Waste management include the activities and actions required to manage waste from its inception to its final disposal. This includes the collection, transport and disposal of waste, together with monitoring and regulation of the waste management process. Waste can be solid, liquid, or gas and each type has different methods of disposal and management. Waste management deals with all types of waste, including industrial and household. In some cases, waste can pose a threat to human health. Waste is produced for example, the extraction and processing of raw materials. Waste management is intended to reduce adverse effects of waste on human health, the environment or aesthetics. Waste management practices are not uniform among countries. A large portion of waste management practices deal with municipal solid waste, the bulk of the waste, created by household and commercial activity; the waste hierarchy refers to the "3 Rs" reduce and recycle, which classifies waste management strategies according to their desirability in terms of waste minimisation.
The waste hierarchy is the cornerstone of most waste minimisation strategies. The aim of the waste hierarchy is to extract the maximum practical benefits from products and to generate the minimum amount of end waste; the waste hierarchy is represented as a pyramid because the basic premise is that policies should promote measures to prevent the generation of waste. The next step or preferred action is to seek alternative uses for the waste, generated i.e. by re-use. The next is recycling. Following this step is material recovery and waste-to-energy; the final action is disposal, through incineration without energy recovery. This last step is the final resort for waste which has not been diverted or recovered; the waste hierarchy represents the progression of a product or material through the sequential stages of the pyramid of waste management. The hierarchy represents the latter parts of the life-cycle for each product; the life-cycle begins with design proceeds through manufacture and primary use and follows through the waste hierarchy's stages of reduce and recycle.
Each stage in the life-cycle offers opportunities for policy intervention, to rethink the need for the product, to redesign to minimize waste potential, to extend its use. Product life-cycle analysis is a way to optimize the use of the world's limited resources by avoiding the unnecessary generation of waste. Resource efficiency reflects the understanding that global economic growth and development can not be sustained at current production and consumption patterns. Globally, humanity extracts more resources to produce goods. Resource efficiency is the reduction of the environmental impact from the production and consumption of these goods, from final raw material extraction to last use and disposal; the polluter-pays principle mandates that the polluting party pays for the impact on the environment. With respect to waste management, this refers to the requirement for a waste generator to pay for appropriate disposal of the unrecoverable material. Throughout most of history, the amount of waste generated by humans was insignificant due to low population density and low societal levels of the exploitation of natural resources as well as industrial since a few decades ago.
Common waste produced during pre-modern times was ashes and human biodegradable waste, these were released back into the ground locally, with minimum environmental impact. Tools made out of wood or metal were reused or passed down through the generations. However, some civilizations do seem to have been more profligate in their waste output than others. In particular, the Maya of Central America had a fixed monthly ritual, in which the people of the village would gather together and burn their rubbish in large dumps. Following the onset of industrialisation and the sustained urban growth of large population centres in England, the buildup of waste in the cities caused a rapid deterioration in levels of sanitation and the general quality of urban life; the streets became choked with filth due to the lack of waste clearance regulations. Calls for the establishment of a municipal authority with waste removal powers occurred as early as 1751, when Corbyn Morris in London proposed that "... as the preservation of the health of the people is of great importance, it is proposed that the cleaning of this city, should be put under one uniform public management, all the filth be...conveyed by the Thames to proper distance in the country".
However, it was not until the mid-19th century, spurred by devastating cholera outbreaks and the emergence of a public health debate that the first legislation on the issue emerged. Influential in this new focus was the report The Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population in 1842 of the social reformer, Edwin Chadwick, in which he argued for the importance of adequate waste removal and management facilities to improve the health and wellbeing of the city's population. In the UK, the Nuisance Removal and Disease Prevention Act of 1846 began what was to be a evolving process of the provision of regulated waste management in London; the Metropolitan Board of Works was the first citywide authority that centralized sanitation regulation for the expanding city and the Public Health Act 1875 made it compulsory for every household to deposit their weekly waste in "moveable receptacles" for disposal—the first concept for a dust-bin
James Njenga Karume was a Kenyan businessman and politician. He was born in Nakuru District. Njenga Karume was born in 1929 on Lord Delamare's Soysambu ranch in Elementaita, he was the eldest of 8 children to Joseph Karume and Teresia Njeri Karogo who were indentured servants working for colonial white settlers. Njenga's amiable personality was always deep, he had a strong relationship with his grandfather whom he spent most of his childhood days with. There were no schools for Africans in Elementaita; because of that Njenga had to go to school in Ndeiya, Limuru at a school called as Kahuho-Karing'a Primary school, at the beginning of 1942. Keen on pursuing further education, Njenga proceeded to Riara in Kiambu after 3 years at Kahuho, but not before being baptised; as Njenga pursued education back in Central Kenya, his parents moved to Elburgon and settled in Marioson Forest in 1944. He joined them there; as expected in the Kikuyu culture Njenga had reached the age at which he was expected to undergo circumcision.
