Huari is a small town in the Ancash Region in central Peru. It is the seat of the Huari Province, it lies on the eastern slope of the Andean mountain range known as the Cordillera Blanca. The economy of the providence is agricultural, at least half the population are engaged in subsistence horticulture, raising potatoes, sweet potatoes, other native tubers, maize, barley, tomatoes and some other vegetables. Many residential households raise a few animals, including goats, pigs cattle, guinea pigs, rabbits and ducks. Much of the trade in this rural area is barter. Huari is connected to the electric grid, in 2005 some of the surrounding villages were just beginning to be connected to the grid. Huari in the year 1965 In the mid-1960s electricity was locally generated by a small hydroelectric plant; the plant supplied AC power from dusk to dawn. Electricity and running water was available to less than a hundred Huari businesses, government offices, private residences, the public school. Several streets -- no wider than four meters -- were maintained for vehicular traffic.
There were no asphalted streets, although many streets had raised cobbled sidewalks. The drive from Huari westward to the Pan-American Highway during fair weather required six to eight hours on packed-earth and graveled roads until arriving at the asphalt-paved Pan-American Highway on the Pacific coast near the town of Comas. Crossing the Cordillera Blanca was facilitated by a one-lane tunnel about 800 meters length; this tunnel was a 5-meter cylindrical tube, blasted and cut through rock. The ceiling and walls were unfinished, year-round the water seeps at numerous places kept the rough but level one-lane roadway muddy and covered with puddles. Crossing this east-west highway about halfway between the Cordillera Blanca and the Cordillera Blanca is the north-south highway between the Ancash capital and the large ancient town of Recuay. From Huari the city of Huaraz was a motor-vehicle trip of about four hours.
The Tiwanaku state was a Pre-Columbian polity in western Bolivia based in the southern Lake Titicaca Basin. Tiwanaku was one of the most significant Andean civilizations, its influence extended into present-day Peru and Chile and lasted from around AD 550 to 1000. Its capital was the monumental city of Tiwanaku, located at the center of the state's core area in the southern Lake Titicaca Basin; this area has clear evidence for large-scale agricultural production on raised fields that supported the urban population of the capital. Researchers debate whether these fields were administered by a bureaucratic state or through collaboration of a segmented state or federation with local autonomy. One obsolete theory suggests that Tiwanaku was an expansive military empire, based on comparisons to the Inca Empire, but supporting evidence is weak. Tiwanaku was a multi-cultural "hospitality state" that brought people together to build large monuments as part of large religious festivals; this may have been the central dynamic that attracted people from hundreds of kilometers away, who may have traveled there as part of llama caravans to trade, make offerings, honor the gods.
Tiwanaku grew into the Andes' most important pilgrimage destination and one of the continent's largest Pre-Columbian cities, reaching a population of 10,000 to 20,000 around AD 800. Outside of the state's core area in the southern Lake Titicaca Basin, there were Tiwanaku colonies on the coast of Peru, where highland people imitated Tiwanaku temples and ceramics, cemeteries in northern Chile with elaborate grave goods in the Tiwanaku style. Despite the clear connections to these enclaves, there is little evidence that the state controlled the territory or people in between, that is, its territory was not contiguous. With a few important exceptions, the state's influence outside the Lake Titicaca Basin was "soft power" that blossomed into a powerful and enduring cultural hegemony; the site of Tiwanaku was founded around AD 110 during the Late Formative Period, when there were a number of growing settlements in the southern Lake Titicaca Basin. Between AD 450 and 550, other large settlements were abandoned, leaving Tiwanaku as the pre-eminent center in the region.
