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Fiona pinnata

Fiona pinnata, common name Fiona, is a species of small pelagic nudibranch, a marine gastropod mollusk in the superfamily Fionoidea. This nudibranch species lives worldwide on floating objects on seas, feeds on barnacles goose barnacles in the genus Lepas; the anatomy of this species is unusual. It is the only named member of the genus Fiona but a 2016 study showed that this species is a species complex; the family Fionidae was expanded in 2016 to include Tergipedidae and Calmidae as a result of a molecular phylogenetics study. Features that are characteristic of the genus Fiona include the similar-looking oral tentacles and rhinophores; that one denticle has a few surrounding cusps. Fiona pinnata is found in all seas worldwide, on many different kinds of floating objects; the type locality is the island location of Sitka, Alaska, on the extreme northwestern coast of North America. A 2016 study did not name the segregate species. Various names have been created for this species. Limax by Peter Forsskål from 1775 was preoccupied by Johan Ernst Gunnerus in 1770.

Alder and Hancock's 1851 name Oithona was preccupied by a Cyclopoid genus from W. Baird in 1843, so in 1855 they chose instead Fiona from a character in Ossian. Harold John Finlay proposed a new genus Dolicheolis for one of those synonyms Eolidia longicauda in 1927; the body is oblong-elliptical. The length of the body is about 20 mm, but the largest reported size of the body is 50 mm. Dimensions of a specimen with a total length of 31.7 mm are as follows: 17.7 mm is the body to the tip of cerata, the length of the foot is 14.4 mm, the tail at the end of the foot is 14 mm. The colour of the head and body ranges from white to purple depending on its food; the foot rounded in front and produced into a fine point behind. The margin of the foot is thin and crumpled, except near the head, where it is simple, it is divided in front, but not produced into propodial tentacles. The cerata are numerous, with a membranous fringe on the inner sides. Cerata may seem to be without apparent order but they are set in oblique rows containing from four to six cerata.

There are small cerata near the margins of the body. Cerata on the sides of the back are dark brown, each margined with white; the cerata have no cnidosacs. They are compressed towards the base. Fiona pinnata has no eyes; the rhinophores resemble the oral tentacles. They are distant, subulate and they project outward, they are not retractile, are without pockets. The oral tentacles are shorter, thickened at the base, projecting laterally and horizontally and curved backward; the mouth is situated on the inferior surface of the head. The mouth is small and the external lip is divided behind on the median line; the anus is between the cerata on the right side of the body, its opening is directing dorsally. The genital opening is separate. Joshua Alder and Albany Hancock described the tissues of Fiona pinnata as being tough and firm. Digestive system: The channel leading from mouth to the buccal mass is short and constricted; these glands lie beneath the stomach and extend halfway down the body. That on the right side is less than the other, is somewhat tubular, — distinctly so towards its termination.

The position of these glands is unusual, but there are other species like Doto fragilis, that open into the channel of the mouth in advance of the buccal mass. The buccal mass is small, rather long and irregularly elliptical. There are two corneous plates or jaws. at the sides of the buccal mass. It is prolonged behind for the reception of the posterior portion of the radula, there are muscles are arranged around. Muscles are from dorsal view extensively developed, forming a dense mass, the fibres passing transversely and have their extremities inserted into the dorsal margins of the jaws; these muscles assist in the motion of the jaws. Muscles for moving the whole buccal mass forward are composed of flattened and isolated bands with their extremities attached to the posterior margin of the jaws and to the muscles forming the walls of the channel of the mouth. Fiona pinnata has two corneous jaws, with a denticulate cutting-edge; the posterior portion is flattened. The corneous plates are little short of the size of the buccal mass, much elongated, well arched and ovate..

They are smooth, of a brownish amber colour, darkest towards the anterior extremity, which gives support to the cutting blade. This is a winglike appendage of no great size, terminating below in a free point, having the cutting margin arched forward and nearly at right angles to the general direction of the plate. Above is a small process or fulcrum — the point at which the two plates are articulated. Behind this point there is the dorsal margin of the plates is reflected and expanded into an arched lobe for muscular attachment; the length of the jaw is 2.8 mm. The maximum width and maximum height of the jaw is 1.3 mm. The radula is supported on a fleshy r

James M. Buchanan

James McGill Buchanan Jr. was an American economist known for his work on public choice theory, for which he received the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences in 1986. Buchanan's work initiated research on how politicians' and bureaucrats' self-interest, utility maximization, other non-wealth-maximizing considerations affect their decision-making, he was a member of the Board of Advisors of The Independent Institute as well as of the Institute of Economic Affairs, a member of the Mont Pelerin Society, a Distinguished Senior Fellow of the Cato Institute, professor at George Mason University. Buchanan was born in Murfreesboro, the eldest child of James and Lila Buchanan, a family of Scotch-Irish descent, he was a grandson of a governor of Tennessee in the 1890s. He attended Middle Tennessee State Teachers College in 1940 by living at home and working on the farm. Buchanan completed his M. S. at the University of Tennessee in 1941. He served in the United States Navy on the staff of Admiral Chester W. Nimitz in Honolulu during the war years, when he met Anne Bakke, whom he married on October 5, 1945.

