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Windhoek is the capital and largest city of the Republic of Namibia. It is located in central Namibia in the Khomas Highland plateau area, at around 1,700 metres above sea level exactly at the country's geographical centre; the population of Windhoek in 2011 was 325,858, growing continually due to an influx from all over Namibia. The city developed at the site of a permanent hot spring known to the indigenous pastoral communities, it developed after Jonker Afrikaner, Captain of the Orlam, settled here in 1840 and built a stone church for his community. In the decades following, multiple wars and armed hostilities resulted in the neglect and destruction of the new settlement. Windhoek was founded a second time in 1890 by Imperial German Army Major Curt von François, when the territory was colonised by the German Empire. Windhoek is the social, economic and cultural centre of the country. Nearly every Namibian national enterprise, governmental body and cultural institution is headquartered there.

Theories vary on. Most believe. Another theory suggests that Captain Jonker Afrikaner named Windhoek after the Winterhoek Mountains at Tulbagh in South Africa, where his ancestors had lived; the first known mention of the name Windhoek was in a letter from Jonker Afrikaner to Joseph Tindall, dated 12 August 1844. In 1840 Jonker Afrikaner established an Orlam settlement at Windhoek, he and his followers stayed near one of the main hot springs, located in the present-day Klein Windhoek suburb. He built a stone church. Two Rhenish missionaries, Carl Hugo Hahn and Franz Heinrich Kleinschmidt, started working there in late 1842. Two years they were driven out by two Methodist Wesleyans, Richard Haddy and Joseph Tindall. Gardens were laid for a while Windhoek prospered. Wars between the Nama and Herero peoples destroyed the settlement. After a long absence, Hahn visited Windhoek again in 1873 and was dismayed to see that nothing remained of the town's former prosperity. In June 1885, a Swiss botanist found only jackals and starving guinea fowl amongst neglected fruit trees.

In 1878, Britain annexed Walvis Bay and incorporated it into the Cape of Good Hope colony in 1884, but Britain did not extend its influence into the interior. A request by merchants from Lüderitzbucht resulted in the declaration of a German protectorate over what was called German South West Africa in 1884; the borders of the German colony were determined in 1890 and Germany sent a protective corps, the Schutztruppe under Major Curt von François, to maintain order. Von François stationed his garrison at Windhoek, strategically situated as a buffer between the Nama and Herero peoples; the twelve strong springs provided water for the cultivation of produce and grains. Colonial Windhoek was founded on 18 October 1890, when von François fixed the foundation stone of the fort, now known as the Alte Feste. After 1907, development accelerated as indigenous people migrated from the countryside to the growing town to seek work. More European settlers arrived from South Africa. Businesses were erected on Kaiser Street, along the dominant mountain ridge over the city.

At this time, Windhoek's three castles, Heinitzburg and Schwerinsburg, were built. The German colonial era came to an end during World War I when South African troops occupied Windhoek in May 1915 on behalf of the British Empire. For the next five years, a South African military government administered South West Africa, it was assigned to the United Kingdom as a mandate territory by the newly formed League of Nations, South Africa administered it. Development of the city of Windhoek and the nation to be known as Namibia came to a virtual standstill. After World War II, Windhoek's development gained momentum, as more capital became available to improve the area's economy. After 1955, large public projects were undertaken, such as the building of new schools and hospitals, tarring of the city's roads, the building of dams and pipelines to stabilise the water supply; the city introduced the world's first potable re-use plant in 1958, treating recycled sewage and sending it directly into the town's water supply.

On 1 October 1966 the Administrator of South West Africa granted Windhoek the coat of arms, registered on 2 October 1970 with the South African Bureau of Heraldry. A stylized aloe was the principal emblem, but this was amended to a natural aloe on 15 September 1972; the Coat of Arms is described as "a Windhoek aloe with a raceme of three flowers on an island. Crest: A mural crown Or. Motto: SUUM CUIQUE". Windhoek formally received its town privileges on 18 October 1965 on the occasion of the 75th anniversary of the second foundation of the town by von François. Since independence in 1990, Windhoek has remained the national capital, as well as the provincial capital of the central Khomas Region. Since independence and the end of warfare, the city has had accelerated development. Expanding the town area has – apart from financial restrictions – proven to be challenging due to its geographical location. In southern and western directions, Windhoek is surrounded by rocky, mountainous areas, which make land development costly.