Beginning around AD 600 its population exploded due to a massive immigration from the surrounding countryside, large parts of the city were built or remodeled. New and larger carved monoliths were erected, temples were built, a standardized polychrome pottery style was produced on a massive scale. Tiwanaku's influence, most documented by the presence of its decorated ceramics, expanded into the Yungas and influenced many other cultures in Peru and northern Argentina and Chile; some statues at Tiwanaku were taken from other regions, where the stones were placed in a subordinate position to the Gods of the Tiwanaku. They displayed the power. Archaeologists have documented Tiwanaku ceramics at a large number of sites in and beyond the Lake Titicaca Basin, attesting to the expansive influence of Tiwanaku symbols and attached messages of power; the population grew between 600 and 800, becoming an important regional power in the southern Andes. William H. Isbell states that "Tiahuanaco underwent a dramatic transformation between 600 and 700 that established new monumental standards for civic architecture and increased the resident population."
Early estimates suggested the city covered 6.5 square kilometers at with 15,000 to 30,000 inhabitants. More recent surveys estimate the site's maximum size between 3.8 and 4.2 square kilometers and a population of 10,000 to 20,000. In the rest of the southern Lake Titicaca Basin, hundreds of smaller settlements have been found; some of the largest and most important were Lukurmata, Qeya Kuntu, Waka Kala, Kala Uyuni, Khonko Wankane. Archaeologists such as Paul Goldstein have showed that the Tiwanaku diaspora expanded outside of the altiplano area and into the Moquegua Valley in Peru. After AD 750, there is growing Tiwanaku presence at the Chen Chen site and the Omo site complex, where a ceremonial center was built. Excavations at Omo settlements show signs of similar architecture characteristic of Tiwanaku, such as a temple and terraced mound. Evidence of similar types of artificial cranial deformation in burials between the Omo site and the main site of Tiwanaku is being used for this argument.
Tiwanaku established several colonies as far as 300 km away. One of the better researched is the colony in Moquegua Valley in Peru, 150 km from lake Titicaca and flourished between 400 and 1100; this colony was an agricultural and mining center, producing silver. Small colonies were established in Chile's Azapa Valley. Tiwanaku's location between the lake and dry highlands provided key resources of fish, wild birds and herding grounds for camelids llamas. Tiwanaku's economy was based on exploiting the resources of the lake Titicaca, herding of llamas and alpacas and organized farming in raised field systems. Llama meat was consumed and potatoes, quinoa and maize grown. Storage of food was important in the uncertain high altitude climate, so technologies for freeze-dried potatoes and sun-dried meat were developed; the Titicaca Basin is the most productive environment in the area, with predictable and abundant rainfall. The Tiwanaku culture developed expanded farming. To the east, the Altiplano is an area of dry arid land.
The Tiwanaku developed a distinctive farming technique known as "flooded-raised field" agriculture. Such fields were used in regional agriculture, together with irrigated fields, pasture
Osmore River system flows northeast to southwest in the Moquegua Region of southern coastal Peru. The river has its origin in the snow peaks of the Chuqi Ananta and Arundane mountains, at an elevation of 5,100 metres, it changes names as it descends from the Andes: From its origin it is called the Moquegua Osmore in the middle valley as Rio Coscori and Rio Tumilaca including where the river disappears into subterranean channels, further down in the lower reaches as Rio Ilo. An initial reconnaissance of the archaeological treasures of the valley carried out in the 1980s revealed more than 500 archeological sites dated from 10,000 years of human occupation; the Asana archaeological site, occupied over a period of 8,000 years, is located by the Asana River, a tributary of the Osmore. There are Wari culture sites, the Tiwanaku culture sites in the area; the river basin is situated within Moquegua Region's Mariscal Ilo provinces. It is geographically located between parallels 16 º 52'and 17 º 43' south latitude and between the meridians 70 º 26'and 71 ° 20' west longitude.
The hydrographic system is part of the Pacific slope. The river flows along a geological fault known as Cholo fault, flows over a length of 480 kilometres draining an area of 1,343 square miles, it debouches in to the Pacific after dropping over a height of over 5,000 metres in its short stretch of 480 kilometres from the source and thus having a river gradient of 3.6%. It has several tributaries; the river basin is bounded on the north by the Tambo River basin, a sub-basin of the Vizcachas River. From north to south the tributaries are: the Huraicane River with a drainage area of 505 square kilometres over a flow length of 59 kilometres; the upper Osmore drainage is known as the Otora Valley. The middle section of the river came into prominence as Moquegua valley during the colonial rule and the town of the same name Moquegua was established; the lower end of the mid valley is where the river disappears from an elevation of about 1,000 metres without any trace of either of the river or any habitation traces of pre-Hispanic or Hispanic colonial rule, reappears 30 kilometres short of the coast.