Anne, of Norwegian descent, was working as a nurse at the military base in Hawaii. She died in 2005. Buchanan identified as a socialist in his youth and was unaware of the University of Chicago's strong market-oriented approach to economics, his studies there under Frank H. Knight, converted him to "a zealous advocate of the market order". Buchanan received his Ph. D. from the University of Chicago in 1948 with a thesis on "Fiscal Equity in a Federal State", influenced by Knight. It was at Chicago that he first read and found enlightening the work of Swedish economist Knut Wicksell. Photographs of Knight and Wicksell hung on his office walls after. Buchanan’s original political and economic views leaned socialist and were reinforced by his stint spent in the Navy. While serving in the military, Buchanan felt soldiers from the south and west regions were discriminated against in favor of soldiers from the New England region, he believed the soldiers from the north-east universities were viewed as a part of the establishment and received promotions to officer because of their affiliations.

Buchanan would state in an interview with Karen Horn, “Out of the 20 boys from the establishment universities, 12 or 13 were picked. Against a background of a total of 600, it was overtly discriminatory towards those of us who were not members of the establishment,”. Buchanan went so far to say he would have became a communist, if he was approached by a recruiter. Buchanan would go on to say that his socialist views were less "pro government" and more "anti-big business", his ideology did not change until attending The University of Chicago, where he began studying under Frank Knight. He started to advocate for a free market system. Buchanan was the founder of a new Virginia school of political economy, he taught at the University of Virginia from 1956–1968, where he founded the Thomas Jefferson Center for Studies in Political Economy. From 1955 to 1956 he was a Fulbright Scholar in Italy, he taught at UCLA 1968–1969, followed by Virginia Tech 1969–1983, where he held the title Distinguished Professor of Economics and founded the Center for the Study of Public Choice.

In 1983, a conflict with Economics Department head Daniel M. Orr came to a head, Buchanan took the CSPC to its new home at George Mason University, where he retired with emeritus status, he taught at Florida State University and the University of Tennessee. In 1969 Buchanan became the first director of the Center for the Study of Public Choice, he was president of the Southern Economic Association in 1963 and of the Western Economic Association in 1983 and 1984, vice president of the American Economic Association in 1971. In 1988, Buchanan returned to Hawaii for the first time since World War II and gave a series of lectures published by the University Press. Buchanan died January 9, 2013, in Blacksburg, Virginia, at age 93; the New York Times commented that the Nobel Prize-winning economist who championed public choice theory influenced a "generation of conservative thinking about deficits and the size of government". The Badische Zeitung called Buchanan, who showed how politicians undermine fair and simple tax systems, the "founder of the new political economy".

He and his wife held close family ties with his sisters and nephews. 1986: Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for "development of the contractual and constitutional bases for the theory of economic and political decision making" 2001: Honorary doctoral degree from Universidad Francisco Marroquín, in Guatemala City, for contribution to economics 2006 National Humanities Medal "...honors individuals or groups whose work has deepened the nation's understanding of the humanities and broadened our citizens' engagement with history, languages and other humanities subjects." Buchanan's legacy lives on through a fellowship program at the University Honors College of Middle Tennessee State University. He is considered a founder of public choice theory. Buchanan's work focused on public finance, the public debt, rigorous analysis of the theory of logrolling, constitutional economics, libertarian theory. Buchanan was responsible for the rebirth of political economy as a scholarly pursuit, he emphasized that public policy cannot be considered in terms of distribution, but is instead always a matter of s

Hundred Flowers Campaign

The Hundred Flowers Campaign termed the Hundred Flowers Movement, was a period in 1956 in the People's Republic of China during which the Communist Party of China encouraged citizens to express their opinions of the communist regime. Differing views and solutions to national policy were encouraged based on the famous expression by Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong: "The policy of letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend is designed to promote the flourishing of the arts and the progress of science"; the movement was in part a response to the demoralization of intellectuals, who felt estranged from the Communist Party. After this brief period of liberalization, Mao cracked down on those who criticized the communist regime; the crackdown continued through 1957–1959 as an Anti-Rightist Campaign against those who were critical of the regime and its ideology. Those targeted were publicly condemned to prison labor camps; the ideological crackdown following the campaign's failure re-imposed Maoist orthodoxy in public expression, catalyzed the Anti-Rightist Movement.

Observers differ as to whether Mao was genuinely surprised by the extent and seriousness of the criticism, or whether The Hundred Flowers Campaign was in fact a premeditated effort to identify and silence critics of the regime. During the summer, Mao had superseded Zhou Enlai to take control; the idea was to have intellectuals discuss the country's problems in order to promote new forms of arts and new cultural institutions. Mao, however saw this as the chance to promote socialism, he believed that after discussion it would be apparent that socialist ideology was the dominant ideology over capitalism amongst non-communist Chinese, would thus propel the development and spread of the goals of socialism. The beginning of the Hundred Flowers Movement was marked by a speech titled On the Correct Handling of the Contradictions Among the People, in which Mao displayed open support for the campaign, saying "Our society cannot back down, it could only progress... criticism of the bureaucracy is pushing the government towards the better."