The southern side is not suitable for industrial development because of the presence of underground aquifers. This leaves the vast Brakwater area north of town the only feasible place for Windhoek's expansion. Windhoek's City Council has

Neoclassical realism

Neoclassical realism is an approach to foreign policy analysis. Coined by Gideon Rose in a 1998 World Politics review article, it is a combination of classical realist and neorealist – defensive realist – theories. Neoclassical realism holds that the actions of a state in the international system can be explained by intervening systemic variables – such as the distribution of power capabilities among states – as well as cognitive variables – such as the perception and misperception of systemic pressures, other states' intentions, or threats – and domestic variables – such as state institutions and societal actors within society – affecting the power and freedom of action of the decision-makers in foreign policy. While holding true to the realist concept of balance of power, neoclassical realism further adds that states' mistrust and inability to perceive one another or state leaders' inability to mobilize state power and public support can result in an underexpansion or underbalancing behaviour leading to imbalances within the international system, the rise and fall of great powers, war: Appropriate balancing occurs when a state perceives another state's intentions and balances accordingly.

Inappropriate balancing or overbalancing occurs when a state incorrectly perceives another state as threatening, uses more resources than it needs to in order to balance. This causes an imbalance. Underbalancing occurs when a state fails to balance, out of either inefficiency or incorrectly perceiving a state as less of threat than it is; this causes an imbalance. Nonbalancing occurs when a state avoids balancing through buck passing, bandwagoning, or other escapes. A state may choose to do this including an inability to balance. According to one review study, Neoclassical realism has been criticized for its "apparent ontological and epistemological incoherence". A 1995 study criticized Neoclassical realism for encompassing "nearly the entire universe of international relations theory" and stretching realism "beyond all recognition or utility." According to Steven Walt of the Kennedy School at Harvard University, one of the chief flaws in Neoclassical realism is that it "tends to incorporate domestic variables in an ad hoc manner, its proponents have yet to identify when these variables have greater or lesser influence".

Neoclassical realism has been used to explain a number of puzzling foreign policy cases, such as the volatility in South Korea-Japan relations, Fascist Italy's foreign policy, Slobodan Milosevic's decision-making during the 1999 Kosovo crisis, the occurrence of the Cod Wars between Iceland and the United Kingdom, Iran's foreign policy choices after the American invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Proponents of the theory argue that the theory is valuable in explaining cases that fly in the face of other international relations theories, due to its incorporation of domestic variables. Persons mentioned as neoclassical realists, the year of the release of the work associated with this classification include: William Wohlforth Thomas J. Christensen Alastair J. H. Murray Gideon Rose Randall Schweller Fareed Zakaria Robert Jervis Colin Dueck Steven Lobell Asle Toje Tom Dyson Jeffrey Taliaferro Nicholas Kitchen Robert Wishart Henrik Larsen War termination Notes Further readingChristensen, Thomas.

Useful Adversaries: Grand Strategy, Domestic Mobilization, Sino-American Conflict, 1947-1958 Dyson, Tom. "Neoclassical Realism and Defence Reform in Post-Cold War Europe" Lobell, Steven E.. ‘Systemic Pressures and Domestic Ideas: A Neoclassical Realist Model of Grand Strategy Formation’, Review of International Studies, 36 no. 1, 117-143. Meibauer, Linde Desmaele, Tudor Onea, Nicholas Kitchen, Michiel Foulon, Alexander Reichwein, Jennifer Sterling-Folker, 2020. "Forum: Rethinking Neoclassical Realism at Theory's End." International Studies Review. Rose, Gideon. "Neoclassical Realism and Theories of Foreign Policy," World Politics, 51, pp. 144–172 Smith, Nicholas Ross. "Can Neoclassical Realism Become a Genuine Theory of International Relations?," The Journal of Politics 2018 Schweller, Randall. "Unanswered Threats: Political Constraints on the Balance of Power Toje and Kunz, Barbara Neoclassical Realism in European Politics: Bringing Power Back In Wohlworth, William. The Elusive Balance: Power and Perceptions during the Cold War Zakaria, Fareed.