Here it flows through the town of Ila. In its last stretch, the river is joined by another stream which brings in the desert wash of the Quebrada Seca de Guaneros, a stream which drains 935 square kilometres over a stream length of 87 kilometres. Many springs in the lower valley were tapped for irrigation development and the river in the lower section in the coastal valley is known by the ancient name of Rio Ilo with coast line occupied by villages of fishermen; the upper section of the Osmore contains several valleys. The midsection contains farmland, the city of Moquegua, the historical Tiwanaku town of Omo, the Yaral site, it is here. The floodplains initial 10 kilometres are narrow, averaging 115 metres in width, while the latter 15 kilometres average 300 metres in width when arriving at the sea; the presence of the Tiwanaku state's existence in the Moquegua Region was determined in 1981, with 17 sites located in the Osmore drainage area. The small settlement of Pacocha was built at the mouth of the river.
In the late 19th century, high tides of the Pacific Ocean flooded the town, the residents relocated to Ilo, on higher ground. The ecological features of the valley above 2,000 metres elevation is dictated by the rainfall, seasonal. However, at lower elevations rainfall is nil and hence considered as the "world's driest desert, where decades can pass without a shower."In the upstream reaches of the valley, the Asana River is one of the four major tributaries of the Moquegua River, which becomes the Osmore River downstream. It is situated in the south central Andes mountains; the main Asana has its primary source at an elevation of 4,800 metres. This is within the pampas in the peripheral region of the high puna, defined as an area above 3,800 metres elevation; the river's run off source is seasonal precipitation including snow melt from the western cordillera of the Andes. At these high altitudes population was sparse and herding the llama and alpaca was popular; the plantation of potatoes, a frost tolerant crop was practiced at these altitudes.
Below the elevation of 3,000 metres, the many tributaries to Asana River are dry and seasonal but the streams above this elevation demonstrate perennial flows from rainfall and snow melt. Stream discharge during the rainy season averages 2.34 cubic metres /second while in the dry season, the average
The Nazca culture was the archaeological culture that flourished from c. 100 BC to 800 AD beside the arid, southern coast of Peru in the river valleys of the Rio Grande de Nazca drainage and the Ica Valley. Having been influenced by the preceding Paracas culture, known for complex textiles, the Nazca produced an array of crafts and technologies such as ceramics and geoglyphs—specifically the Nazca Lines, they built an impressive system of underground aqueducts, known as puquios, that still function today. The Nazca Province in the Ica Region was named for this people. Nazca society developed during the Early Intermediate Period and is divided into the Proto Nazca, the Early Nazca, Middle Nazca and Late Nazca cultures. From 500 AD, the civilization started to decline and by 750 AD the civilization had fallen completely; this is thought to have occurred when an El Niño triggered destructive flooding. Evidence suggests that the Nazca people may have exacerbated the effects of these floods by cutting down Prosopis pallida trees to make room for maize and cotton agriculture.
These trees play an important role as the ecological keystone of this landscape: in particular preventing river and wind erosion. Gradual removal of trees would have exposed the landscape to the effects of climate perturbations such as El Niño, leading to erosion and leaving irrigation systems high and dry. Early Nazca society was made up of local chiefdoms and regional centers of power centered around Cahuachi, a non-urban ceremonial site of earthwork mounds and plazas. Scholars have developed theories resulting from various excavations at Cahuachi and suggest that the site was the center for rituals and feasting relating to agriculture and fertility; this may have been as a result of environmental deterioration. Cahuachi lies in the lower portion of the Nazca Valley and was occupied during the late Paracas phase, it is unique among all other Nazca sites in the region and it is the most important site for the study of ancient Nazca culture. The people modified the natural huacas into pyramid mounds for religious purposes.
