sa