From Wealth to Power: The Unusual Origins of America's World Role

His Name Was King

His Name Was King is a 1971 Italian Western film directed by Giancarlo Romitelli and starring Klaus Kinski. The bounty killer "King" Marley kills one of the Benson brothers, who are wanted smugglers. In retaliation the Bensons kill rape his sister-in-law. While King goes after the gang the widow is taken in by King's friend sheriff Foster, she is raped again by his deputy, killed by Foster. The government agent Collins has King arrested, but this turns out to be a ruse to catch the real boss of the smuggling activities, which in fact is Foster. Collins assists King in the final reckoning with the sheriff. Richard Harrison as John'King' Marley Klaus Kinski as Brian Foster Anne Puskin Tom Felleghy Lorenzo Fineschi Vassili Karis John Bartha Federico Boido Giorgio Dolfin Paolo Magalotti Osiride Pevarello Luciano Pigozzi as Mr. Collins Ada Pometti Sergio Smacchi Goffredo Unger Marco Zuanelli In his investigation of narrative structures in Spaghetti Western films, Fridlund writes that His Name Was King is an example of vengeance stories with an "external second motive", where there besides the avenger is a second protagonist with a different motive.

This is a variant of the partnership plot, used in many Spaghetti Westerns following the success of For a Few Dollars More where one of the bounty killer partners turns out to have a secret vengeance motive. In His Name Was King the different motivations of Collins and King in the end brings them together - the initial conflict being a stratagem by Collins. In the seminal Django the hero has two conflicting motives that influence the plot, while King's two motives do not come into conflict, thus presenting a weaker version of such an "internal second motive", his Name Was King on IMDb

Higher education in Japan

Higher education in Japan is provided at universities, junior colleges, colleges of technology and special training schools and community colleges. Of these four types of institutions, only universities and junior colleges are considered postsecondary education providers; the modern Japanese higher education system has undergone numerous changes since the Meiji period and was modeled after Western countries such as Germany, France and the United States with traditional Japanese pedagogical elements to create a unique Japanese model to serve its national needs. The Japanese higher education system differs from higher education in most other countries in many significant ways. Key differences include the method of acceptance, which relies entirely on one or two tests, as opposed to the usage of GPAs or percentages or other methods of assessment and evaluation of prospective applicants used in Western countries; as students only have one chance to take this test each year, there is an enormous amount of pressure to do well on this test, the majority of senior high school education is dedicated to doing well on this single test.

Japanese students are faced with immense pressure to succeed academically from their parents, teachers and society. This is a result of a society that has long placed a great amount of importance on higher education, a system that places all of its weight upon a single examination that has significant life-long consequences towards one's socioeconomic status, promising marriage prospects, a respectable white collar professional career path. Another major difference is graduate school, as few non-science undergraduate students go to graduate school in Japan; this is because graduate schools for non-science students are considered useful only to those who want to work in academia. This has changed a little since the turn of the 21st century; the law has changed to require those who want to become lawyers to attend a graduate school the Japanese government has designated a law school. Lawyers only had to pass the bar exam, which undergraduate students could take. Major universities have opened business schools, though few Japanese students attend these because most Japanese corporations still don't regard graduate students as much more qualified than undergraduate students.

For this reason, they are attended by foreign students from neighboring East Asian countries South Korea and China. Unlike higher education in some other countries, public universities are regarded as more prestigious than private universities the National Seven Universities; as the Japanese economy is scientific and technological based, the labor market demands people who have achieved some form of higher education related to science and engineering in order to gain a competitive edge when searching for employment. According to the MEXT, the percentage of Japanese going on to any higher education institution in the eighteen-year-old cohort was 80.6 percent, with 52.6 percent of students going on to a university, 4.7 percent to a junior college, 0.9 percent to a college of technology and the remaining 22.4 percent attending a correspondence school, the University of the Air or a specialized training college. The modern Japanese higher education system was adapted from a number of methods and ideas inspired from Western education systems that were integrated with their traditional Shinto and Confucianist pedagogical philosophies.

Throughout the 19th and 20th century, many major reforms were introduced in the field of higher education across Japan, which contributed to individual work of students as well as the nation's overall originality, individuality and internationalization of higher education. Plunging itself through an active process of Westernization during the Meiji Restoration in 1868, Japan sought to revitalize its entire education system at the higher education level to transmit Western knowledge for modern industrialization. Many Japanese students were sent abroad to Europe to study as were a number of foreign scholars from Western countries were introduced to Japan as well. During the 1880s, Japan sought to search for a higher education system prototype to model in order to suit its national needs. In 1881, the government decided to convert its institutional model, influenced from a variety of Western countries such as Great Britain, the United States and France, to a German model as the Prussian-oriented model of higher education interested the Meiji government at the time.