Excavations at Cahuachi have given archaeologists key insights into the culture. The material remains found at the site included large amounts of polychrome pottery and fancy textiles, trace amounts of gold and spondylus shell, an array of ritual paraphernalia; the remains of pottery found at Cahuachi led archaeologists to believe that the site was non-urban and ceremonial in nature. The ratio of plain, utilitarian pottery to fine, polychrome pottery was 30% to 70%. If it was an urban center, the amount of utilitarian ceramics would have been higher. Among the foodstuffs found were the Three Sisters: maize and beans. Construction at Cahuachi ceased, it appears that the site was abandoned at the end of Nazca 3/early Nazca 4. Although there are many possible reasons for the collapse of Cahuachi, most scholars believe that the cessation of ceremonial use of the site is associated with the pan-Andean drought. Nazca society was structured in a similar fashion as it had been before, but less of an emphasis was made in constructing large architectural complexes like those at Cahuachi.
Related to the arid and extreme nature of the environment, Nazca religious beliefs were based upon agriculture and fertility. Much of Nazca art depicts powerful nature gods, such as the mythical killer whale, the harvesters, the mythical spotted cat, the serpentine creature, the most prevalent of worshiped figures, the anthropomorphic mythical being. Much as in the contemporary Moche culture based in northwest Peru, shamans used hallucinogenic drugs, such as extractions from the San Pedro cactus, to induce visions; the use of such substances is depicted in art found on pottery related to the Nazca. Religious events and ceremonies took place in Cahuachi; the people worshiped the nature gods to aid in the growth of agriculture. During this time, all members of the society in surrounding villages would migrate to the center and participate in feasting as well. Non-elites could obtain valued goods, such as fancy polychrome pottery, through feasting. In exchange, the elites could enhance their political power and status while co-opting the commoners into labor and construction of the site.
The debate over the purpose of trophy heads continues to this day, whether they were trophies of war or objects of ritual. Visual depictions of decapitations associate the decapitators with weapons and military-like dress, but such garments could have been worn in purely ceremonial circumstances as well; the term'trophy head' was coined by the archaeologist Max Uhle, who considered the depiction of severed heads in ancient Peruvian art to correspond to trophies of warfare. Researchers noted that all the heads had one modification in common- a hole in the forehead through which a rope could be affixed so that the severed head can be displayed or carried; this added to the consensus. Many burials of Nazca individuals are what is known as'partial burials'. Partial burials include bundles of limbs, caches of severed heads, or bodies that are missing several parts. Several burials have been discovered in which the head of the skeleton is missing and is replaced with what is most referred to as a'head jar'.
The head jar is a ceramic vessel with a human head painted on it, along with trees and plants sprouting from the head. During
The Huari Province is one of twenty provinces of the Ancash Region in Peru. Its seat is Huari; the Cordillera Blanca traverses the western part of the province. Some of the highest peaks of the province are Wantsan. Other mountains are listed below: Huari is divided into sixteen districts, which are: The people in the province are indigenous citizens of Quechua descent. Quechua is the language which the majority of the population learnt to speak in childhood, 21.49% of the residents started speaking using the Spanish language. The UNESCO World Heritage Site of Chavín de Huantar is the most famous archaeological site of the province. Another remarkable place with cave paintings and stone tombs is Markahirka. Allpaqucha Challwaqucha Hatun Qaqaqucha and Ichik Qaqaqucha Yanaqucha Official web site of the Huari Province
Pachacamac is an archaeological site 40 kilometres southeast of Lima, Peru in the Valley of the Lurín River. The site was first settled around A. D. 200 and was named after the "Earth Maker" creator god Pacha Kamaq. The site flourished for about 1,300 years until the Spanish invaded. Pachacamac covers about 600 hectares of land. Pacha Kamaq was considered the creator god by the people who lived in this part of Peru before the Inca conquest; the Inca received him into their pantheon, but he was never an equal of Viracocha, whom they viewed as more powerful. The myths that survive of Pacha Kamaq are sparse and confused: some accounts, for example, identify him as Manco Cápac's cowardly brother Ayca, while others say that he, Manco Cápac and Viracocha were the sole three sons of Inti, the sun god. Another story says that he made the first man and the first woman, but forgot to give them food – and when the man died and the woman prayed over Pachacamac's head to his father Inti to make her the mother of all the peoples of earth, Pachacamac was furious.