The speech, published on February 27, 1957, encouraged people to vent their criticisms as long as they were "constructive" rather than "hateful and destructive". The name of the movement originated in a poem: "Let a hundred flowers bloom. Mao had used this to signal what he had wanted from the intellectuals of the country, for different and competing ideologies to voice their opinions about the issues of the day, he alluded to the Warring States period when numerous schools of thought competed for ideological, not military, supremacy. Confucianism and Taoism had gained prominence, socialism would now stand to its test. Historians debate whether Mao's motivations for launching the campaign were genuine; some find it possible that Mao had pure intentions, but decided to utilize the opportunity to destroy criticism. Historian Jonathan Spence suggests that the campaign was the culmination of a muddled and convoluted dispute within the Party regarding how to address dissent; the campaign publicly began in late 1956.

In the opening stage of the movement, issues discussed were minor and unimportant in the grand scheme. The Central Government did not receive much criticism, although there was a significant rise in letters of conservative advice. Premier Zhou Enlai received some of these letters, once again realized that, although the campaign had gained notable publicity, it was not progressing as had been hoped. Zhou approached Mao about the situation, stating that more encouragement was needed from the central bureaucracy to lead the intellectuals into further discussion. By the spring of 1957, Mao had announced that criticism was "preferred" and had begun to mount pressure on those who did not turn in healthy criticism on policy to the Central Government; the reception with intellectuals was immediate, they began voicing concerns without any taboo. In the period from May 1 to June 7, 1957, millions of letters were pouring into the Premier's Office and other authorities. People spoke out by putting up posters around campuses, rallying in the streets, holding meetings for CPC members, publishing magazine articles.

For example, students at Peking University created a "Democratic Wall" on which they criticized the CPC with posters and letters. "They protested CPC control over intellectuals, the harshness of previous mass campaigns such as that against counterrevolutionaries, the slavish following of Soviet models, the low standards of living in China, the proscription of foreign literature, economic corruption among party cadres, the fact that'Party members many privileges which make them a race apart'". In July 1957, Mao ordered a halt to the campaign. By that time, Mao had witnessed Nikita Khrushchev denouncing Joseph Stalin and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, events by which he felt threatened. Mao's earlier speech, On the Correct Handling of the Contradictions Among the People, was changed and appeared on as an anti-rightist piece in itself; the campaign made a lasting impact on Mao's ideological perception. Mao, known to be more ideological and theoretical, less pragmatic and practical, continued to attempt to solidify socialist ideals in future movements, in the case of the Cultural Revolution, employed more violent means.

Another result of the Hundred Flowers Campaign was that it discouraged dissent and made intellectuals reluctant t

Leucine dehydrogenase

In enzymology, a leucine dehydrogenase is an enzyme that catalyzes the chemical reaction L-leucine + H2O + NAD+ ⇌ 4-methyl-2-oxopentanoate + NH3 + NADH + H+The 3 substrates of this enzyme are L-leucine, H2O, NAD+, whereas its 4 products are 4-methyl-2-oxopentanoate, NH3, NADH, H+. This enzyme belongs to the family of oxidoreductases those acting on the CH-NH2 group of donors with NAD+ or NADP+ as acceptor; the systematic name of this enzyme class is L-leucine:NAD+ oxidoreductase. Other names in common use include L-leucine dehydrogenase, L-leucine:NAD+ oxidoreductase and LeuDH; this enzyme participates in valine and isoleucine degradation and valine and isoleucine biosynthesis. As of late 2007, only one structure has been solved for this class of enzymes, with the PDB accession code 1LEH. Sanwal BD, Zink MW. "L-Leucine dehydrogenase of Bacillus cereus". Arch. Biochem. Biophys. 94: 430–435. Doi:10.1016/0003-986190070-4. Zink MW, Sanwal BD. "The distribution and substrate specificity of L-leucine dehydrogenase".

Arch. Biochem. Biophys. 99: 72–77. Doi:10.1016/0003-986190245-X

Arturo Colombi

Arturo Colombi is an Argentine Radical Civic Union politician, former governor of Corrientes Province. Born in Mercedes and educated at the National University of the Northeast with a degree in civil engineering, Colombi served as provincial Minister of Public Works in the administration of then-governor, his cousin Ricardo Colombi, he was elected governor of the province in 2005, when Ricardo Colombi resigned to stand for a seat in the Argentine Chamber of Deputies. Colombi was a leading UCR supporter of Peronist President Néstor Kirchner, led the Frente de Todos coalition between the UCR and justicialists in the October 2005 elections, supported by Kirchner. In 2007, he led the Corrientes Province party list supported by presidential candidate Cristina Fernández de Kirchner in elections to congressional seats, but was opposed by his cousin and former ally, Ricardo Colombi. Like his ally, Vice-President Julio Cobos, Colombi became estranged from the Kirchners during the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the agricultural sector.

His bid to for re-election as governor in 2009 was in opposition to both Kirchnerism and to the UCR, which nominated Ricardo Colombi. Amid both family and political acrimony, the latter won the election in the second round, Arturo Colombi left office without attending his successor's inaugural. Corrientes Province Campaign website