Germany served as the largest inspiration for the modern Japanese higher education system, as German universities were regarded as one of the most innovative in all of Europe in addition to 19th-century Germany being close to Japan in its goals for industrialization. Furthermore, the Meiji government admired the German government bureaucracy dominated by law school graduates, it sought to absorb the German prototype into the unique Japanese model. Inspired by the American and French models on top of a predominantly-German prototype, its modern higher education system became an catalyzing impetus that propelled Japan's development as a major world power during the late 19th and the early 20th centuries. At the higher education level, Japan sought to incorporate a number of higher education ideas to suit its national needs. Many books and documents from the West were translated and foreign professors were common during the Meiji era t

List of Regional Expressways of China

This is a list of Regional Expressway of China. Numbered: All expressways are ordered by number. Unnumbered: All expressways are ordered by direction, starting from north or east. Anhui Expressway Numbering Plan 2016-2030 S5 was Xuantong Expressway S0711 was Siwu Expressway S8 was Mengbo Expressway S1111 was Ningjing Expressway S2212 was Ninghe Expressway S24 was Changhe Expressway S32 was Xuantong Expressway Fujian Expressway Numbering Plan 2009-2030 Fujian Expressway Network Plan 2016-2030 S1522 was Pingtan Connecting Line S2525 was Sanming Connecting Line Former numbers: S1 Lanzhou-Yingpanguan / Lanying Expressway S2 Lanzhou-Langmusi / Lanlang Expressway S11 Qingcheng - Wuqi / Qingwu Expressway S13 Pingliang - Baoji / Pingbao Expressway S15 Pingliang - Wudu / Pingwu Expressway S10 Wuwei-Jinchang / Wujin Expressway S12 Baiyin-Zhongchuan Airport / Baizhong Expressway Hebei Expressway Numbering Plan 2013-2030Hebei Expressway Network Plan 2016-2030 S51 was Qiancao Expressway S52 was Erqin Expressway S53 was Tangqian Expressway S54 was Zhangshang Expressway S55 was Kecheng Expressway S56 was Xuanda Expressway S58 was Yuxian Liaison Line S62 was Beidaihe Airport Expressway S65 was Jingba Expressway S67 was Gucheng Liaison Line S69 was Zhangxin Expressway and Anxin Expressway S73 was Shizan Expressway S74 was Jinxu Expressway S76 was Dinghuang Expressway and Qugang Expressway S9902 was Shijiazhuang Liaison Line Heilongjiang Expressway Numbering Plan 2015-2030 S11 was Jianji Expressway S12 was Yijia Expressway and thereafter Yiqi Expressway S16 was Yixing Expressway Henan Expressway Numbering Plan 2015-2030Henan Expressway Network Plan 2016-2030 S26 was Fanhui Expressway S49 was Jiaotong Expressway and Lintong Expressway and Linru Expressway S57 was Mianluan Expressway S62 was Huaixin Expressway S81 was Shangzhou Expressway S85 was Zhengshaoluo Expressway and Zhenglu Expressway S86 was Yuanjiao Expressway and Lanjiao Expressway and Lanyuan Expressway S88 was Wuxi Expressway and Zhengxi Expressway and Zhengxi Expressway S89 was Jixi Expressway S91 was Anyang Northwest City Ring Expressway S92 was Xinhui Expressway S97 was Luolu Expressway S98 was Neideng Expressway S99 was Qukou Expressway Jiangsu Expressway Numbering Plan 2017-2035 S35 was Taizhen Expressway S45 was Yihang Expressway S75 was Fuxingtai Branch Line S82 was Zhangjiaganggang Port Expressway S83 was Wuxi Branch Line S85 was Liyang Branch Line S92 was Jinhu Branch Line Jilin Expressway Numbering Plan 2011-2030Jilin Expressway Numbering Plan 2014-2030 Liaoning Expressway List on Chinese Wiki S20 was Dengliao Expressway S22 was Antai Expressway Ningxia Expressway Numbering Plan 2015-2030 Shandong Expressway Numbering Plan 2009-2030 Shandong Expressway Network Plan 2015-2030 S14 was Gaoxing Expressway S21 was Xinwei Expressway S27 was Huangzhan Expressway S29 was Binlai Expressway S31 was Taixin Expressway S37 was Jiqi Expressway Shanghai Expressway Numbering Plan 2009-2030 Shanxi Expressway Numbering Plan 2009-2030Shanxi Expressway Network Plan 2012-2030 S50 was Pinglin Expressway S60 was Yuqi Expressway S86 was Jinyang Expressway Sichuan Expressway Numbering Plan 2017-2030 S2 was Chengbashaan Expressway S8 was Chengqiongkang Expressway S41 was Neiyibi Expressway S49 was Mianzhong Expressway S63 was Puyizhao Expressway S66 was Longle Expressway S1 Lhasa–Gonggar Expressway Xinjiang Expressway Numbering Plan 2016-2030 Zhejiang Expressway Numbering Plan 2010-2030Lishui Expressway Plan 2014-2030 S7 was Changjia Expressway S8 was Ciyu Expressway S9 was Sushao Expressway S27 was Dongyong Expressway S32 was Qianhuang Expressway S37 was Qingyuan Branch Line There are 160.9 kilometres of expressways in Hong Kong.