One by one, as the children were born, he tried to kill them – only to be beaten and to be thrown into the sea by her hero-son Wichama, after which he gave up the struggle and contented himself by becoming the supreme god of fish. In the 1890s archaeologists first began exploring Pachacamac, they found many enormous buildings and burial sites, looted. The first section of the site includes temples of a large cemetery; the second section includes several buildings which are secular pyramids. In this complex of buildings there were mud-brick stepped pyramids with plazas; these buildings are dated between the mid-1400s. The three most famous pyramids are all found in the sacred sector; these are the Painted Temple, the Temple of the Sun, the Old Temple of Pachacamac. According to Peter Eekhout, an archaeologist who studied and excavated the site of Pachacamac, "For decades most scholars thought the pyramids were religious "embassies" that housed delegations from far-off communities who came to worship, bring tribute, make offerings to Pachacamac".
However, Eekhout came to a different conclusion after his work at the site. Eekhout and his team found that the structures lacked the features that characterized religious centers of the time, he concluded that the structures were used as palaces for the rulers of Pachacamac. The Temple of the Sun is 30,000 m is in the shape of a trapezoid, it has the common step pyramid architecture. This temple has been dated to the time of Inca control over Pachacamac; some archaeologists believe. Sacrifices of women and children were found in an Inca cemetery within a portion of the structure. Burial goods found with the sacrifices point to the sacrifices originating from coastal societies. Archaeologists are limited in their knowledge of this site because the Temple of the Sun and many other pyramids at Pachacamac have been irreversibly damaged by looting and the El Niño weather phenomenon; the Old Temple called the Temple of Pachacamac, is the oldest building in Pachacamac. It is built on a rocky promontory and is characterized by the massive use of small bricks of raw adobe dated to the Early Intermediate period, under the influence of the Lima culture.
Most of the common buildings and temples were built c. 800-1450 CE, shortly before the arrival and conquest by the Inca Empire. Archaeologists have uncovered multiple grave sites; these sites may date to different periods of Pachacamac's history are located in different parts of the city. In the Southeastern part area, in the Temple of Inti, archeologists have found a cemetery, set apart for the mamacuna, women who had important status; these women wove textiles for priests, brewed corn beer, used in Inca festivals. The women were sacrificed in the highest ritual, they were buried in stone tombs. Each was surround by offerings from the highlands of Peru, such as coca and cayenne peppers. In 2012, Belgian archeologists found a 1000 year old tomb in front of Pachacamac containing over 80 skeletons and mummies, many of which were infants; the tomb contained offerings such as ceramic vessels and gold alloy objects, wooden masks, dogs and guinea pigs. The Huari reconstructed the city using it as an administrative center.
A number of Huari-influenced designs appear on the structures and on the ceramics and textiles found in the cemeteries of this period. After the collapse of the Huari empire, Pachacamac continued to grow as a religious center; the majority of the common architecture and temples were built during this stage. The Inca Empire invaded Pachacamac and took over the site around 1470. For the Inca, Pachacamac was important to religion as well as an important administration center; when the Inca started their conquest, they had Viracocha. However, out of respect for the religion of their conquered people, the Inca entered Pacha Kamaq into their religion, but Pacha Kamaq and Viracocha were not equals, Viracocha was believed to be more powerful. Still, Pachacamac was allowed an unusual amount of independence from the Inca EmpireBy the time the Tawantinsuyu invaded the area, the valleys of the Rímac and Lurín had a small state which the pe