He was admitted to the STAR age group in 1947. Now considered a full grown man, equipped with some formal education and eager to fend for himself, Njenga decided to start his life and moved back to Rift Valley closer to his parents. Karume's first exposure to business was, he began buying and selling books and other school stationery from a wholesale shop outside the school and resell to his fellow students in school. In his book he claims to have put the school tuck shop out of business. After his education Karume managed to get employment doing clerical work on a farm. A few days before beginning work when he attended a rally between the white farm owners and the workers. In the heat of a debate Njenga managed to ask a question; this saw. It is from on he decided not to be employed, he started trading in charcoal. He had asked his friend the late John Njenga to join him but he flatly refused claiming that it is dirty work and he is too educated to do such business, he continued on his own. He began saving what he earned in the charcoal business to finance his timber business.
Karume held a diploma in business management from Jeans School. While Kenya was still under colonial rule, he formed a wholesale shop on Grogan Road in Nairobi, it was one of the few shops in Kenya operated by indigenous people. He operated the Nararashi Distributors, which distributed the products of the Kenya Breweries Limited. Castle Brewing Kenya Limited, a Kenyan subsidiary of South African Breweries was formed, with Karume appointed its director. Karume himself sought to distribute the products of both companies, but KBL was afraid of the competition and cancelled the distribution contract with Karume. Karume took; the High Court first ordered KBL to pay KSh 231 million in damages, but upon appeal the decision was overturned and Karume was told to pay KBL for the suit. As a result, Karume suffered severe financial hurt, he continued to distribute Castle Beer for a while until SAB left Kenya ending his transport business. Before his death his empire was valued at close to $200 million and includes the Jacaranda Group of Hotels under Jacaranda Holdings Limited, Karume Holdings Limited and Cianda Holdings Limited.
His empire is diversified into three main areas - real estate and agriculture. Karume joined politics in 1974 as a nominated Member of Parliament and in the three subsequent elections held in 1979, 1983 and 1988 Karume vied for and won the Kiambaa constituency seat. Between 1979 and 1988 he served as an assistant minister. Karume was an active figure in the G.e.m.a. Association. While Jomo Kenyatta was still the Kenyan president, in 1976, Karume joined number of other politicians including Kihika Kimani and Paul Ngei forming the "Change the Constitution Movement" attempting to change the Constitution of Kenya such that Vice-president Daniel arap Moi would not inherit the presidency upon Kenyatta's death; this was to prevent a non-Kikuyu president. The movement did not last long. Attorney-General Charles Njonjo charged Karume and other leader of the movement with treason, as "they had imagined the death of the sitting president", forbidden by the Penal Code. President Kenyatta dropped the charges, but at the same time silenced the movement.
At the National Delegates Conference in Kasarani in mid-1991 Karume moved a motion to repeal Section 2A of the Kenyan Constitution – that is, restoration of the multi-party system. President Moi accepted the motion. Karume was reluctant to join the leading opposition force Forum for the Restoration of Democracy, foreseeing its split. Instead, he formed the Democratic Party with Mwai Kibaki and John Keen on 31 December 1991. At the 1992 elections Karume ran on a DP ticket, but lost his seat to Kamau Icharia of FORD–Asili, whose presidential candidate Kenneth Matiba enjoyed higher popularity in his constituency, he regained the parliamentary seat at the 1997 elections running again on DP ticket. For the 2002 Election he won the seat again, but now on KANU ticket, supporting their presidential candidate Uhuru Kenyatta, despite the long-standing friendship with Karume and presidential candidate Kibaki, he won the seat at the 2002 elections. In December 2006, when he was appointed the Minister of Defence.
At the 2007 election he represented the PNU coalition led by President Kibaki, but lost the seat to Stanley Munga Githunguri of KANU. In 2009 he released an autobiography titled ‘Beyond Expectations: From Charcoal to Gold’, he met his first wife Maryanne Waria
The windowpane oyster is a bivalve marine mollusk in the family of Placunidae. They valued more for their shells; the shells have been used for thousands of years as a glass substitute because of their durability and translucence. More they have been used in the manufacture of decorative items such as chandeliers and lampshades. Capiz shells are used as raw materials for glue and varnish. Distribution extends from the shallows of the Gulf of Aden to around the Philippines, where it is abundant in the eponymous province of Capiz; the mollusks are found in muddy or sandy shores, in bays and lagoons to a depth of about 100 m. Populations have been in decline because of destructive methods of fishing and gathering such as trawling, blast fishing and surface-supplied diving. In the Philippines, fisheries are now regulated through permits, size limits and protected habitats. In spite of this, resources continue to be depleted; the nearly flat shells of the capiz can grow to over 150 mm in diameter, reaching maturity between 70 to 100 mm.
The shell is secured by a V-shaped ligament. Males and females are distinguished by the color of the gonads. Fertilization is external and larvae are free-swimming like plankton for 14 days or attached to surfaces via byssal thread during metamorphosis settling on the bottom, they consume plankton filtered from the water passing through their opened shell. Aside from being abundant in the province of Capiz, capiz shells are abundant in the island of Samal in the Philippines, where 500 tons of capiz shells are harvested every other year; the capiz shells found around the island are harvested and transformed into various decorative products. As early as 2005, the residents of the island were trained to sustain the industry. Oyster