Macau has fewer than 50 kilometres of highways, many of which are controlled access. For more see Highways in Macau. Expressways of China List of NTHS Expressways List of auxiliary NTHS Expressways

KMFM Maidstone

KMFM Maidstone is an Independent Local Radio serving the town of Maidstone and the surrounding areas in Kent, South East England. It is the Maidstone region of the KMFM radio network, containing local advertisements and sponsorships for the area amongst a countywide schedule of programming; the station began life as a public broadcast of Maidstone Hospital Radio, operated in the early 1990s under a Restricted Service Licence. Timed to coincide with the town's annual river festival, the service was known as Maidstone Festival Radio. Following a disagreement with the NHS Trust that operated the hospital radio station, Maidstone Festival Radio set up their own studio before changing the station's name to CTR FM. At the request of the Radio Authority, it was rebranded a second time to 20/20fm, following concerns that the station could be confused with the named 106CTFM which had just launched a full-time service in Canterbury. Six applications were filed for a new Maidstone and Mid-Kent licence by January 2003, with the winning application being declared as Maidstone Radio Ltd in the spring.

The station launched full-time on 18 October 2003, reverting to CTR 105.6, under the directorship of former TLR 107.2 programme controller Jon Maxfield and many former KM Radio employees. Mike Russell was the first voice on air in 2003. CTR's launch line-up featured many of the members of the original RSLs; the station was sold to the KM Group in November 2006 and rebranded as KMFM Maidstone on 12 September 2007. The station moved its studios and presenters, along with those of KMFM West Kent, to the KMFM Medway studios in 2008, following Ofcom approval; the sales team are still based at the KM office in Maidstone. The licence was extended for another four years in April 2010, taking it to 17 October 2015. Like the rest of the KMFM network, the station was relaunched in September 2010 with new jingles, schedule changes and more emphasis on music; the KMFM network switched to a contemporary hit radio format in 2012 following the merging of KMFM Extra with KMFM. The music now focuses on Top 40 hits, contains a lot more dance and R&B than before.

All programming across the KMFM network is now shared across all seven stations following OFCOM approval in February 2012. The local breakfast show, by the only local show on the station, was replaced by a county-wide show on 12 March 2012; until 2007 KMFM Maidstone produced its own programmes during daytimes, before it joined up with KMFM West Kent to network all programmes other than breakfast. The stations joined together with KMFM Medway to create a West Kent network in April 2009, before all programmes apart from weekday/Saturday breakfast and Sunday afternoons were networked across all KMFM stations in September 2009. In July 2010, Saturday breakfast and Sunday afternoons became networked; the breakfast show for Maidstone was merged with that of West Kent in January 2011. News bulletins come from the KMFM News Centre in the Medway studios on the hour from 6am - 6pm on weekdays, 8am - 1pm on weekends. National news bulletins come from Sky News Radio outside these times. Traffic and travel updates are broadcast just before the hour, every 20 minutes between 7am - 9am and 4pm - 7pm.

KMFM Maidstone